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" There is the moral of all human tales, 
'Tis but the same rehearsal of the past, 

First freedom, and then glory ; when that fails, 
Wealth, vice, corruption, — barbarism at last; 
And History, with all her volumes vast, 

Hath but one page." 



188 0, 

By Estes & Lauriat. 

Electrotyped at the Boston Stereotype Foundry, 
No. 4 Pearl Street. 



It is usual to classify governments under three types — 
government by one person, government by a few privileged 
persons, and government by the people; or, in a word, 
governments are either Monarchic, Aristocratic, or Demo- 
cratic. The extreme poles of government are, there- 
fore, pure despotisms on the one hand, and pure democracies 
on the other. Between these two extremes are found most 
of the extinct and existing forms of government. 

In history, nearly all governments, not monarchical, are 
termed Republics. Sparta, during her independence, espe- 
cially while under the rule of the Magistrates and Senate ; 
Athens, just after the times of Solon; and the Italian re- 
publics, notably those of Venice and Genoa, were so thor- 
oughly governed by the aristocracy, that by some writers 
they have been excluded from the rank of republics ; still, 
in this treatise they are regarded as republics. 

It is worthy of note also that republics are of two types — 
centralized and non-centralized. When the general gov- 
ernment represents the sovereignty of the people, indepen- 
dent of local governments, and when the power of the 
whole nation — as in case of France and the republics of 
South America — is exercised by a general government, 



we have what is termed a centralized republic. But when 
the general government — as, for instance, that of the Greek 
republics, the free cities of Germany, and the United States 
— is restricted constitutionally so as not to control or inter- 
fere in certain respects with the local governments of the 
several states, and when the voice of the different states is 
necessary in order to accomplish certain measures in behalf 
of the general government — then the republic is termed 



Introductory 1 




I. Israelitisii Commonwealth 5 

II. Grecian Republics 12 

III. Carthage 28 

IV. Rome 3G 




I. Lombard Communes ; Genoa ; Venice ; Amalfi ; 

Free Cities of Germany; Iceland ... 61 

II. Republic of the United Provinces; French 

Republic of 1792-1804 81 





I. European Republics. 

San Marino ; Andorra ; Switzerland : 
France 97 

II. African Republics. 

Liberia ; Orange River Free State ; 
Transvaal Republic 114 

III. American Republics. 

i. Mexico. 

ii. Central America : Guatemala; Hondu- 
ras ; San Salvador ; Nicaragua ; Costa Rica, 1 18 

IV. American Republics (Continued). 

i. South America: Venezuela; Colombia; 
Ecuador; Peru; Bolivia; Paraguay; Argen- 
tine Republic; Uruguay; Chili. 

ii. Haiti and San Domingo 131 




I. National Government 159 

II. Supposed Securities 163 

III. Existing Perils. Popery 176 

IV. " " Social Evils 214 

V. " " Political Evils . . . .230 

NOTES . . . 255 



Fate of Republics. 




The Israelitish Commonwealth, one of the earliest repub- 
lics of which history gives account, appears to have sprung 
up, under providential circumstances, from the instinctive 
Israelitish love of political and religious independence. This 
constitutional love of liberty in the Jewish nation can be 
traced a long way back, even to the times of Abraham, 
who left his home in Babylonia (1921 b. a), and sought in 
the then new and western world — the wilds of Palestine — 
a home where he could enjoy the rights of political and 
religious freedom. The patriarchal, or family govern- 
ment, continued until the settlement of the Israelites in 
Egypt. The leading Israelitish minds never submitted 
gracefully to their Egyptian serfdom, and under Moses the 
people revolted and escaped from bondage. The period 
that followed, including nearly four hundred years (1491- 
1095 B. a), and extending to the appointment of Saul as 
king, witnessed what is termed the Israelitish Common- 
wealth, or Republic. During the administration of Moses 
and Joshua the government was of the consolidated and 



centralized type.'* Except in the priesthood, there was 
no office-holding class having privileged rights. Political 
preferment depended upon neither mature age. wealth, 
aristocratic birth, nor sex. The people, by popular vote 
in what was termed the ••congregation o? Israel," strictly, 
the popular assembly, adopted the form of government in- 
stituted, ratified laws, imposed taxes, and chose their lead- 
ers and judges. In this Hebrew commonwealth we have, 
therefore, the earliest historic record of choosing rulers by 
elective franchise. The government was beneficent and 
Oppression was rigorously prohibited. The security 
of person and property was sought by what have been 
termed Draconic measures, though they were no more 
severe than the laws of England during the eighteenth 
century. " A spirit of strict justice, combined with charity 
and humanity,"' extending to servants, strangers, and even 
to the lower animals, breathed throughout the Mosaic 
code. 2 Schools similar to the common, district, or parochial 
Is of modern times were found, according to the ablest 
Jewish commentators, in every Israelitish community. 
The Levites and the priests taught the child first to read, 
then to repeat the sacred precepts of their religion. 

Owing to the extraordinary fertility of the soil and the 
mildness of the climate, the Jewish commonwealth was 
independent of foreign commerce. The state was commu- 
nistic, so far that to each family was assigned twenty-one 
and a half acres of land, the common law of the republic 
making this land inalienable; if mortgaged or sold, this 
assigned estate reverted, without repurchase, upon the year 

* The marks ', 2 , 3 , &c, refer the reader to Supplemental Notes, 
page 255. 


of jubilee, to the original proprietor. It was this remark- 
able Agrarian law which secured political equality and 
prevented the vast accumulations of land estate in the 
hands of the few, that hag led to so much distress in the 
republics of later date. Here was an illustration of Machi- 
avelliVs great political maxim, "the constant renovation of 
the state according to the first principles, of its consti- 

The Israelitish law had also provided against the evils 
of excessive rates of interest : usury in any form was 
strictly forbidden. 3 The state was thus preserved from 
those fierce struggles between creditors and debtors 
which have contributed to the downfall of the most re- 
nowned republics of history. The only public resource 
of the commonwealth was that of the sacred treasury, and 
the chief public expenditure was for religious worship. 

The military spirit was fostered; all Israel capable of 
bearing arm- constituted the standing army. 4 At the out- 
set, this republic consisted, for the most part, of an inde- 
pendent yeomanry, who herded their flocks in the vales 
and on the hill-sides, and cultivated their hereditary firms, 
the boundaries of which were not allowed to be moved. 

The republic during these early periods, as would be 
expected, was one of the most prosperous countries of 
antiquity. Each man. in the beautiful language of the 
times, " dwelt under his own vine and fig-tree." 1 "We 
cannot well dissent from the opinion of one who has care- 
fully studied this period of Israelitish history, that "the 
descendants of Abraham had reached a higher state of 
virtue and happiness, under their republic, than any 
other nation of that period." Had the consolidation 


which first characterized the government, and those early 
political, social, and religions customs and virtues contin- 
ued, there was certainly no nationality in the Orient which 
could favorably compare with this early Hebrew republic. 
But these domestic virtues and this republican adminis- 
tration did not continue. Unfortunately, on the death of 
Joshua there was no successor either chosen or appointed 
over the united tribes or states of Israel. Love for the 
union, among the different tribes, soon gave place to indi- 
vidual state love and rights ; and the united republic sub- 
mitted to the peril of a peaceable secession of the different 
states, forming several independent confederacies. During 
these periods of disintegration arose the warlike leaders 
of Israel, called the Judges, the Shofetim, who closely re- 
semble the Stiff ctes, or rulers of the Carthaginian republic 
of later date. They were essentially military dictators, 
appointed during great emergencies to command the na- 
tional forces. Their selection was confined to no particular 
state of the confederacy ; they were chosen on account of 
personal valor and for the purpose of defending the com- 
mon cause. The government, when threatened by inva- 
sion, would for a time seem quite thoroughly consolidated. 
But a republic once infected with the theory of state or 
tribal rights is with difficulty, if at all, entirely cured. A 
political disturbance, a national misfortune, some real 
or imaginary local injustice, is sure to create fresh de- 
mands for disunion. Thus it was with Israel. Shortly 
after a common danger passed, there was found some 
pretext, and one state after another set up its plea of 
independency and withdrew from the federal compact and 


Thus matters continued for three hundred and fifty years. 
The student of history will always have occasion to wonder 
that the Jewish state, having such diverse sectional and 
tribal interests, could so long survive. If supernatural in- 
terposition ever can be predicated of human affairs, it must 
be that the Hebrew republic was divinely preserved during 
these periods of civil disunion. But at length Providence 
seemed no longer to interfere. A division of interests 
weakened the Israelites and made them an easy prey to 
surrounding tribes. They were so much engaged in war, 
especially in repelling invasions, that their general system 
of education was neglected. The religion of their fathers, 
amid the darkness of increasing ignorance, gave place to 
idolatry. Rulers became faithless to their trusts, were self- 
seeking and often oppressive. Under the pious administra- 
tion of Samuel, ending 1095 B. c, these fatal tendencies 
Were! for a time arrested. The people repented of their 
idolatry, re-enacted the laws of Moses, and nearly, if not 
entirely, secured a restoration of the federal union; there 
was consequently a period of great prosperity in the Com- 
monwealth of Israel. 

By reason of the infirmities of the aged Samuel, his sons, 
Joel and Abiah, were appointed to assist in the administra- 
tion of affairs. They were at first odious, simply by reason 
of their excessive extortions. But at length they defied 
the laws of the commonwealth ; they made a mockery of 
justice, and substituted their own arbitrary will for the law 
of the land. Subordinates in office caught the spirit of 
their superiors, and became exacting and tyrannical. Amid 
such scenes, the wronged people clamored for a change of 
government. They dared to welcome absolutism, hoping 


that with it would come security of person and property. 
The "congregation of Israel" waited upon Samuel and 
demanded a king. That noble republican patriot protested ; 
he vividly portrayed the perils, the exactions and oppres- 
sions which would inevitably result sooner or later from the 
despotisms of an absolute monarchy. His words availed 
nothing. The people had suffered, as they thought, too 
much from misgovernment, bad rulers, and from conflicts 
arising out of the disunion of slates, to listen to the 
counsels of the great judge and prophet. They felt that 
the " despotism of one man was preferable to the tyranny 
of many." A change they would have. Instead of remov- 
ing corrupt rulers, as was within their power, and in- 
stead of retaining their republican form of government, 
as they might have done, they dared the risks- they de- 
manded a king. 

The will of the people being the highest law of the land, 
there was no course for Samuel except to yield to the 
popular verdict. The Israelites had thus proved themselves 
unfit to live longer under a beneficent republic, and Prov- 
idence no longer interposed. Only a moment's reflection 
is necessary to show that popular ignorance and popular 
irreligion lay at the bottom of these unfortunate demands 
and measures. 

From some cause, Moses, anticipating the end of the 
federal government of Israel, provided what has never been 
provided in any other republic, namely, regulations for the 
election of a king and for the administration of the affairs 
of a kingdom. So ample were the legal arrangements, so 
ripe were the peojfle for the change, and, fortunately, so 
wise was the course of Samuel, that the revolution was 


effected without bloodshed or tumult, and Saul was anointed 

Prosperity attended the affairs of the new kingdom 
through the subsequent reigns of David and Solomon. 
King succeeded king; and, as is often the case, kings 
after a time became tyrants, and the Israelites awoke to 
their appalling wretchedness, cursed with the evils of 
absolute despotism. Under such a gloomy cloud, the first 
republic of the world fades from history. 



The most ancient inhabitants of Greece, as is generally- 
believed, were the Pelasgians. History shows that they 
were not barbarians, but tillers of the soil and dwellers in 
walled towns. Greece in the" Heroic Age was divided 
into several states or tribes, each ruled by a chief, whose 
power was similar to that exercised by the Old Testament 
patriarchs. There were three classes of citizens — nobles, 
common freemen, and slaves. Family relations were ten- 
der, habits were simple, general intelligence was on the 
increase, the stranger was given hospitality, and the sup- 
pliant was afforded protection. 

Soon after the commencement of the first Olympiad, the 
ancient reverence for kings in nearly all the tribes grad- 
ually lost its hold upon the mass of the people, and in an 
incredibly brief space of time they were all deposed. It is 
very remarkable that most of these revolutions from mon- 
archy to republicanism were effected without bloodshed, 
and with but slight remonstrance from the nobility. 

"Sometimes, on the death of a king, his son was ac- 
knowledged as ruler for life, or for a certain number of 



years, with the title of Archon ; and sometimes the royal 
race was set aside altogether, and one of the nobles was 
elected to supply the place of the king, with the title of 
Prytanis, or president." 

Once embarked in these political changes, it was found 
difficult to arrest still further encroachments of the com- 
monalty upon the privileges and claims of the ruling 
classes. When monarchy gives place to oligarchy, the 
logical and historical sequence is that the oligarchy must 
give place to democracy. During the period extending 
from b. c. 650 to 500, nearly every city in Greece had be- 
come dissatisfied with the ruling few, and ambitious cit- 
izens, called Despots, seized the reins of government. The 
Sicyonian, Corinthian, and Megarian despots were among 
the most celebrated. No instance is known, howeVer, where 
a Grecian "despot" established a permanent dynasty. 
During these civil revolutions, Sparta alone, after throw- 
ing off the monarchical, retained an oligarchical form of 
government. Lycurgus could have easily made himself 
dictator more easily than had most of the despots in 
other states, but he chose the wiser course of enacting 
such laws as would place Sparta among the most power- 
ful of the Greek commonwealths. Still, had the Spartans 
been less a nation of soldiers, not despising, as they did, 
art and literature, they probably would have yielded to the 
spirit of the age, and upon the ruins of an oligarchy have 
established a democracy. 

It would be interesting, did our limits allow, or did the 
object of this treatise require, to study separately the his- 
tory of Sparta, and of each of the other ten or twelve 
commonwealths. We must group them. 


We call attention, first, to the fact that no nationality has 
had more inspiring, beautiful, or defensible territories than 
the Greeks. The poetic beauty and romance of the 
mountains of Greece have never failed to call forth the 
admiration of visitors. That country of unsurpassed nat- 
ural sceneiy, surrounded on every hand, excepting upon 
the northern frontier, by the Mediterranean, • whose bays 
and gulfs indented the entire coast, giving to every state, 
excepting Arcadia, a seaport, was the best adapted possible 
for the development of a race of bold mountaineers and 
enterprising mariners, classes always regarded as among 
the most valuable in the defence of national rights and 

Athens, the queen city of Greece, was delightfully situ- 
ated. 5 No doubt her location contributed much towards 
her acknowledged superiority among all the other Grecian 

In the age of Thucydides, Athens had risen to such a 
degree of political importance that she exercised a sort 
of sovereignty in Greece, and became also the centre of 
literary and scientific culture. The pure democratic polity 
of the republic gave to popular eloquence the greatest 
freedom, and thus the language of Athens reached a com- 
pleteness, comprehensiveness, and influence to which no 
other dialect of Greece attained. Every freeman was 
trained in logic, rhetoric, and oratory, so as to be able, 
before Athenian jurors, and without the aid of a consul, 
to defend himself. From all the other states, Greeks 
repaired to Athens for their education. The consequence 
was that the Attic dialect became the court language, 
the general language of books, and, from the date of the 


Macedonian conquest, it was adopted by the prose writers 
of all the Grecian tribes and countries. 

As would be expected, the Athenian state for centuries 
took precedence in matters of taste and culture. There 
is found to have been an almost uninterrupted progress 
in literature and art, indeed, in all forms of mental cul- 
ture and development, from the earliest dawn of the state 
until the downfall of her political independence She is 
acknowledged to have been the mother of refinement, the 
nurse of literature, the patron of art, and the founder 
of European civilization. 

In one century, from 530 to 430 b. c, Attica produced 
the following illustrious persons: Themistocles, Miltiades, 
Aristides, Cimon, Pericles, Xanthippus, Thucydides, Soc- 
rates, Xenophon, Plato, iEschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, 
Aristophanes, and Phidias. It is generally conceded that 
in two thousand years all Europe has not seen their 

In a word, here is a republic whose career is magnificent, 
indeed, almost dazzling. And yet Greece, which should 
have had her political power centralized in Attica ; Greece, 
so beautiful, so strong, so enterprising, which had com- 
bined strength enough to resist any invasion the world 
could have attempted; that country, at one time having 
the most flourishing republican institutions known to his- 
tory, entirely lost her independence. She first yielded to her 
Macedonian masters, then to Persia, then to Rome, then to 
the Goths and Vandals, then to the Popes, then to the Mos- 
lems, under whose rule the common people were condemned 
to seemingly hopeless slavery and degradation. And to- 
day Greece is nothing but a petty and poverty-stricken 


kingdom whose assumptions of royalty are -well-nigh ridic- 
ulous. 6 

Comparing Greece as she -was centuries ago with what 
she is to-day, a pertinent question confronts us — What are 
the causes which have wrought these changes? Why did 
not Greece resist invasions? Why did she not suppress 
insurrections? Why did she not punish traitors? and, Why 
did she not maintain her liberties? 

In answering these questions, we group into two classes 
the causes that led to her downfall. First, the unre- 
strained tendencies of human nature. Second, certain 
fundamental defects in the constitution of the Grecian 
states. Under the first class we note the blight that is 
apt to come upon a state in consequence of the rapid in- 
crease of wealth. Even Sparta felt this evil almost as 
much as did Attica and the other states. The treasures 
of conquered cities, subsidies granted by Persia to aid in 
the overthrow of Athenian supremacy, and bribes paid the 
influential citizens of Sparta, created a widespread passion 
for money and for indulgence in all sorts of extravagance. 
The rich sought more and more for the luxuries of the 
Orient, and by their mode of living, more and more sep- 
arated themselves from the poor. The poor sought by 
every means at command to gain such wealth as would 
relieve them from social degradation and ostracism. In 
the hearts of nearly all a feverish cupidity took the place 
of noble moral purpose and of patriotism, and the race 
of Spartan heroes at length disappeared. 7 

In other of the Grecian states the story is substantially 
the same. Wealth, oftener gained dishonestly than other- 
wise, led its possessors to perpetrate gross wrongs upon 


the less successful. Advantage was freely taken of the 
necessities of the poor. Interest on loans rose in the dif- 
ferent states as high as thirty-six per cent. The rich in 
consequence became richer and the poor poorer ; the social 
gulf widened and deepened in every respect between these 
two classes. It is, therefore, no matter of wonder that 
the poor became discontented and looked upon the wealth 
and political power of those who stood above them with 
sullen anger. Measures, however unjust, that promised a 
redistribution of property were hailed and demanded by 
the democratic rabble. Any demagogue who sided with 
these irritable masses, and who promised legislation that 
would relieve their distresses, was the hero of the hour, 
and by the suffrages of the people was at length elevated 
to the most responsible positions. 8 Men basely notorious, 
cruel, and bloodthirsty — such as Cleon, of Athens, Cyp- 
selus and Periander, of Corinth, and Thrasybulus, of Mile- 
tus — could sway and infuriate at will the popular heart. 
Robbery, more than once, in more than one way and in 
more than one state, was legalized. The rich were some- 
times forced by popular vote to provide oxen and goats 
for public sacrifices ; the larger portion of the flesh would, 
however, be distributed for food to the mob. 

At other times, after some so-termed liberal party victory 
had been gained, the rabble would enter the houses of the 
rich and force them to provide costly banquets ; they con- 
fiscated the property of the nobles and drove them into 
exile; they repudiated all debts, and forced their aristo- 
cratic creditors to refund any interest that had been paid. 
It resulted that those who possessed property, exasperated 
by such injustice, would often side with a dictator or 


tyrant, who was thought able to relieve from the worst 
kind of tyranny and despotism — that of a mob. Nor is it a 
matter of surprise, when the homes and the property of the 
aristocracy and the rich are no longer safe, that those im- 
perilled lose their love for the government, and are willing, 
nay, anxious, to surrender it to any one who can establish 
order. Amid such changes, the mob usually, in the end, 
gains no advantage and inevitably sinks to the bottom. 

The misfortunes of Greece just before her downfall were 
not solely the outgrowth of conflicts between wealth and 
poverty. Ambitious aspirants for office also were an un- 
mitigated curse throughout the Grecian states. As would 
be expected, the jealousies and animosities springing up 
between leading men became such that the ruin of the 
country would be allowed sooner than the success of a 
rival. Patriotism, even in case of men having many no- 
ble qualities, seemed at length to give place entirely to 
self-seeking. The success of Miltiades at Marathon is 
said to have robbed Themjstocles of his sleep. Themis- 
tocles and Aristides had such mutual jealousies that each 
would have preferred national defeat rather than victory 
at the hands of his rival. 9 

Political factions, based upon various, and often upon 
unimportant issues, likewise became a very turbulent ele- 
ment in the different Grecian states. The condition of 
Sparta after Alexander had taken command of the confed- 
erate Greeks was especially gloomy. Agis IV., while en- 
deavoring to reform the state, was put to death by the 
Ephors. Cleomenes came into power, and in turn put to 
death the Ephors; nay, more, he crushed the oligarchy, 
extended the state franchise, and redistributed the landed 


property. These rude democratic measures were followed 
by the reign of tyrants who were upheld by foreign mer- 
cenaries, and who in many instances, to maintain their 
position, resorted to the most merciless measures. 10 

The constitution of the other Grecian states had likewise 
grown more and more democratic and turbulent, until at 
length the lowest persons and the lewdest in all public 
matters had equal voice and rights with the noblest citizens. 
This unrestricted franchise was followed, as was natural, 
by laxity in the selection of proper persons to fill public 
positions ; then, of course, came an end of political virtue 
and justice. A score of demagogues were found in strife 
for positions which only one could occupy. The party of 
the shore, and the party of the plain, and the party of the 
mountain, the war parties, and the peace parties, would 
each in turn be successful, aggressive, and tyrannical. 

Amid these political contentions the worst passions of 
the masses were developed, and the worst classes rose 
for a time into a commanding and terrible importance. 
First one party, then another, would promise freedom and 
political rights to slaves and to foreigners who were ut- 
terly unqualified for the rights and privileges of franchise. 
Prisons were thrown open and the most desperate convicts 
set at large ; nay, were supplied with arms and with votes 
in order to carry or enforce some political measure. At 
length leaders and parties defiantly sought victory, and 
gained it by resort to misrepresentations, frauds, and vio- 
lence. There Avere times in Grecian history when no other 
methods were tried, or deemed of any use. 

Often the successful party, in order to retain power and 
remove opposition, wreaked fearful vengeance upon the 


defeated. Whenever the interests of the dominant party 
seemed to require the arrest of some prominent leader of 
the opposition, there was needed only the testimony of a 
hireling wretch in order to secure execution. Sometimes 
these death sentences were executed publicly, so as to ter- 
rify those who might sympathize with the doomed; at 
other times the utmost secrecy was observed. When the 
Spartan Ephors sought the extermination of the Helots, 
after their public emancipation, the arrests and executions 
were made by secret orders ; one after another disappearing, 
no one pretending to know how or why. It was the same 
in Athens. Citizens were continually filling during great 
political controversies. "Yet," says the historian, "no 
man could tell whose hand struck the blow nor whose 
turn might eome next." 

The history of the " Four Hundred," and that of " The 
Thirty," disclose the same fearful and bloody condition of 
affairs. During the domination of each of these bodies 
there was no show of justice, no trial, often no testimony, 
simply arbitrary butchery. 

There was a statute regulation in early times that any 
citizen of Athens who neglected the national assembly 
would be subjected to a fine. But these assemblies, once 
orderly, became so tumultuous and dangerous that re- 
spectable citizens shunned them. Their presence, while 
in a helpless minority, would have secured no benefit 
to the state, and would have imperilled their own safety. 
The turbulent democracy, after the death of Pericles, 
would not listen to reason. The mob became despotic, 
tyrannical, and easily inflamed by ambitious demagogues 
against men of opulence, eminence, and respectability 


whenever appearing in public or attempting any patriotic 

As would be expected, the ancient order of Solon, that 
there should be no evil speaking in the state, was disre- 
garded, and the atmosphere was filled with abusive lan- 
guage. Those who had rendered the most distinguished 
services did not escape. Nor is it surprising that such 
abuse often resulted in disheartening and alienating even 
devout patriots, making of them national foes. The slight- 
est defects or mistakes were exaggerated and made a 
ground for slander, ostracism, or death. Patriotic and 
important services were overlooked or forgotten. Indeed, 
the men who had done most for the state often fared the 

Miltiades, the hero of Marathon, whose honors aroused 
the animosity of those opposed to him, for a single mis- 
take was tried, condemned, and thrust into prison, where 
he died. 

Themistocles, one of Athens' most brilliant soldiers and 
statesmen, who had spent the better years of his life in 
fortifying and beautifying the city, through persecution 
turned traitor. No doubt he had made some mistake, 
for who has not? He may have been unduly exasperated 
by his opponents ; still no one doubts that he had devoutly 
loved Athens and Greece. But, by reason of political 
oppositions, he was compelled to go into banishment, 
wandering as a fugitive from country to country. Is it a 
matter of wonder, therefore, when at length he firmly 
believed his ungrateful country was inevitably doomed, 
that he should offer to betray her into the hands of the 


Under the misrepresentations of popular demagogues, 
such as Eucrates, the rope-maker, Lysicles, the sheep- 
dealer, Hyperbolus, the lamp-maker, and Clion, the cruel 
and cowardly tanner, Pericles, a patriot of unquestioned 
and untarnished purity, whom Cicero regarded as the first 
example in the world's history of a perfect orator, who 
had contributed so largely to Athenian greatness, was 
obliged to employ all his masterly powers of mind and el- 
oquence to stem the torrent of public indignation aroused 
against him by these brutal democrats. Into such condi- 
tion had the republic degenerated. If the tide continued 
to set in that direction, the ruin of the state was only a 
question of time. 

The second class of causes which led to the downfall 
of Grecian independence, was a defect in the national 
constitution. Greece, including the different states, was a 
small country, its greatest length not more than two hun- 
dred and fifty English miles, its greatest breadth only one 
hundred and eighty. Its safety against foreign invasion 
depended, therefore, upon a form of government such as 
could unite all the states under one federal compact. There 
seems to be no valid reason why there should not have been 
such a union. These states had many ties to bind them 
together, such as community of blood and language, man- 
ners and character, together with religious rites and fes- 
tivals. They had, likewise, national councils and leagues. 
But the Amphictyonic, the most noted, though approaching 
a Greek national congress, and such leagues as the Boeo- 
tian, TEolian, and Delian, did not in the least inter- 
fere with the extremest views of independent state rights. 
There was nothing strong enough in these assemblies to 


combine the efforts of the Greek states permanently 
against the Persian monarchs, the Macedonian kings, or 
against the Roman legions. The patriotism of the Greek 
was confined rather to his own section, rarely kindling 
into love for the weal of the whole country. One state 
sometimes became prominent enough to exercise authority 
over neighboring states, but no lasting bond of onion was 
formed or, apparently, desired. 

Hence the temporary dominion of Thebes over the cities 
of Bcootia, and of Athens over her subject allies, was al- 
ways submitted to with reluctance, and was thrown off 
upon the first opportunity. So radical was the political 
disunion among Greek cities, that the citizen of one, if he 
visited another, was looked upon as an alien. There was 
social ostracism whenever a northern Greek visited the 
south, or when an eastern Greek visited the west. Easily, 
therefore, coidd the Greek cities be led to take up arms 
against one another, almost as easily as against a foreign 

There is, therefore, no ground for doubt that one of the 
fundamental defects in the Grecian commonwealths was 
this want of a centralized form of government. Greek 
would not unite with Greek. They would not recognize a 
national supremacy. They professed primal loyalty to the 
individual state. Each city of the national council or 
league sought those measures only which would contribute 
most to its individual interests, without regard to the in- 
terests of other cities or those of the entire nationality. 
It was a disunion of states, and a consequent conflict of 
political interests and jealousies, a blundering states'-rights 
policy, which at length contributed so largely to Grecian 


weakness as to render her an easy prey to any foe 
that might assail. Sparta, at the south, "the citadel of 
oligarchy," and Athens, at the north and east, " the cham- 
pion of democratic government," were especially antago- 
nistic to each other. Sparta sought to force an oligarchy 
uj)on all her dependencies and allies ; Athens as zealously 
sought to force pure democracies upon every state subject 
to her empire. In this conflict of political ideas, Sparta 
was the first to exercise a sort of empire of opinion over 
the other states. Then, after the Persian wars, Athens 
contested the palm with Sparta, and, through the confed- 
eracy of Delos, stood, at least in the matter of material 
power, at the head of the Grecian states. Then Sparta, 
jealous of Athenian supremacj', formed a league with cer- 
tain other states for the purpose of crushing Athens. After 
a protracted struggle, Athens fell and Sparta again ruled 
Greece, maintaining her supremacy for about thirty years. 
In the mean time, Thebes had been growing in power and 
influence, and, through the ability and genius of Epami- 
nondas, her leading general, struck Sparta a stunning 
blow, and wrested from her the Grecian supremacy. The 
ascendency of Thebes was followed in turn by that of 
Athens. But Greece was then so far exhausted by these 
internal dissensions and conflicts that she " condescended 
to throw herself at the feet of Persia," making of that 
ancient and hereditary foe an arbiter of her quarrels. 
Macedonia had hitherto been looked upon by the Grecian 
states as a despised and barbarous territory, unworthy of 
rank within the pale of Greek civilization. Philip, acute, 
sagacious, somewhat cultivated, commanding and eloquent, 


assumed, at the age of twenty-three, the government of 

Athens, struggling to maintain independent supremacy, 
and involved in the so-called "Social War," and in various 
insurrections, was greatly crippled, losing some of her 
ablest commanders. The so-termed "Sacred War" was 
at the same time raging among other Grecian states. 

Thus wars, jealousies among commanders, repeated insur- 
rections, and disimion, combined in laying Greece at the 
feet of Philip. He first made a conquest of Thessaly. At 
this point Demosthenes uttered his prophetic warnings. 
He tried to persuade the Athenians to form a union with 
other Grecian states, and arm against a common foe. 
His warnings and entreaties produced only a temporary 
effect upon the heedless and wrangling Athenians. Per- 
sonal safety for the day or hour seemed the height of 
Athenian ambition and the extent of Athenian foresight. 
Most unfortunate was it also, amid these scenes and dan- 
gers, that military service was no longer rendered by 
patriotic citizens, but by hired soldiery. Young men had 
lost all martial taste, and aliens garrisoned the most im- 
portant fortifications of Greece. Public revenues were frit- 
tered away in useless and needless expeditions, instead of 
upon fleets and armies. Greece at length was left well- 
nigh destitute of all physical defences. Nothing standing 
in the way, Macedon became the leading state, and in 
335 B. c. Alexander, Philip's son, placed the Macedonian 
yoke heavily upon the neck of every state in Greece. 
Later, the Macedonian empire becoming involved with 
other powers, the Achaeans seized upon the occasion, and 
in 281 b. c. were successful in freeing themselves. Subse- 


quently the patriotism and military genius of Philopoemen 
nearly secured the federal union of all the Grecian states ; 
but it was too late. There was not enough of patriotism, 
self-sacrifice, and nobility left among the Greeks to con- 
stitute a united nationality. The conquering Romans 
crushed the Macedonian power, and, almost without re- 
sistance, swept over the country (b. c. 146), and the states 
constituting the last Grecian league, the Achaean, were 
completely vanquished. 

Athens Avas the last to yield. Almost single-handed she 
confronted the Roman general Sylla, but soon found that 
her martial defences offered but the feeblest resistance 
against the successful Romans. The Athenians next at- 
tempted to check Sylla by a method quite characteristic: 
they sent their orators to try upon the resolute general 
the arts of eloquence. 

"Admitted to an audience, the spokesman began to re- 
mind the general of their past glory, and was proceeding 
to touch upon Marathon, when the surly soldier fiercely 
growled, 'I was sent here to punish rebels, not to study 
history.' And he did punish them. He broke down the 
wall between the Persians and the Sacred Gate, and 
poured in his soldiers to punish and slay. With draws 
> words they swept through the streets. The ground ran 
with blood, which poured its horrid tide into the ancient 
burying-place of the Cerameicus. Great numbers of the 
citizens Avei-e slain; their property was plundered by the 
soldiers. The groves of the Academy and the Lyceum 
were cut down; and columns were carried away from 
the temple of Olympian Zeus to ornament the city of 


The epitaph of the Grecian republics is easily written . 
The luxury and extravagance attendant upon wealth and 
upon other forms of national prosperity ; general laxity in 
morality and religion; jealousies and discontents incident 
to poverty; conflicts between different political parties, 
each willing to sacrifice the safety of the state, and even 
the state itself, sooner than allow a competitor to succeed; 
abuse allowed to be heaped upon patriots by political 
opponents ; favors shown, even to traitors and to the most 
dangerous classes, when they could be used to promote 
party interests ; a disunion of states constantly embroiled 
with one another through conflicting interests, — these are 
the reasons why that country, which rose to such emi- 
nence, and which might have remained a strong republic 
to this day, fell into degradation and ruin. 

And while this Grecian history can be studied, it is 
singular that modern republics will not read the lessons 
and take warning! 

" Out of the clouds the snowflakes are poured, and fury of hail-storm ; 
After the lightning's flash, follows the thunderous bolt. 
Tossed by the winds is the sea, though now so calmly reposing, 
Hushed in a motionless rest, emblem of justice and peace. 
So is the state by its great men ruined, and under the tyrant 

, Sinks the people unwise, yielding to slavery's thrall ; 
Nor is it easy to humble the ruler too highly exalted, 
After the hour is passed : now is the time to foresee." '* 



Passing from the Greek republics to the Commonwealth of 
Carthage, we are in an historic field of which we have less 
data, but enough to show that some of the national perils 
found in the Grecian states have likewise their African 
counterpart. The records of early Carthage are lost. We 
may safely presume, however, that the founders were a 
race of freedom-loving refugees, who had suffered religious 
and political persecutions in ancient T}tc. Their de- 
scendants, no doubt, regarded them as we do the Pilgrim 
Fathers. Five hundred years before Christ this Cartha- 
ginian republic is found flourishing under rulers and gen- 
erals, not possessed of hereditary rights and privileges, 
but subject to election from the people. While the 
Great Council, the chief legislative body, during the closing 
days of the republic, appears to have been somewhat aris- 
tocratic, and the Council of the Elders even more so, 
still there is no evidence that the popular voice, when 
very pronounced, was ever opposed, and there is conclu- 
sive evidence that it was often obeyed, even when it in- 
volved great sacrifice on the part of the wealthy and aris- 


part i.J CARTHAGE. 29 

The government for centuries appears to have been 
conducted with skill, securing internal tranquillity and 
resulting in systematic foreign and commercial aggran- 
dizement. There was a liberal administration ; there were 
courts of justice, banking institutions, public libraries, and 
also schools of literature and art. 13 Her republican form 
of government was not split up, like that of Greece, into 
petty and jealous states, each clamorous for its rights and 
independence, but was centralized like that of Rome and 
of France. 

At the time when the struggle between Rome and Car- 
thage commenced, Rome was semi-barbarous, Carthage 
highly civilized; Rome was comparatively poor, grasping, 
and eager for conquest, Carthage rich, radiant with the 
arts and spoils of the East ; Rome was seeking for new 
territory and was murdering her subjects, Carthage was 
making discoveries and spreading the genius of com- 
merce; Rome had an army, Carthage had both an army 
and a navy ; Rome was master of the northwest, Carthage 
of the northeast ; Rome was a nation of laborers and sol- 
diers, Carthage a nation of merchants and mariners ; Rome 
was seeking to rule with sword and spear, Carthage with 
her gold and commerce. Carthage could also boast of 
agricultural resources such as were matched by but few 
other countries of antiquity. The soil of some of her 
island dependencies was extremely fertile, while that of 
her African territories was unsurpassed. And, what is no 
less encouraging, some of the first families of the republic, 
during the early days of her ascendency, took pride in 
being classed with those who cultivated the arts of hus- 


The city of Carthage, the capital of the republic, was 
situated upon the shores of a bay of the Mediterranean, 
and at the time of its greatest prosperity outranked all 
other contemporary cities of the world, both as a maritime 
power and commercial emporium. The city, with its 
streets and gardens, covered a peninsula twenty-three 
miles in circuit, and was guarded by a triple wall with 
interior casemates, which housed three hundred .elephants, 
five thousand horses, and twenty thousand infantry. In 
times of peace thousands of vessels could anchor safely in 
the bay of Tunis. In times of danger they could shelter 
themselves in a harbor fourteen hundred feet long and 
eleven hundred feet broad, which opened, by an enhance 
seventy feet wide, into an inner harbor for ships of war, 
surrounded by quays, with docks for two hundred and 
twenty galleys. The Carthaginian loved his country as a 
whole, while Carthage, the metropolis, was almost revered. 
It was to the republic what Paris is to France. 

The conquests of the republic in the days of her ascend- 
ency were of immense magnitude. She acquired dominion 
over the Phoenician colonies of North Africa; over the 
Libyans and native Numidians; she conquered Sardinia, 
regarded by the ancients as the " greatest of all islands, 1 ' 
also Elba, Malta, and the western half of Sicily. Coi'sica, 
if not hers, was at least closed by her to all other states. 
She was mistress of the JEgatian, Liparean, Balearic, and 
Pityusian Isles, and in the course of time Spain, which 
was then the richest country of the known world, became 
part of the Carthaginian empire. She pushed her armies 
into Italy, often sending terror into the Roman heart, 
even in the days when that republic was considered almost 

i.] CARTHAGE. 31 

the ruler of the world. In the battle of Cannre, though 
the Roman forces doubled those of the Carthaginians, the 
Carthaginians were overwhelmingly victorious; history 
says that Hannibal, after that battle, sent home three 
busbels of gold rings taken from the bodies of the Roman 
dead. Hannibal remained in Italy seventeen years, en- 
gaged in many encounters, but was always victorious. In 
her palmy days, Carthage did not confine her spirit of en- 
terprise merely to war and conquest, but she sent expe- 
ditions to the coast of Guinea, and advanced beyond the 
mouths of the Senegal and the Gambia. The Carthagin- 
ians discovered a passage around the Cape of Good Hope 
two thousand years before its subsequent discovery by 
Dias and Vasco da Gama. Her merchant ships passed 
beyond the Pillars of Hercules and through the British 
Channel. Her freight caravans crossed the deserts to the 
valleys of the Nile and the Niger. 

Carthage was also well off in her list of distinguished 
public men and resolute patriots. Hamilcar, Asdrubal, 
Hannibal, and Xanthippus, the Greek, are names of which 
any people may well be proud. It is not uncommon for 
those who have carefully studied these subjects to render 
the verdict that Hannibal Avas a greater general than 
Caesar; Marlborough, or even Alexander, and that his sole 
equal in military history is Napoleon. But the father, 
Hamilcar, was unquestionably greater than Hannibal the 
son. The father and son are unapproached for greatness 
by any two Greeks or any two Romans that can be 

Such was the Carthaginian commonwealth in the days 
of her glory. 


A few years later, her African territories had become a 
granary for the Roman people, a hunting-ground for their 
amphitheatres, and an emporium for slaves. To-day Car- 
thage tills but a narrow and obscure space upon the page 
of history. 

"Wiry such a fearful doom for such a fair republic? must 
be an interesting question to every advocate of republi- 
can institutions. In solving the question, the . discovery 
is made at the outset that Carthage fell not through a 
conflict of state rights. It was not that the administra- 
tion of the government was not beneficent. But her ma- 
terial prosperity paved the way, through unrestricted in- 
dulgence, extravagance, effeminacy, and loss of patriotism, 
to her overthrow and ruin. 

The national simplicity, industry, and frugality, upon 
which the commonwealth had been founded and which 
had contributed largely in building it up, gave way Avith 
astonishing rapidity to other controlling tendencies and 
evils. Changes in opinion and fashion appear, during the 
space of a very few years, to have been completely rev- 
olutionized. To be an agriculturist was no longer thought 
honorable, hence those who were able sought to enter 
the more glittering fields and paths of traffic and com- 
merce. The military spirit likewise speedily declined, 
and the hitherto victorious Carthaginian armies lost their 
citizen soldiers, which is always a national calamity. 
Her military forces were recruited by Libyan conscripts, 
slaves, and foreign mercenaries. Wars were allowed to 
impoverish the national treasury, resulting in what is not 
uncommon, a nation struggling with bankruptcy, though 
having individual citizens possessed of immense wealth. 

i.] CARTHAGE. 33 

Avarice soon stifled patriotism in the hearts of the rich; 
the mercenary troops could not be paid; they revolted, 
and more than once brought Carthage to the brink of 
ruin. Immense fortunes had been amassed by a few, 
while the poorer classes became still poorer. The rich 
fell into luxurious and extravagant ways of living, which 
the poorer and middle classes attempted to imitate, but 
of course could not. Jealousies and feuds between lead- 
ing parties and leading men, such as those between Ilanno 
and Hamilcar Baca, those between capital and labor, be- 
tween the aristocracy and the democracy, between war 
and peace parties, became frequent, and were in Carthage, 
as elsewhere, extremely demoralizing. Infringements and 
violations of the national constitution followed. Several 
distinct offices were unconstitutionally combined in one 
person, who, by force or bribes, could command them, for 
the masses came to care not for the republic, but thought 
only of the next dinner. The profligate citizens often 
broke up into angry and tumultuous factions, and were 
utterly uncontrollable. The formation of the court of the 
One Hundred was inevitable, and this, managed by a few 
bold leaders, became at length a political inquisition, or- 
dering banishment or death as it might dictate. In this 
way, as might be expected, Carthage, during the space 
of a few months, lost many of her best citizens. Cartha- 
ginian subjects in Africa and in the Punic towns, groan- 
ing under the burdens of increased taxation and internal 
revenues, became rebels. These insurrections the state 
had no power to suppress. 

When, therefore, this internally divided republic, whose 
citizens were destitute of a self-sacrificing patriotism, could 


agree upon no policy, when there was no man daring 
enough to usurp control of the government and unite the 
people, then Carthage was attacked by the Romans, and 
fell. Her fall, however, was not so much through Roman 
might and prowess as through her own folly. 

Destroyed by national prosperity, by extravagant out- 
lays, by political jealousies, and by contending parties, is 
the epitaph to be written over the grave of the once fa- 
mous Carthaginian republic. This is but one of many 
illustrations of the ease with which a mighty people, when 
divided into contending factions, may be conquered by a 
foe far inferior. 

In a characteristic and brutal manner the Romans com- 
pleted their conquest of this sister republic. Her stately 
metropolis, which had been enriched with the gold and 
the silver, the statues and the pictures of a score of coun- 
tries, with its towers, its ramparts, its walls, its canals, its 
ornamental displays, and its public and private parks and 
edifices of every character, which the industrious Cartha- 
ginians had constructed during the course of many ages, 
and at vast expense, were completely destroyed; not a 
single house was permitted to stand when the first con- 
querors entered the city. 14 

This destruction was about 146 B. c. Twenty-four years 
later, C. Gracchus, then tribune of the Roman people, in 
order to ingratiate himself with the multitude, undertook 
to rebuild Carthage, though the Roman Senate had ordered 
that it should never be inhabited, denouncing fearful im- 
precations against any one who, contrary to the prohibi- 
tion, should dare attempt its restoration. Gracchus sent 
thither a colony of six thousand Roman citizens. But 

I# ] CARTHAGE. 35 

whatever of the city was restored by Gracchus, was again 
laid in ashes by Maxentius. Afterwards it was rebuilt 
by Julius Cresar, but subsequently taken by Genseric, the 
Vandal king. Still later it was so utterly demolished by 
the Mohammedan Saracens that there was scarcely a ves- 
tige left, and thus it has remained to the present day. 

"This great city, therefore, furnishes the most striking 
example in the annals of the world of a mighty power, 
which, having long ruled over subject peoples, taught 
them the arts of commerce and civilization, and created 
for them an imperishable name, has left behind it little 
more than a name." "A state perished, in which Rome 
lost," as Schmitz says, "what could never be restored to 
her, a noble rival." 

" Delenda est Carthago ! let the tear 
Still drop, deserted Carthage, on thy hier; 
Let mighty nations pause as they survey' 
The world's great empires crumbled to decay; 
And, hushing every rising tone of pride, 
Deep in the heart this moral lesson hide, 
Which speaks with hollow voice as from the dead, 
Of beauty faded and of glory fled — 
Delenda est Carthago." 



From Greece and Carthage to the Roman republic, which 
had conquered them both, is a natural transition. Like 
Greece, Italy had natural barriers against invasions scarcely 
equalled. A peninsula stretching down into the Mediter- 
ranean seven hundred and fifty miles, securely protected 
on the north by the Alps, was all that could be asked, in 
those early times, as to physical defence. 

The primitive inhabitants of Rome, like the Israelites 
and early Greeks, were organized into tribes, clans, and 
families. A succession of Etruscan kings, beginning, per- 
haps, 600 B.C., next ruled the country; later, regal Rome 
mastered the entire Latin coast, and was in position to 
make treaties with the great powers of the world. Un- 
der Servius Tullius, the primitive and crude constitution 
of Rome was modified so as to receive the common peo- 
ple into state councils upon a property qualification. The 
death of Tullius, b. c. 535, brought to an end the early 
kingdom of Rome. 

During the next two centuries the government was 
strongly conservative, though upon certain matters there 
were frequent and bitter conflicts between the senate and 


part i.] ROME. 37 

the commonalty. The democrats resolutely pleaded for more 
power and for a redistribution of property. In 326 B. C, 
the democracy was triumphant, and the Publilian Law, 
which entitled every person to vote without regard to the 
value of his property, was enacted. In 300 B. c, the 
Ogulnian law passed, and all distinctions between patri- 
cians and plebeians, as to holding office, gradually disap- 
peared. It should be borne in mind that Rome, among 
all her neighbors, at that time stood alone in her strug- 
gles to emancipate herself from both kingly and oligar- 
chical domination. 

During these years of her formative history, Rome had 
the well-nigh inestimable advantage of the military spirit 
and discipline. Her regular army, especially when on 
the defence, was mighty because constituted of property 
owners. Even the youth, sons of patrician and equestrian 
families, were organized into troops whose chief was called 
"Prince of the Youth." "If you would know why Rome 
was great," says a diligent student of Roman history, 
"consider that Roman soldier whose armed skeleton was 
found in a recess near the gate of Pompeii. When on 
that guilty little city burst the sulphurous storm, the un- 
daunted hero dropped the visor of his helmet, and stood 
there to die." 15 

Like Greece and Carthage, Rome, while in her ascend- 
ency, retained respect for the arts of agriculture. The 
plains of Italy were abundant in crops of various kinds, 
and rich in pastures and flocks. "The main source of 
wealth among the Romans, and their most honorable oc- 
cupation," says Schmitz, " was agriculture. The greatest 
generals and statesmen, after holding for a time the helm 

38 . FATE OF REPUBLICS. [part 

of the republic, and gaining victories and triumphs, did 
not scruple to return to the plough and live in rural 
retirement." ,6 

Later, the national taste and culture of Rome became 
such that the world has never hesitated in these matters 
to acknowledge her superiority. From the death of Sulla 
to that of Augustus, a period of ninety years, was Rome's 
golden age in literature. There were minds, in every 
branch, which only Greece has surpassed. Private and 
public libraries were established, and there were schools, 
public and private, whose teachers and professors were 
taken from the best scholars of all nations. The list of 
distinguished men is of a character to make any people 
proud. Pompey and Caesar, Cicero and Cato, Virgil, Hor- 
ace, and a list only a little less noted, might be enumer- 

Rome, protected by her natural boundaries, and compact 
in her population, after making herself mistress of the 
peninsula of Italy, yielded to natural human instincts of 
extending her territory, and at length determined the fate 
of the world. 

During the hundred years just preceding the monarchy 
under Augustus, the political power of the republic was 
colossal ; she held sway over all the islands of the Mediter- 
ranean, conquered and ruled Egypt, Cyrene, the African 
territories of ancient Carthage, Numidia, Mauritania, 
Spain, Gaul as far as the Rhine, Illyricum, Pannonia, Dal- 
matia, Moesia, Macedonia, Thrace, Greece, and nearly the 
whole immense territories of Asia lying between Mount 
Caucasus, the Caspian Sea, the Parthian empire, the Per- 
sian and Arabian gulfs, and the Mediterranean. 

I.] ROME. 39 

Such were the position, strength, and vast extent of the 
Roman republic. If permanency and stability can be ex- 
pected in human governments, Rome might well have 
been regarded as secure and mighty. During one hun- 
dred and twenty years, that is, from 205 to 145 B. c, the 
constitution of the Roman republic retained its vigor, work- 
ing, to all appearance, in the highest perfection. 

But, notwithstanding all these advantages and these 
prophecies of continued greatness, that majestic Roman 
republic is now only a name in history. After the republic 
came the empire, in which were some of the most cruel 
despots who have ever disgraced humanity. 

After the glory and the shame of the empire came bar- 
barian conquests and spoliations; and after the northern, 
eastern, and western invasions, came the deplorable sway 
of the Roman Catholic church. 

The question naturally asked by every friend of republi- 
can institutions is, Why is not Rome to-day a flourishing 
republic, something as she was during the time of her as- 
cendency and domination? She had before her the history 
of the Grecian republics and the history of the Carthaginian 
republic; historic lessons were studied in her schools and 
recounted in public assemblies. But Rome wrapped ban- 
dages about her eyes and marched into the same dark 
gulfs, where had sunk her sister republics. 

The steps leading from Rome's greatness to her degra- 
dation are very easily traced. It will be seen at the out- 
set, however, that the path to her overthrow was not in the 
direction of disunion. Comparing the Grecian and the Ro- 
man republics, the important discovery is made, that, while 
a disunion of states is perilous, a centralized government, 


even the strongest, is not on that account secure against 
subversion and overthrow. The curse of great, and espe- 
cially of rapidly accumulated wealth, stands among the 
first of a series of destructive evils in the Roman common- 
wealth. Especially after the victories over Macedonia and 
Antiochus, Rome rapidly extended her commercial rela- 
tions, and opened the way to immense mercantile fortunes. 
The success of Roman arms also brought rich prizes to 
commanders and soldiers.' 7 Wealth was no longer, as 
aforetime, measured by copper, but by silver and gold. 
The desire and passion for accumulation took possession 
of all classes. Ancient simplicity in modes of living, as 
might be expected, gave place to inordinate extrava- 
gance. The elegance of the private residences of leading 
Romans had never been surpassed. A slave, who was a 
good cook, commanded the highest price in the market 18 
All who could afford to do so indulged fully in the luxuries 
of Greece and the Orient ; those who could not were filled 
with hatred towards those who could. The love of the 
theatre was followed by a passion for the more degrading 
public shows and bloody gladiatorial exhibitions. The 
avarice of the great, the licentiousness of the populace, and 
the growing cruelty of all classes, settled like a miasm upon 
the Roman republic. 

Shortly after the victories over Macedonia, the Romans 
began to look upon agriculture as no longer worthy of rank 
among honorable occupations; it was consequently aban- 
doned to slaves. In early times there was a law that no 
man should own more than five hundred acres. But this 
law became a dead letter, and those who had opportunities 
for accumulating immense fortunes bought up the estates 

I.] ROME. 41 

of small landed proprietors, using them for pastures, plac- 
ing them under the cultivation of slaves, cutting them up 
into parks, or using them for other purely ornamental pur- 
poses. 19 At length Italy, one of the most fertile countries 
of Europe, was dependent for her annual supply of corn 
upon Sicily, Africa, Sardinia, and Egypt. 

Those who Avere thoughtful and patriotic students of Ro- 
man affairs earnestly sought to correct these evils. Tiberius 
Gracchus did all he could to form an industrious class of 
agriculturists. "The unemployed in the city on the Seven 
Hills were bravely and even tenderly remembered by Grac- 
chus, although they contained explosive elements, idle 
tramps, and refuse, which Shakspeare, by the mouth of 
Coriolanus, has described as reek of the rotten fens." He 
pleaded for a redistribution of the public lands, on which he 
saw slaves in chains performing manual labor. He sought 
to enforce that ancient law by which no more than five 
hundred acres of the public land could belong to one per- 
son, unless he had sons, in which case two hundred and 
fifty acres were added for each son. 

But in these laudable undertakings Gracchus had but few 
influential sympathizers; he was far more successful in 
arousing the bitter resentment of the wealthy than in se- 
curing the end he had in view. In his thirty-fifth year, 
during an election riot in Rome, he was cruelly murdered. 

Virgil also attempted an agricultural reform by the 
means of his pen. He wrote the Bucolics in order to re- 
awaken interest in the cultivation of the soil. But by all 
his poetic arts he was unable to lift into respectability what 
the Romans had come to look upon as one of the dishon- 
orable employments. 


In close alliance with the evils already mentioned, came 
also a blight upon the Roman family. Women, even 
more than men, were infatuated and intoxicated with the" 
social excesses and licentiousness of the times. The care 
and trouble incident to rearing a family of children became 
irksome to the higher classes, and as a result the number 
of free native Roman citizens constantly decreased, while 
freedmen, slaves, and foreigners multiplied with extraor- 
dinary rapidity. And farther : the education of the young 
was no longer under the eyes of parents, but was left to the 
care of foreign teachers, especially to the Greek pcedagogi. 
Says Plutarch : " When Cassar, upon a certain occasion, 
happened to see some women at Rome carrying young dogs 
and monkeys in their arms, and fondly caressing them, he 
asked whether the women in their country never bore any 
children, thus reproving with a proper severity those who 
lavish upon brutes that natural tenderness which is due 
only to mankind." 

Laxity of morals was accompanied by scepticism in 
religion. In the days of Cicero the people seemed to have 
lost all reverential feeling, " and treated religious matters 
either with perfect indifference or else with ridicule." 20 

In her closing days, the republic was infested with hordes 
of superficial and depraved lawyers. Men read law, not 
because it was an ennobling study not because they could 
better serve the commonwealth, but because they could 
better serve themselves and attain positions otherwise 
denied. The road to political preferment lay through the 
practice of law. To be a consul, one must be a lawyer. 
The senate was controlled by lawyers. The patrician 
would lose caste if he engaged in any business except law. 

i.] HOME. 43 

But are men who enter the legal profession chiefty for po- 
litical preferment safe rulers and legislators ? Ask Rome ! 

During the early days of the republic, judges, if con- 
victed of taking bribes, were wont to be punished by heavy 
fines, were disqualified from being senators, and were some- 
times sent into exile. But later, the courts and government 
were so far demoralized that it was a practice of the most 
common occurrence to buy up with impunity the judges on 
the bench. An appeal to the courts came to be well-nigh 
useless, except to those who could purchase decisions. 

"The love of money and power deadened every other 
feeling," says an able historian; "and the judges Avere not 
much better than those whose acts of injustice they were 
called upon to punish." 

We notice also, what should always be regarded as a 
misfortune, the decline of the military spirit among the 
native citizens. In 107 b. c, Marius set at naught an an- 
cient custom, and enlisted large numbers of the poorer 
classes, who had never before served in the Roman legions. 
The nobles did not object, since they were thereby relieved 
from the necessity of military service. They prized their 
ease so highly that they could not, or at least did not, see 
the peril of intrusting military matters to a few designing 
leaders and to slaves and poor people, who were without 
patriotism and fiercely greedy for pelf and plunder. 

Well may a nation tremble when, in disturbed times, an 
ambitious military genius comes into power, at the head 
of slaves and aliens. Since the soldiers of Rome served 
not for patriotism but for pay, and since they were blind 
to all interests save to those of the commander, it is 


not surprising that the Senate came to dread the success 
of the national armies almost as much as their defeat. 21 

The administration of the general government became 
even more deplorable and dangerous than that of her courts 
or her military affairs. Strifes between different classes 
and parties grew more and more determined. The old 
patrician aristocracy, gradually reduced in numbers and 
influence, still clung tenaciously to their distinctions and 
rank. Some of the plebeian families which had accumu- 
lated wealth formed themselves into a new aristocracy, 
called "upstarts." The feuds between these contending 
factions were so bitter, that, during their strifes, the safety 
of the state was by neither party cared for nor thought 
of. The population of the city, constantly increasing in 
numbers, but being without property or industry, were in 
condition to be bought and used by either party or by any 
person, patriot or traitor, who would pay the largest price. 

The " upstarts " were thus enabled to buy the seats of 
the Senate chamber The Senate was degraded still fur- 
ther by the admission into it of persons from the most 
disreputable classes. These were admitted to the highest 
legislative trusts through the -influence of corrupt dema- 
gogues who desired their votes. Such senators never 
thought of legislating for the good of the state. They 
voted with and for those who could best pay, feed, and 
amuse them. The stern simplicity and strict morality of 
early times gave place on every hand to intrigue and vile 
cunning. The mob element of Rome, having been bribed 
and cajoled by unprincipled political leaders and office- 
seekers, began to feel that in state matters they were of 
chief importance. " They looked to the state for a living, 

I.] ROME. 45 

and to ambitious office-seekers for pastimes and amuse- 
ments." The republic yielded to the demand, fed the idle 
rabble, at one time to the number of three hundred and 
twenty thousand. 92 Men who wanted the votes of the popu- 
lace expended fortunes in games and gladiatorial exhibi- 
tions. 23 In consequence, the mob democracy became more 
and more difficult to manage. The Censors, chiefly to keep 
the city masses employed, ordered public expeditions, such 
as the paving of streets, the gravelling of roads, the build- 
ing of aqueducts and of bridges. But the vast number of 
persons who had been brought to the city by the conquests 
of Rome in Africa, Macedonia, Greece, and Spain, and 
who were now reduced to slavery, rendered their econom- 
ical employment impossible. And further, when it was 
known that the city was giving employment, many from 
the surrounding provinces flocked to Rome, to share in the 
labor and its remuneration. The embarrassments were 
thereby increased. The mob grew more and more dangerous 
and threatening; they became lawless and abusive. The 
time came when there was no government; the noblest 
Romans, disgusted with mob dictation and rule, abandoned 
the republic, or obtained such military commands as would 
require their presence in distant places. 

Rome still had her schools and her literature; Greek 
philosophy was mastered by a multitude of her citizens ; 
Greek manners were introduced into all respectable house- 
holds; children were taught in history, poetry, and rhet- 
oric. But, somehow, all this education did not inspire 
patriotism, reduce crime, nor seemingly benefit the rejmb- 
lic. Demagogues, sacrificing everything and everybody 


standing in the way of their ambitious designs, had robbed 
the republic of patriotism. Who could love such a coun- 
try? The state "became an arena on which the principal 
men were merely struggling for power and influence." 
Ancient regulations for preserving the purity of voting 
lists were neglected. It was impossible to distinguish be- 
tween those who were entitled to the rights of franchise 
and those who were not. In such disturbed times all 
classes are under the delusion that any change will improve 
civil affairs. It was thus in Rome. The republic had not 
seen a Dictator for more than a centuiy. But when the 
victorious general Sulla (82 B. c.) returned from his for- 
eign campaigns, the people were in readiness to proclaim 
him Dictator. This position he would not have dared to 
assume but for the feeble and demoralized republican sen- 
timent that opposed him. 

His reign did not accomplish what was exjiected. He 
mitigated certain evils, but occasioned new ones. In order 
to place himself beyond danger, he confiscated the posses- 
sions of the few who would not yield, and made them over 
to his soldiers. The Roman franchise was also conferred 
upon a body of ten thousand emancipated slaves, and va- 
cancies in the Senate were filled by Equites and Centurions, 
who for the most part, being merely the ignorant and will- 
ing tools of Sulla, were utterly unfit for the position. He 
thus formed an oligarchy of a new class of citizens, after 
extirpating, by murder and proscription, the old ones. 
During his short reign, merely to acquire means to satisfy 
his reckless and greedy soldiers, he must be held responsi- 
ble for the murder of eight thousand Samnite captives, 
forty-six consulars, praetors, and asdiles, two hundred sen- 

i.] ROME. 47 

ators, sixteen hundred equites, and one hundred and fifty 
thousand citizens. Besides these crimes, he drove thou- 
sands of the most industrious and peaceable people into 
exile, poverty, and wretchedness. 

Sulla, by his tyrannical power, smothered elements which 
had threatened general conflagration ; still, these suppressed 
clangers and evils awaited only a favorable opportunity to 
break forth anew. 

Following the death of Sulla, while Roman arms were 
everywhere victorious, Rome and Italy grew worse and 
worse. Men like Catiline could be found who were ready 
to reduce the city to ashes and to murder every leading 
citizen. There were profligates of all classes, the dregs of 
humanity, who were longing for a revival of the proscrip- 
tions under the reign of Sulla. Demagogism bore its 
ripest and most loathsome fruit. Pompey, to secure the 
favor of the populace, enrolled himself as a simple Eques, 
and paraded himself as such, leading his horse in the pro- 
cession. He constantly sought, in the measures enacted, to 
secure his own popularity, though the measures might be 
utterly damaging to the national welfare. His competitor, 
Crassus, who could command greater wealth, sought, by 
distributing large quantities of corn among the people, and 
by feasting them at thousands of public tables, to outbid 

These instances are mentioned as examples of what was 
constantly taking place. It was generally acknowledged 
that no one could obtain office without expending money 
or property to bribe the electors. And yet the time had 
been in the history of the republic when canvassing for 
votes by corrupt means, or even by personal solicitation, 


was heavily fined, and the person convicted was excluded 
from the Senate, and was perpetually incapacitated from 
holding public office. In the later and degenerate days, 
however, office-holders not only bought up the popular 
vote, but, in order to provide themselves with funds neces- 
sary to command votes for their re-election, freely embez- 
zled public moneys and pi*actised all sorts of extortions 
upon conquered provinces. 24 

The time had been when a public libeller might be beaten 
to death, and, even if the castigation did not result fatally, 
he was looked upon as civilly dead, and could neither give 
evidence in court nor make a will. But in those later 
days of the republic, each candidate for office sought, by 
calumnies and misrepresentations, to blacken the reputa- 
tion of his competitor, and thus the fickle populace was 
made to look upon even the best friends of the republic 
with suspicion and distrust. At length these controversies 
were so heated, and the jealousies so bitter, that there 
seemed no safety for either the citizen or the state. 

There were likewise other grounds of insecurity. From 
the time Avhen Sulla had allied himself with the murderous 
Catiline, in order to defeat his aged rival C. Marius, there 
had been coalitions of singular and startling character. 
CoiTupt and daring men were constantly in league, not 
chiefly, and in most instances not at all, for the public good, 
but to defeat opponents, to secure personal safety or ag- 
grandizement. Marius entered into league with the bold 
and cunning tribune P. Sulpicius, who, in defiance of con- 
stitutional authority, dared to organize a body of three 
thousand gladiators, whom he termed his anti-senate. 
Other famous alliances were those between M. JEmilius 

I.] ROME. 49 

Lepidus and Q. Lutatius Catulus, Brutus and Pompey, 
Claudius and Milo, Pompey and Cassar, Antony and Cor- 
nelius. Two or three of these designing and able men, 
by patronizing the unemployed classes, — the husbandmen 
who had been reduced to beggary, the military desperados 
who thronged the country, the exiled citizens, and the hun- 
gry populace, — could easily organize an army and wield it 
solely for selfish purposes. The few noble-minded men 
"who came forward to put their hands to the wheel," 
fell victims to their own patriotic efforts, and were crushed 
under the vice and tyranny of the hour. 

In 60 b. c, eighteen years after the death of Sulla, Cassar, 
Pompey, and Crassus, by uniting their strength, found it 
an easy matter to seize and hold in their hands the fate 
of the republic. Crassus wanted wealth, Pompey wanted 
to rule Asia, and Caesar wanted to rise above them both. 

Within seven years affairs grew so turbulent that Pom- 
pey was made sole consul, an appointment the first of its 
kind in the history of Rome. At the death of Crassus, all 
authority passed into the hands of Pompey and Cassar. 
Still the mass of the people did not remonstrate; the re- 
public had sunk so low that one or two strong men must 
head affairs ; it might as well be Pompey and Caesar as any 
other two or three whom the citizens could name. 

But more than this. The state was in such condition, 
and the ancient reverence for the constitution had so far 
diminished, that it could be violated with the utmost im- 
punity. The repeated election of Marius to consulship; 
the investment of Pompey with supreme command over 
all parts and coasts of the Mediterranean, a power subse- 
quently extended over Bithynia, Pontus, and Armenia ; the 


extension of time in the ruling of provinces ; the domina- 
tion of the tribunes, and the putting to death of Roman 
citizens without trial, — were a few of the many constitu- 
tional infringements which, with scarcely a popular protest, 
were enacted by the leading men of the republic. 

These repeated transgressions of the constitution, and 
this unsettled condition of public affairs, filled Caesar 
with daring sufficient to cross the Rubicon without asking 
permission of the Senate. That bold and law-def}~ing step 
was to settle the question whether Rome was master of 
herself or subject to Caesar. "On the ever-memorable 
night," says De Quincey, " when he had resolved to take 
the first step (and in such a case the first step, as regarded 
the ]3ower of retreating, was also the final step) which 
placed him in arms against the state, it happened that his 
head-quarters were at some distance from the little river 
Rubicon, which formed the boundary of his province. With 
his usual caution, that no news of his motions might run 
before himself, on this night Caesar gave an entertainment 
to his friends, in the midst of which he slipped away unob- 
served, and with a small retinue proceeded through the 
woods to the point of the river at which he designed to 
cross. The night was stormy, and by the violence of the 
wind all the torches of his escort were blown out, so that 
the whole party lost their road, having probably at first in- 
tentionally deviated from the main route, and wandered 
about through the whole night, until the early dawn ena- 
bled them to recover their true course. The light was still 
gray and uncertain, as Caesar and his retinue rode down 
upon the banks of the fatal river — to cross which with 
arms in his hands, since the further bank lay within the 

I.] ROME. 51 

territory of the republic, ipso facto, proclaimed any Roman 
a rebel and a traitor. No man, the firmest or the most 
obtuse, could be otherwise than deeply agitated, when look- 
ing down upon this little brook, so insignificant in itself, 
but invested by law with a sanctity so awful, and so dire 
a consecration. The whole course of future history, and 
the fate of every nation, would necessarily be determined 
by the irretrievable act of the next half hour. 

" In these moments, and with this spectacle before him, 
and contemplating these immeasurable consequences con- 
sciously for the last time that could allow him a retreat, — 
impressed also by the solemnity and deep tranquillity of 
the silent dawn, whilst the exhaustion of his night wan- 
derings predisposed him to nervous irritation, — Cassar, we 
may be sure, was profoundly agitated. The whole elements 
of the scene were almost scenically disposed ; the law of 
antagonism having perhaps never been employed with so 
much effect : the little quiet brook presenting a direct an- 
tithesis to its grand political character; and the innocent 
dawn, with its pure, untroubled repose, contrasting po- 
tently, to a man of any intellectual sensibility, with the 
long chaos of bloodshed, darkness, and anarchy which was 
to take its rise from the apparently trifling acts of this one 
morning. So prepared, we need not much wonder at what 
followed. Cflesar was yet lingering on the hither bank, 
when suddenly, at a point not far distant from himself, an 
apparition was descried in a sitting posture, and holding 
in its hand what seemed a flute. This phantom was of 
unusual size, and of beauty more than human, so far as its 
lineaments could be traced in the early dawn. What is 
singular, however, in the story, on any hypothesis which 


would explain it out of Caesar's individual condition, is, 
that others saw it as well as he; both pastoral laborers, 
(who were present, probably in the character of guides.) 
and some of the sentinels stationed at the passage of the 
river. These men fancied even that a strain of music issued 
from this aerial flute. And some, both of the shepherds 
and the Roman soldiers, who were bolder than the rest, ad- 
vanced towards the figure. Amongst this party,' it hap- 
pened that there were a few Roman trumpeters. From 
one of these, the phantom, rising as they advanced nearer, 
suddenly caught a trumpet, and blowing through it a blast 
of superhuman strength, plunged into the Rubicon, passed 
to the other bank, and disappeared in the dusky twilight 
of the dawn. Upon which Coesar exclaimed: 'It is fin- 
ished — the die is cast — let us follow whither the guiding 
portents from heaven, and the malice of our enemy, alike 
summon us to go.' So saying, he crossed the river with 
impetuosity; and, in a sudden rapture of passionate and 
vindictive ambition, placed himself and his retinue upon 
the Italian soil ; and, as if by inspiration from Heaven, in 
one moment involved himself and his followers in treason, 
raised the standard of revolt, put his foot upon the neck of 
the invincible republic which had humbled all the kings 
of the earth, and founded an empire which was to last for 
a thousand and half a thousand years. In what manner 
this spectral appearance was managed — whether Coesar 
were its author, or its dupe — will remain unknown forever. 
But undoubtedly this was the first time that the advanced 
guard of a victorious army was headed by an apparition ; 
and we may conjecture that it will be the last." 

After taking this bold step, it was comparatively an easy 

i.] EOME. 53 

matter for Caesar to dare other political transgressions. 
He broke open the national treasury, took for personal and 
campaign purposes the public money, and caused himself 
to be nominated Dictator by Lepidus, a praetor. These were 
clearly illegal acts. 25 But when nearly all public acts 
wore both illegal and unjust, who could well object to what 
Cresar had done ? 26 Assuming the position of Dictator, 
the senate and people at once meekly bowed to the will 
of this great leader and usurper. To make himself secure 
against political opponents, Csesar confiscated and sold the 
property of Pompey, and, by arbitrary will, introduced 
many personal friends and partisans into the Senate. This 
packed senate received Caesar, after his Spanish victories, 
with the most abject flattery and servility. He was pro- 
nounced "the father of his country." He was sovereign 
and usurper of the republic — more properly, sovereign and 
usurper of a wrecked republic. 

When, therefore, Rome had become little better than a 
den of robbers and vagabonds; when extravagance and 
luxury had reached their height in such families as had 
the means of indulgence ; when audacity and impudence 
were rampant among the rabble because law was powerless 
to check them; when good men, whose number grew 
smaller and smaller, had everything to fear, while bad 
men felt that, whatever the changes impending, their con- 
dition could only be improved ; — when affairs had come to 
this desperate pass, then the Roman republic existed only 
in name. The strifes between conflicting political parties ; 
the arrogance and corruptions of wealth ; the distress of 
poverty; the hired assassin, the blood-stained streets and 
halls, led the law-abiding citizens of all classes, even the 


most patriotic, — men of letters, like Horace, those who 
had clone all in their power to save the republic, — to cry 
out for a king, or for a military despot, for any usurper who 
could maintain order and who would promise to restore 
prosperity to the suffering commonwealth. Usurpation in 
such an hour is not a crime ; it is, upon the ground of a 
greater good to a greater number, positively demanded of 
one who has ability or power to bring order out of confu- 
sion. It was no longer a question whether the Roman 
republic should continue; the question was, rather, who, 
upon its ruins, shall establish the Roman empire? If none 
were fitter, who could object to Caesar? 

The conspiracy of Brutus and Cassius, which resulted in 
the murder of Caesar, shows that there were a few who 
would not submit gracefully. They revolted, however, not 
through patriotism, but because they were ambitious for 
the place held by Caesar. All things considered, the death 
of Caesar must be looked upon as a loss to tlie Roman peo- 
ple. They needed a ruler; they were not likely to find one 
superior to the assassinated dictator. 

After the murder of Caesar, Octavianus, his nephew, after- 
wards emperor Augustus, who had been adopted as the suc- 
cessor of the childless Caesar, allied himself with two other 
men, Antony and Lepidus, to rule the empire. They first 
gained over the soldiers by promising to distribute lands 
among them ; they next rid themselves of enemies by the 
terrible process of proscription. The names of persona 
whom they disliked were written upon a list which was 
publicly posted. Any man was at liberty to kill the pro- 
scribed, and in many cases large rewards were offered the 
assassins. Men were proscribed whose only offence was 

i.] ROME. 55 

that they had heen friendly to some opponent, or that they 
were rich. Death was threatened also to any person who 
should dare conceal or aid a proscribed citizen. The 
scenes of inhuman cruelty enacted in Rome at that period 
were not less brutal than the horrors in France during the 
days of Robespierre, Danton, and Marat. Two thousand 
Equites and three hundred senators were massacred during 
a few days, while hundreds of the best citizens fled for 
protection to Sicily and to other places more distant. The 
remaining steps which carried the republic completely under 
the imperial sway cf Augustus were quickly taken. One 
of these triumvirs, Lepidus, was defeated, leaving the af- 
fairs of the empire in the hands of Octavianus and Antony. 
Misfortunes came upon Antony, while Octavianus was 
everywhere successful. 

In the year 29 b. c. Octavianus returned to Rome to cel- 
ebrate the national victories. He was greeted by the peo- 
ple with the greatest enthusiasm, and the senate conferred 
upon him the title of Imperator for life. The Roman 
republic, dead for years, was now buried, and the people 
were glad. They hailed with delight the end of feuds 
and the establishment of a monarchy. 27 

Here in Italy were the same inspiring scenery, the same 
rich fields, the same climate, essentially the same blood ; 
but a degenerate and demoralized people had become such 
that they could no longer live safely except under the 
strong hand of a monarch. Here, therefore, is an illustra- 
tion of what has more than once appeared in history, namely, 
a form of government well adapted to one age being but 
poorly adapted to another. Therefore a given form of 
government which should be fought for under one class 


of circumstances, should not, under a different class, be 
defended by the drawing of a single sword. 

The new emperor Augustus reigned forty-three years 
(b. c. 29 — A. D. 14). He restored the blessings of peace. 
Rome, the den of robbers, was renovated and rendered safe 
to dwell in. The people, for the most part, seemed to have 
forgotten their past political freedom, losing all interest in 
political matters. The monarch, without popular remon- 
strance, gradually assumed the different powers of the state 
in his own person. He excluded the " upstart " from the 
senate, limited the number of senators, then limited their 
meetings, and lastly, in the administration of public affairs, 
ignored the body almost entirely. He had no ministers 
of state, but sought the advice of personal friends of ac- 
knowledged ability. Yet so beneficent was the govern- 
ment that all praised it, and the power of Augustus was as 
safe as if, instead of being a usurper, as he really was, he 
had been born to the throne of the Roman empire. 

This appears well for Italy and Rome at that time and 
under that emperor ; but let republicans in all existing re- 
publics, who are sighing for a monarchy, reflect and re- 
member, that after Augustus came the bloody tyrant, 
Tiberius, and later, the impious and cruel Caligula, then 
Nero, at the mention of whose name the World shudders. 
Afterwards came Domitian, whose impiousness equalled 
that of -Caligula and whose cruelty was like that of Nero. 

After the emperors followed the period of invasions. 
Alaric, the Visigoth, sacked Rome; Attila destroyed other 
cities of Italy, and Odoacer brought the empire completely 
to an end. Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths, established 
a monarchy which was overthrown by Belisarius and Nar- 

i.] ROME. 57 

setes. Afterwards the Lombards obtained mastery, but 
their kingdom was overthrown by Charlemagne, and the 
laws of the state gave way to the laws of the Romish 
church. And then that country which had been a republic 
— in some respects the greatest republic of the world — 
was ruled by one mind, " that of a single pope, and by one 
sword, that of a single emperor." 






In the north of Italy, upon the territory extending from the 
Alps to the Po, and from Lago Maggiore and the Ticino 
to Lago di Garda and the Mincio, are several cities which 
in the eleventh century achieved their impendence. Be- 
tween these cities there was no firm federal compact, 
though in times of danger they sometimes formed powerful 
leagues. In union they were enabled to defeat Frederic Bar- 
barossa, in 117G, and Frederic II. in 1225. Following the 
Peace of Constance (1183), they rapidly increased in wealth, 
power, and influence. They were the centres of a remark- 
able revival in commerce, art, and learning. Italy seemed 
again the home of freedom and of civil and political pros- 
perity. But to-day all these republics, except San Marino, 
on Monte Titanus, are merely historic. Their story is 
briefly told. In 1220 civil contentions between the nobles 
and the commons assumed a threatening character. In 
Milan, Piacenza, Modena, Cremona, and Bologna, there 
was resort to arms. The disputes were based chiefly upon 
the question of a form of government — whether it should 
be purely democratic or oligarchic. Occasionally the rival 
parties would patch up a hollow peace, which was sure 
to be followed by a renewal of hostilities. 



At length social and political quiet gave place entirely 
to altercation, wrangling, and political proscription. " Ex- 
iles were plotting without," says the historian, "and traitors 
within. The forms of a free constitution were maintained, 
but they were empty forms. The magistrates, who were 
nominally endowed with judicial and executive authority, 
were the mere puppets of the party chieftains who had 
called them into public life. A government- of faction 
was substituted for a government of law." Citizens were 
proscribed by each dominant party, their houses sacked 
and fired, and their property confiscated. Almost every 
stone of those medieval palaces which had withstood the 
ravages of so many wars could " tell a tale of frightful 
tragedies, and of the play of ungovernable passions, of 
seditions, revolutions, and riots, which surged around their 
base and beat against their gloomy gigantic walls." 

Civil dissensions in the Communes, as in other historic 
states, had weakened and then demoralized the citizenship. 
The people, being in perpetual danger, lost their love of 
country. Usurpers and invaders easily assumed the reins 
of government. Padua fell under the power of Eccelino; 
Treviso surrendered to imperial arms; Yicenza, Brescia, 
and Faenza, were taken by assault; Milan yielded to an 
imperial form of government, and Bologna quietly submit- 
ted to the Yisconti. The Visconti gradually extended their 
conquests until all northern Italy, except the Venetian 
dogado, surrendered to their domination. 

Florence remained longest the champion of constitutional 
liberty. She had a famous history, and at the dawn of the 
Christian era was one of the most flourishing cities of 
Europe. Her prosperity and triumphs during the twelfth 


century were magnificent. But later, that republic, whose 
armies were successful abroad, whose territories were con- 
stantly extending, and whose financial credit was unchal- 
lenged, found herself embroiled in civil disturbances and 
feuds that threatened her existence. She could still in- 
crease in wealth ; she could command an army of her own 
citizenship of above seventy thousand ; her merchants had 
almost unlimited credit throughout the civilized world ; she 
cultivated letters, had famous schools and encouraged the 
arts, but was not capable of self-government. " The city," 
says Machiavelli, "was well able to hold its own against 
all the states of Italy by its own strength. That mischief, 
however, which no power from without could have accom- 
plished, was worked by those within the gates." 

The contending factions grew more and more fierce, 
vindictive, and unrelenting. The oligarchical party was 
first successful, and expelled those who favored democratic 
supremacy. Next the democracy was successful, and 
drove the advocates of oligarchy into exile. The battle 
of Montaperti (1260) gave the mastery of Florence again 
to the aristocrats, who, after the defeat of Manfred of Na- 
ples, were in turn overthrown by the democracy. Subse- 
quently a third party, composed of tradesmen, became 
dominant. They excluded both the nobility and the com- 
monalty from participation in the government. The peo- 
ple found, however, that the rule of the so-called Citizen 
party was as arrogant and tyrannical, after a little time, as 
had been that of the nobility. Courts of justice were de- 
moralized. Money was lavishly expended with no adequate 
returns. Assassinations were frequent. The " Ordinances 
of Justice " Avere passed, which, for severity and injustice 


against the hitherto ruling classes, have no equal in history. 
New factions appeared at the commencement of the four- 
teenth century, known as the Whites and the Blacks. Later, 
murder was so common that Florence was in the way of 
entirely losing her citizenship, and, therefore, in order to 
restore peace to the embroiled and blood-stained city, 
asked for foreign intervention. In 1343, De Brienne, an 
unscrupulous despot, seized the reins of government. Next 
followed the democratic Board of Magistrates of the Guelph 
party, which proved to be not less tyrannical than the No- 
bility, the Citizen party, or the despot De Brienne. 

" So great was the dread and terror which had fallen on 
the citizens, 1 ' says Ammirato, " that no tyrant immediately 
after the discovery of a conspiracy, was so formidable to 
his subjects as the magistracy of the Guelph party had be- 
come to its fellow-citizens. Wherever they passed in the 
city the people might be seen to rise from their seats and 
bow and cringe before them, just as is practised before abso- 
lute sovereigns and despots by their subjects. To speak ill 
of any member of that board of magistrates was a far more 
dangerous thing than to blaspheme the holy name of God 
and his saints. The citizens sought to make alliance by 
marriage with them, even though such alliances might be 
otherwise most disadvantageous. The shopkeepers readily 
gave them their goods on credit, and then did not dare to 
ask for payment for them. And to this end they had people 
adapted to the working of their tyranny, whose business it 
was to run up and clown the city, and threaten prosecu- 
tions or promise favors according to the requirements of 
the case in hand." 

In 1378 there was a genei-al revolt, the government was 


overthrown, and the lowest elements in society came to the 
surface. The mob gave to Michele di Lando, a wool- 
comber, absolute control of the city, and declai*ed him Lord 
of Florence. But subsequently, because he would not sanc- 
tion all their unjust and merciless demands, the mob turned 
against him and undertook, in a public square, to enact 
regulations to suit their revolutionary purposes. 

It is dangerous for a democratic mob to get the taste 
of power; it is like letting a hungry tiger lick blood. 
This mob passed the most exacting and communistic 
laws imaginable. Respectable citizens were terror-struck. 
Their only safety consisted in standing aloof and in sur- 
rendering public affairs entirely into the hands of the rev- 

Fortunately for the safety of the state, the Medici soon 
overthrew this rude republic and seized the government. 28 
By weeding out their enemies, through the adoption, when 
necessary, of harsh and even cruel measures, they ruled 
Florence as autocrats, but, under the circumstances, ruled 
it well. Pietro Medici was expelled (1498), and Savonarola 
established a kind of democratic theocracy, but was shortly 
after crucified as a heretic by Pope Alexander. The com- 
monwealth subsequently passed through a varying fortune 
until the reconciliation of Pope Clement to the Emperor 
Charles. It Avas thereupon agreed that Florence should 
become. a dukedom. The Florentines made a brief though 
gallant struggle to maintain their liberties; but the day 
had passed. Unfortunately Florence had no citizen sol- 
diery .29 Her conquests abroad were not through Florentine 
valor, but by mercenary troops. The nobility and trades- 
men had come to look with contempt upon the military 


profession. The rich plebeian was busy in his storehouse, 
devoted to money-getting and luxury ; enter the ranks he 
would not while money could hire a substitute. But a 
mercenary soldiery can never take the place of a nation's 
militia. Thus Florence was helpless; when the Pope and 
the emperor so determined, the commonwealth became a 
dukedom, with Alessandro de Medici for its ruler. Ales- 
sandro was killed in 1539, and was succeeded by his son. 
After the death of this last duke of the Medicean family, 
the government of Tuscany, with Florence, its capital, fell 
to Francis, Duke of Lorraine, later, Emperor of Germany. 
His descendants were expelled by the French in 1799. In 
1801 Tuscany, under Louis of Parma, became a part of the 
kingdom of Etiuria. In 1808 it was ruled by France. In 
1814 the Grand-duke Ferdinand III. acquired possession ; 
but in 1859 his son, Ferdinand IV., abdicated, and in May 
22, 1860, Tuscany was incorporated into the kingdom of 
Italy, and Florence was the capital of the kingdom until 
1871, when this dignity was conferred upon Rome. 

II. Genoa. — In a small bay of the Gulf of Genoa, at the 
foot of the Ligurian Apennines, is a city which has experi- 
enced more political revolutions, perhaps, than any other 
in Europe. At the beginning of the second Punic war 
(218 B. C.) it is mentioned by Livy as a town having friendly 
relations with Rome. During the sixth century it fell into 
the hands of the Lombards, and later passed under the 
sway of Charlemagne. During the tenth century, Genoa 
freed herself from the Frank counts imposed by Charle- 
magne, and established a free constitution. During the 
eleventh and twelfth centuries, the republic rapidly in- 

ii.] GENOA. 67 

creased in power and wealth. The Genoese merchants, 
termed " the superb merchant-princes,' 1 were formidable 
upon all peas ; they supplied the markets of Constantinople, 
conquered the right to trade on the shores of the Caspian, 
dealt largely in the costly merchandise of India, and pushed 
their commerce far into other parts of Asia. The conquests 
of the republic, considering its size, are certainly remark- 
able. City after city fell under her sway — Corsica, Mi- 
norca Capraja, Almeria, Tartosa, Marseilles, Nice, Pisa, and 
Venice after the battle of Curzola. She made settlements 
along the coast of the Holy Land ; studded the shores of 
the Euxine with a chain of forts, factories, and colonies, 
and in 1240 became dictator of the throne of Constantinople. 
Except for internal dissensions, it is difficult to tell where 
her conquests would have ended. 

The Genoese during their ascendency were bold, enei*- 
getic, shrewd, frugal, and industrious. The city meanwhile 
grew in opulence and splendor, receiving the title "La 
Superba." When viewed from the sea, Genoa had the ap- 
pearance of a compact mass, resembling an immense mar- 
ble amphitheatre. 

The constitution of the state at the start leaned towards 
an aristocracy. Then followed that bane of republics — 
the bitter antagonisms between conservatism and democ- 
racy. The democracy gradually came into power, and 
the state was in tumult. The rule of the podesta suc- 
ceeded, lasting, with some interruptions, from 1190 to 1270. 
Spinola and Dona, two distinguished citizens, calling them- 
selves " captains of liberty," next usurped the government, 
holding it until 1291. They were followed by the "foreign 
captains ; " they in turn by the Council of Twenty-Four, 


the members of which were taken equally from the nobles 
and plebeians. These changes of government resulted in bit- 
ter feuds, political corruptions and persecutions. The democ- 
racy, when in power, were far more relentless and cruel 
than the conservatives. So fearful were these hostilities 
that the city with its outlying territory was left almost 
desolate. Tired of discord, ready for any change of gov- 
ernment which might render property and person safe, 
the mass of the citizens, in a convention in 1339, elected 
for life a magistrate, termed a doge, and excluded by law 
all the nobles from ever filling that office. Two centuries 
later, under the leadership of Andrew Doria, a more liberal 
policy was adopted. But persecutions, conspiracies, an un- 
settled government, protracted wars with Pisa and Venice, 
and the plague of 1656, had so weakened the power of 
Genoa that she first yielded to Austria, then to Bonaparte. 
He gave her the title of Ligurian Republic. But in 1802 
Bonaj)arte united both city and province to the empire of 
France. By the congress of Vienna, Genoa became, and 
remains, a tributary city of the Sardinian monarchy. 

III. Venice. — Upon the shores of the Adriatic, between 
the mouth of the Piane on the north, and the Adige on 
the south, is a group of fifteen small islands, formed by 
alluvial deposits, which were originally marshy, and unin- 
habited except by a few fishermen. In 452 a. d., Attila 
with his horde of Huns swept over northern Italy, leaving 
city and town ruined and desolate. A few families of cul- 
ture and wealth sought upon these bleak and barren islands 
a refuge from the Hun devastations. They commenced 
in the humblest way, but laid the foundation " of proud 

part ii.] VENICE. 69 

and powerful Venice." In the middle of the sixth century 
Venice had an independent government, her rulers being 
called " maritime tribunes." In 697 the Venetians, owing 
to increasing and threatening rivalries between the differ- 
ent islands, wisely formed a federal union, and chose a 
chief magistrate, called Doge. Until 755 the authority of 
the doge was well-nigh imperial. At the usurpation of Do- 
menigo Osseolo (1033) the people were thoroughly aroused, 
democratic sentiments prevailed, and the national assembly 
abolished hereditary succession. Venice meanwhile was 
growing immensely rich and influential ; she was queen of 
Mediterranean commerce, and ruled over extensive colonial 
domains. The Venetians have been called, with strict jus- 
tice, the Tyrians of the Middle Ages. Towards the close of 
the fourteenth century Venetian argosies were upon every 
sea ; her merchandise crowded every port and was carried 
far into Inner Asia. Her schools were celebrated, her art 
renowned, and she was accomplished in all the refinements 
of the age. In military achievements she was equally con- 
spicuous. Padua, Verona, Vicenza, Barsano, Belluno, Bres- 
cia, Bergamo, Crema, Cremona, Rovigo, and Treviso, one 
after another, yielded to her dominion. During the season 
of her greatest prosperity, wealth and aristocracy, for the 
most part, administered her public affairs, led her armies, 
and commanded her navies. Some of the Venetian families 
became famous throughout the civilized world. " The 
common people," says the historian, "were busy at their 
trades and their traffic, and were content to leave the hon- 
ors and emoluments of office to those whom God and 
nature seemed to have marked as their masters. The 
lower class had plenty to do and nothing to fear; their 


lives and their rights were protected, and they enjoyed the 
guardian care of a stable government — a rare privilege 
in those stormy, tumultuous times. Universal suffrage 
still existed. Although the population had increased to 
about sixty-five thousand, the national assembly was yet 
the great legislature of the republic. At fixed periods the 
three estates of the commonwealth, the Upper, Middle, and 
Lower,' were convoked in the church of St. Mark in the 
capital, or of St. Peter at Castello, to deliberate upon public 
affairs, and in the national assembly the plebeian was the 
equal of the proudest patrician." 

But soon after the so-termed popular triumphs of 1033, 
the strife between the aristocracy and the commonalty be- 
came determined and bitter. The democracy, not satisfied 
with what had been gained and enjoyed, clamored at every 
step for more. The nobility, on the other hand, were con- 
stantly plotting against the democracy and seeking in va- 
rious ways to restrict popular representation and appro- 
priate to themselves even ducal prerogatives. Durino- 
nearly a hundred years the republic was worried with these 
political turmoils. The panic following the murder of the 
Doge Vitali Michieli II. (1172) witnessed a decided gain 
for the nobility. The government became essentially a 
patrician oligarchy with constantly increasing power. The 
doge, though elected by popular vote, was trammelled until 
he became a "helpless puppet in the hands of the nobility. 1 ' 
The government was vested in the Great Council, which 
was exclusive and thoroughly aristocratic. In 1298 the 
Great Council, while " packed," abolished, by a decisive 
vote, popular elections. This was going too far with a 
people who had enjoyed something of civil rights. These 

ii.] VENICE. 71 

measures met with a fierce resistance, resulting in a reign 
of terror, the death-struggle between the two contending 
parties. To maintain their authority, the nobility first 
ordered the murder or banishment of the leading malcon- 
tents, and then still further centralized the administration 
of affairs. The Great Council yielded in legislative and 
executive power to the " Council of Fifteen." In 1310 a 
"Committee of Ten" was instituted. In 1454 a select 
"Committee of Three," called "Inquisitors of State," was 
ordered. The tyranny of the Inquisitors of State was ap- 
palling. Patricians and noblemen were arrested, thrown 
into the icells and the leads, were strangled or drowned. 30 In 
1555 Roman Catholicism was in the politics of Venice, as 
in other Italian republics, a disturbing factor. The Inqui- 
sition, thenceforth religious as well as political, became, as 
was said, "a rod full of eyes." 

Expensive wars with sister republics, the tumults of an 
unscrupulous democracy, the selfish legislation of a proud 
oligarchy whose measures were carried out by means of po- 
litical and religious inquisitions, had been for years slowly 
but surely undermining patriotism in the hearts of the 
Venetians. Through increase of wealth, indulgence in idle 
and extravagant pleasures, and lack of patriotism, the 
military spirit of the nobility so far declined that it was no 
longer regarded an honorable occupation to bear arms. 
The commoners, including the business men, the mechanics, 
and the artisans, — the best citizens left, — had suffered so 
much from the arrogant and exclusive government of the 
oligarchy, that they had not sufficient patriotism left to 
enlist or fight for the republic. Indeed, these classes were 
seditious. "The most dangerous enemy is inside our 


walls," said the councillors to the doge upon the very day 
of her overthrow. This destitution of a citizen soldiery 
brought the republic into a critical and powerless position 
whenever threatened by foreign foes. The mercenary 
troops employed for her defence were ignorant of Venetian 
laws and language, and could be very easily seduced into 
infidelity to the state. Such an army is a continuous 
and exhaustive drain upon the public treasury, while 
it affords but the feeblest protection to the national do- 
mains. In 1645 Venice lost so heavily in war that the 
oligarchy proposed to receive wealthy commoners into the 
Great Council upon the payment of sixty thousand ducats. 
Two hundred and sixty-four years prior to this (1381), 
thirty plebeians were elected nobles as a reward of their 
bravery and patriotism. Now these honors were bought 
and sold like common merchandise. Angelo Michieli, an 
eminent senator, protested. " You change," he exclaimed, 
" the very nature of this government, in placing the patri- 
ciate at auction. Is it to cure an evil that you corrupt 
the body politic? How can you expect that the people will 
respect authority in the hands of those whom but recently 
they had for companions of their labors — perhaps of their 
vices? You need money! Then sell your sons, but do not 
sell the nobility." His protests were unavailing. The re- 
public was dead. 

By this sale of political and national honors the common- 
alty who were not rich enough to purchase position were 
angered, then emboldened, and at length dared assert their 
political rights. The oligarchy, conscious of its weakness, 
yielded entirely to the popular will at the election of 1074. 
There was a varying fortune for the republic during the 

ii.] AMALFI. 73 

next hundred years. In 1797 Napoleon Bonapai-te threat- 
ened, and Venice, the oldest republic of the world — hav- 
ing from first to last maintained her national credit and 
her commercial supremacy, and having in former times 
repulsed Pepin, humbled Barbarossa, and held out against 
combined Europe — submitted without a struggle, and al- 
most without a protest. 

The remainder of the story of Venice is briefly told. 
From the treaty of Campo Formio (1797) to 1848 was a suc- 
cession of secret conspiracies or open attempts at rebellion 
against Austrian domination. In 1848 a revolution broke 
out which was successful for a time, but in spite of 
heroic efforts the city fell again into the hands of her 
northern lord. In 1866, as a consequence of the Austro- 
Prussian war, Venice and the Venetian provinces became 
a part of the united kingdom of Italy, " and in the autumn 
of that year the city welcomed her new sovereign with 
magnificent demonstrations of joy." 31 

IV. Amalfi. — In passing from northern to southern Italy 
will be found a city situated seven miles west of Salermo, 
and thirty south of Naples, bearing the name Amalfi. In 
the ninth centuiy it contained fifty thousand inhabitants, 
and later was the capital of a flourishing republic. Gib- 
bon is, perhaps, extravagant in his estimates when stating 
that Amalfi preceded Venice in reopening intercourse with 
the Levant. Still, all historians agree that at a veiy early 
date she entered upon a maritime career with singular 
energy and success, and that her mariners excelled in the 
theory and practice of navigation and astronomy. Her 
merchants traded extensively with Africa, Arabia, and the 


East; her settlements in Constantinople, Antioch, Jerusa- 
lem, and Alexandria acquired the privileges of independent 
colonies. The description of Amalfi by William, the Apu- 
lian, is frequently quoted by historians : 

" Nulla magis locuples argento, vcstibus, auro 
Partibus innumeris : liae plurimus urbe raoratur. 
Nauta maris ccelique vias aperire peritus. 
Hue et Alexandri di versa feruntur ab urbe 
Regis, et Antiochi. Gens haec freta plurima transit. 
His Arabes, Indi, Siculi nascuntur et Afri. 
Haec gens est totum prope nobilitata per orbem, 
Et tuercando ferens, et amans mercata referre." 

After three hundred years of prosperity, Amalfi was op- 
pressed by the arms of the Normans, and subsequently 
sacked by the jealousy of Pisa. The remains of an arsenal, 
a cathedral, and the dilapidated palaces of her once, royal 
merchants are now the homes of fishermen " in a very poor 
line of life." 

V. Free Cities of Germany. — During the ascend- 
ency and decline of both the Roman republic and the Ro- 
man empire, northern Asia, also Europe on the north of 
Asia, were inhabited by a rough and Avarlike people 
called Barbarians, or Scythians. Coming in contact with 
the civilization of the countries under Roman sway, they 
saw its advantages, and at length, through its influence, 
greatly improved upon their savage mode of life. After 
the Avreck of the Roman empire, these Barbarians gradually 
organized themselves anew under the sway of feudalism. 
Centres of manufacturing interests, trade, and commerce 
sprang up and grew rapidly, forming towns and cities. 
The exactions of the feudal lords, as the towns increased 


in wealth and strength, were resisted; the insurrections 
that followed led to the affranchisement of the larger towns 
and communities. From the beginning of the twelfth cen- 
tury commercial intercourse sprang up rapidly between 
these freed cities and many countries of Europe and Asia. 
But owing to the plundering and piratical character of the 
age, scarcely a merchant train or ship was safe. Swarms 
of pirates closely watched the straits of the Baltic and the 
mouths of the Rhine, the Elbe, and the Save. To protect 
their commerce against lawless marauders, these northern 
cities formed what is known as the Ilanseatic League, so 
called from the old Teuton word, hansa, meaning an associ- 
ation or company. It is difficult to fix a definite date for 
the commencement of this confederacy ; it was a growth. 
There are traces of joint defensive action as early as the 
middle of the twelfth century. A formal treaty was pub- 
lished in 1241. City after city joined the union, until it 
embraced eighty-five, and in power matched the strongest 
governments of Europe. During the' fourteenth and fif- 
teenth centuries this confederacy reached its highest degree 
of power and splendor. The people enjoyed conveniences 
entirely unknown to their ancestors, whom Rome had never 
conquered nor for centuries impressed with her civilization. 
The Ilanse confederation deserves a very high rank among 
the benefactors of mankind. These people resemble in 
many respects the Phoenicians of much earlier date. They 
encouraged and cultivated literature, science, and various 
forms of art. As but few people before them had done, they 
stimulated production, especially in the four great depart- 
ments — agriculture, fisheries, mines, and manufactures. 
This League "did much to define general principles of 


mercantile law, and to enlarge the scope and ennoble the 
spirit of commercial enterprise, by uniting many petty, 
narrow interests in a great common cause. It served 
greatly to increase the wealth of the cities themselves, and 
to develop in their populations taste, refinement, and genius 
for both the practical and the fine arts. By the stimulus 
which it imparted to agricultural industry it also waked a 
spirit of enterprise and a love of liberty in the breasts of 
the oppressed tillers of the soil, and thus joined with other 
influences to prepare the way for the emancipation of the 
serfs. The League thus touched the springs of social life 
and activity universally, to the advantage of all classes. 
In its leading ideas and policy, though crude and only par- 
tially developed, we find the germs of that law of recipro- 
city and freedom which is now so generally recognized as 
the basis of modern commerce." 3a 

The supreme authority of the League was vested in the 
deputies of the different towns assembled in congress. In 
it they discussed civil measures, decided upon the sum that 
each city should contribute to the common fund, and deter- 
mined such other questions as related to their common 
interests. The meeting of congress was most frequently 
held at Liibeck, which was essentially the capital of tbe 
League; but sometimes congresses were held at Hamburg, 
Cologne, and other towns. They met once every three 
years; oftener if occasion required. Any one might be 
chosen for a deputy; and besides merchants, the congress 
comprised clergymen, lawyers, artists, and artisans. When 
the deliberations were concluded, the decrees were formally 
communicated to the magistrates of the several cities; 


and the most vigorous measures were in early times 
adopted for carrying those decrees into effect. 

We find in the Ilanse confederacy much else which chal- 
lenges our admiration. It maintained its existence for 
nearly four hundred years. It exercised the same dominion 
over the Baltic that Venice did over the Adriatic. It se- 
cured control of almost the whole foreign commerce of 
Scandinavia, Denmark, Prussia, Poland, and Russia. 

The kings of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway frequently 
engaged in war with these Hansards-, hut were always 
worsted. In 1474 the rejiuhlie declared war against 
England, and Edward IV., to secure peace, was glad to 
concede whatever privileges they demanded. But after 
having achieved these grand successes and triumphs, the 
Hansa declined almost as rapidly as it had first arisen. 

The fundamental cause of this decline is apparent to 
every student of history — the government lacked constitu- 
tional centralization. The federal union was to them a 
mere matter of convenience. There was no legal hond 
that held them together, or that could punish secession or 
regard it as treason. When, therefore, these cities felt it 
to he for their interest to withdraw from the confederacy, 
they did so. Trouhles which arose with England in 1597 led 
to the expenditure of large sums of money, and the Ilanse 
towns were heavily taxed. This led to dissatisfaction, and 
the maritime cities of the Baltic hroke the federal com- 
pact and withdrew. Other cities soon lost all interest in 
the union. In 1630 the last general assembly was sum- 
moned at Liiheck, hut the deputies from the remaining 
towns came only to notify their withdrawal. Shortly after 
this the cities of Hamburg, Lubeck, and Bremen formed a 


new association called the Free Ilanse Towns. Frankfort- 
on-the-Main was subsequently added. The four were rec- 
ognized as the free cities of Germany, each exercising 
independent and sovereign jurisdiction until 1810, when 
Bonaparte incorporated them into the French empire. In 
1813 they became free members of the German confedera- 
tion. In I860 Frankfort-on-the-Main fell to Prussia. The 
condition and prosperity of the cities Bremen, Hamburg, 
and Liibeck, which still retain their freedom and perpetu- 
ate the name of the Ilanse Towns, clearly demonstrate that, 
had there been in the Ilanse league a firm centralized form 
of government, no foreign power in Europe or Asia could 
have prevented the growth and pi-osperity of a republic 
able even to control the destinies of Northern Europe. 33 

YI. Iceland. — Among medieval republics, Iceland 
must not be overlooked. In size the island is about the 
same as Ireland, being not far from two hundred by three 
hundred miles in area. There were settlements attempted 
by adventurers and pirates as early as 8G0 A. D. In 874 
Harold Harfagra, having subdued the petty princes of 
Norway, put an end to every form of liberty, and ruled the 
people of his kingdom with absolute despotism. The no- 
blest families would not endure his tyranny. They became 
voluntary exiles, and under the leadership of Ingolf sailed 
from homes of comparative luxury to the dreary shores of 
Iceland. They were followed by other Norwegians, and 
later by Danes and Swedes, and by a few Scotch and Irish. 
In 928 a republican form of government Avas established, 
at the head of which was a supreme magistrate, elected to 
office by the free choice of the people. He decided all 

ii.] ICELAND. 79 

disputes and presided at the general assembly (the All- 
thing), and held his office as long as he retained the confi- 
dence of the people. This form of government lasted with 
uninterrupted harmony for the space of nearly four hundred 

The luxuries or refinements of life were not possessed in 
large measure by the Icelanders, though traffic with other 
countries gave them many domestic comforts which other- 
wise would have been denied their island home. The peo- 
ple for the most part were farmers, fishermen, and seamen. 
They were brave, pure in morals, and in a high degree 
intellectual. In a short time the country attained a 
measure of prosperity and developed a civilization which 
in every way far surpassed that of the mother-country. 
Icelandic enterprise led to the discovery and settlement of 
Greenland, and the northern shores of America were first 
made known to Europe, in the year 1001, by a native of 
Iceland, Biono Ileriolforn. The republic was not destitute 
of scholarship. Her tongue formed the foundation of three 
Scandinavian languages. The humblest workman could 
read and write. " There are Icelandic poems so thoroughly 
imbued with the loftiest ideas and sentiments of modern 
civilization, and so thoroughly impregnated with the ele- 
gance and brilliancy of modern art, that in reading them 
nobody would believe that they were written in low huts 
built of lava blocks and moss, and looking out on the dreary 
gloom of winter of nine months." 

But this freedom-loving, enterprising, and scholarly peo- 
ple, after maintaining their liberties through four centuries, 
became subjects of a kingdom. Party disputes and inter- 
nal feuds worked the same mischiefs in Iceland as in other 


republics. The rich were arrayed against the poor, and com- 
munities against communities. Whole families were massa- 
cred, estates were burned down, and every kind of property 
was devastated. This condition of things could not last. The 
republic was dead. Republics die when persons and property 
are not safe and when civil rights are not maintained. The 
national council, in 1261, by universal acquiescence, indeed 
b} 7 universal desire, submitted the sceptre of government to 
Haco, king of Norway. Iceland remained under the do- 
minion of Norway for ujnvards of a century, and in 1380, 
without tumult or opposition, it was transferred to Den- 
mark, under Avhose rule it has continued to the present 




The Netherlands, or Low Countries, comprising the 
entire plain stretching from the foot of the Vosges and 
the Ardennes to the North Sea, and comprising the present 
kingdom of the Netherlands, Belgium, and the Northern 
part?! of France 1 , were inhabited in early historic times by 
Friesic, Germanic, and Gallic families ; they were a free- 
dom-luving, brave, and warlike people. By accounts gath- 
ered from the writings of Cassar and Tacitus, it appears 
that these ancient tribes had maintained their independence 
against the conquests of the Teutons, the Cimbri, and other 
nations who had overrun and subdivided the rest of what 
was then known as Gaul. In the second century these 
territories passed under Roman domination. Following 
the decline of the early Roman power, the Franks and the 
Frieslandei-s held these territories until the seventh cen- 
tury, when, under Charles Martel, the Friesons were con- 
quered, and the kingdom of the Franks established. 

After the conquests of Charlemagne and the introduction 
of the feudal system, the powerful lords to whom the lands 
were granted acquired by degrees a sort of sovereignty. 
But being "unable to maintain themselves without the 
assistance of their under feudatories, they were compelled, 
6 81 


in order to secure their fidelity, to grant them advantageous 
conditions of tenure. The clergy, too, hy pious usurpations 
or pious donations, became a powerful and independent 
corporate body. Thus, during the tenth, eleventh, twelfth, 
and thirteenth centuries, the whole of Belgium and of Ba- 
tavia was split into several small dominions, the ]^rinces 
of which acknowledged a limited allegiance, some of them 
to the German empire, and others to the kings of the 

In 1383 the prince of the powerful house of Burgundy, 
partly by intermarriages, partly by force and purchase, 
obtained supreme authority over the whole territory which 
afterwards became the seventeen provinces of the Nether- 
lands. Under the dukes of Burgundy these provinces en- 
joyed a season of marked prosperity. The Low Countries 
were looked upon as the workshop of Europe. Agricul- 
ture, trade, and commerce were remunerative and exten- 
sive; schools of the fine arts were established, and the 
liberties of the people were interfered with scarcely more 
than under a republic. 

At the death of Charles the Bold, the last of the Burgun- 
dian dukes, his eldest daughter Maria received (1477) these 
countries as her portion, and her grandson, afterwards 
Charles V., Emperor of Germany, became from the mo- 
ment of his birth sovereign of the Netherlands and king 
of Spain. As a part of a great empire, the condition of 
the provinces was largely changed; though still rich and 
populous, they were henceforth looked upon as dependen- 
cies. Steps were taken by Charles to undermine the priv- 
ileges which, linder former rulers, the Netherland states 
had defended and enjoyed. The establishment <>f an im- 


perial court in part composed of foreigners, heavy taxation, 
the introduction of foreign troops, and various other viola- 
tions of the ancient constitution of the Netherlands, were 
extremely repugnant to a people hitherto under a wise 
and paternal government. Towards the close of his reign, 
after the successful issue of his wars in Germany, Charles 
resolved to reduce the Netherlands to obedience to the 
Roman Catholic religion. He began with the severest 
inquisitional measures, but was obliged to modify them. 
In 1555 Charles abdicated, and Philip II., his son, ascended 
the throne. The new monarch, by his arrogance, insin- 
cerity, and unconstitutional infringements, at first ag- 
grieved, then enraged his Netherland subjects. His at- 
tempts to root out Protestantism, which had taken strong 
hold upon the hearts of the people, was one of the princi- 
pal causes that brought on a Avar lasting forty years, and 
ending with the humiliation and almost the ruin of Spain, 
and the establishment of the Netherlands as one of the first 
powers of Europe. 

It was during this period that certain names since fa- 
mous came into notice, especially those of counts Egmont 
and Horn, and Prince William the Silent. William, in 
devotion to his country, in the wisdom of his measures, in 
his courage and heroism, showed himself one of the most 
remarkable men of history. He was too early and too in- 
tensely engaged in serious matters to have leisure or dispo- 
sition for the frivolous gossip or the inflated and long-winded 
speech-making of the age. "When, upon a certain occasion, 
the French king, Henry II., told William that there existed a 
secret treaty between himself and Philip II. to exterminate 
by fire and sword all Protestants within their dominions, 


though this intelligence must have been to William well- 
nigh astounding, yet so self-poised was he that the state- 
ment was received as carelessly as it had been given. 
After these facts were known, he was called " The Silent." 
He could easily talk in the council-chamber when there 
was a demand for advice, and could give his counsels with 
great force and clearness; yet, when there were reasons 
for it, he could remain as silent as a mute, though all the 
people were demanding a speech. Nevertheless, under the 
most favorable circumstances, his brilliancy shows with 
special conspicuousness, not in speech, but upon the field 
of battle. 

This silent man, this military chieftain, who more than 
once had under his command all the armies of the Nether- 
lands, though often placed under peculiar temptations, 
never wavered in his loyalty. In 1672, when the French 
army had advanced into the heart of Holland, Louis offered 
to make the prince sovereign of the remains of the coun- 
try. But even in that hour of extreme peril, when hope 
had abandoned nearly every heart, he answered with his 
characteristic calmness, " I never will betray a trust, nor 
sell the liberties of my country, which my ancestors have 
so long defended." 

His confidential friends despaired. One of them, after 
having long expostulated with William upon his fruitless 
obstinacy, asked, "Have you considered how and Avhere 
you will live after Holland is lost?" "I have thought of 
that," he replied; "I am resolved to live in the lands I 
have left in Germany. I had rather pass my life in hunt- 
ing there, than sell my country 01" my liberty to France at 
any price." Buckingham and Arlington were sent from 


England to try whether, beset by peril, the lure of sover- 
eignty might not seduce him. The former said to him, 
"Do you not see that the country is lost? " The answer of 
the prince bespoke the same firm resolution with that 
which he had made to Zulestein : " I see it is in great dan- 
ger ; but there is a sure way of never seeing it lost, and 
that is, to die in the last ditch." "The perfect simplicity 
of these declarations," as Mackintosh remarks, " may au- 
thorize us to rank them among the most genuine speci- 
mens of true magnanimity. Perhaps the history of the 
world does not hold out a better example. How high 
above the reach of fortune the pure principle of obedience 
to the dictates of conscience, unalloyed by interest, pas- 
sion, or ostentation, can raise the mind of a virtuous man! 
To set such an example is an unspeakably more signal 
service to mankind than all the outward benefits which 
flow to them from the most successful virtue. It is a 
principle independent of events, and one that burns most 
brightly in adversity, the only agent, perhaps, of sufficient 
power to call forth the native greatness of the soul which 
lay hid under the cold and unattractive deportment of the 
Prince of Orange." 34 

This noble prince, ever earnest, dignified, patriotic, taci- 
turn, j T et simple and magnanimous, by his courage, by his 
unyielding persistency, by his diplomatic wisdom, aided 
seemingly by providential interpositions, worried out and 
repelled the combined armies of Spain, France, and Eng- 
land. How much the subsequent glory of the republic is 
due to the influence of such a leader cannot easily be es- 

In 1607 Spain agreed to a suspension of hostilities for 


eight months. Another truce for twelve years was agreed 
upon, 1609, and by the peace of Westphalia, 1648, the inde- 
pendence of the Republic of the United Provinces was ac- 
knowledged by the great powers of Europe. At the dawn 
of her independence, her citizens had wealth, enterprise, 
educational advantages, and the military spirit. Her entire 
pojiulation capable of bearing arms was an organized army. 
Her struggles for liberty had made her patriotic and 
mighty. Her achievements in science and art, especially 
in painting, had gained the admiration of the world. Her 
material prosperity for upwards of a hundred years has been 
rarely equalled. She Avas almost absolute master of the 
seas, and held in her hands the commerce of the world. She 
perfectly controlled the Baltic; she crushed the Spaniards; 
she acquired possessions in America and in the East Indies ; 
she checked the Portuguese ; she resisted the arrogance of 
Louis XIV., and more than once made the English nation 
tremble. After the battle of Goodwin Sands, the admiral 
Van Tromp tied a broom at his mast-head while sailing 
along the British coast, as a token that he had swept the 
Channel of all opposers. Fifteen years later, De Ruyter 
sailed up the Thames and blockaded the port of London. 
Historians generally agree that the victories of Holland in 
1672 were among the most signal triumphs of a free people 
over invaders, since the defeat of Xerxes. 

Such were the Netherlands in times cf their prosjxn-ity. 
Why are there two kingdoms to-day where once stood this 
great and flourishing republic? 

Beginning with the dawn of the rejiublic, there were 
found in it a number of men having great wealth. After 


the declaration of peace, these rich men were enabled to 
add to their fortunes with great rapidity. To accumulate 
an immense fortune, if one has ordinary ability, prudence, 
and a competency to start with, is not difficult. All things 
human conspire to establish the observation, that •' Whoso- 
ever hath, to him shall be given ; and whosoever hath not, 
from him shall be taken even that which he seemeth to 
have." As in other republics, so in the Netherlands, the 
rich grew richer but the poor poorer, and after a time the 
poor bitterly hated and in various ways worked against the 
interests of those who were known as capitalists and bond- 
holders. Why should one man have so much more than 
another? was the question often asked, and whenever asked 
there was roused anew on part of the poor the spirit of 
^jealousy and discontent. 

The great wealth of a comparatively few citizens, and 
the great poverty of the governments of the sevei-al states, 
resulting in the funding system since followed by other 
nations, was likewise a constant source of trouble and 

Aside from this class of evils, there were others growing 
out of political and religious jealousies and hatreds, that 
kept the republic, for much of the time, in high ferment. 
The two leading political parties were made up of those 
on the one hand inclining to monarchy, who constantly 
sought to raise the stadtholder into a constitutional and 
hereditary royalty, and those on the other hand who were 
ever striving for a constitution which should be purely 

In 1677 the power of the ruling stadtholder had become 
almost supreme, opposition was silenced and seemed 


crushed. But though silenced, an opposition in govern- 
ments always exists. At the conclusion of the peace of 
1783, the so-termed "patriots" grew extremely clamorous 
and threatening. The leaders were not contented with 
proposing reasonable changes and measures; they were 
brutal. They grossly insulted the ruling family; the mon- 
arch of Prussia, a kinsman, demanded satisfaction. The 
clamorous boasters refused, but all their boasting stood for 
nothing when, a little later, the monarch of Prussia 
marched his army into Holland. In 1704 the French re- 
publican flag was displayed upon the frontier; the dem- 
ocrats became active, aggressive, and menacing. The 
Orange family fled; a new constitution was formed, and 
the Batavian democratic republic was established. 

But it resulted that the measures which had sown these • 
seeds of dissension were to reap for the state a crop of bit- 
terness. The French exacted a part of the Batavian terri- 
tory. An immediate demand was also enforced for the 
payment of ten millions sterling. It was further ordered 
that the army of France should be paid, fed, and clothed 
at the expense of this new republic. Under this state of 
things, one part of the Batavian navy was given up to the 
British by the dissatisfied seamen, and another part was 
defeated. The colonies of the republic one after another 
surrendered or were taken by France. The commerce of 
the state was confined to mere coasting, and, though the 
bank of Amsterdam was nearly shattered, not a fraction 
of the pecuniary demands of France was abated. 

After twenty years of great distress, most of the time 
under the military yoke of France, the people, tired and 
disheartened, demanded, with scarcely a dissenting voice, 


that William I. should be the sovereign prince of the land. 
The Republic of the United Netherlands is, therefore, 
another illustration of the historic fact so often noticed, 
that while a pure democracy, with unlimited franchise, 
may be the ideal government for a people who are wise, 
moral, and religious, yet, in the hands of a degenerate, 
selfish, and brutal people, a pure democracy is nothing but 
a mad delusion. 

In 1830 the Romanists, constantly watchful, aggressive, 
and ever a disturbing factor in national politics, sought and 
accomplished the secession of the southern provinces, and 
the separate kingdom of Belgium was erected. To-day 
two kingdoms, one Roman Catholic, the other fast becom- 
ing such, stand upon the ruins of that once flourishing 
Protestant republic of the United Netherlands. 

As these historic republics are seen one after another to 
rise, flourish, and decline, do they not appear to strike the 
knell of all existing and future republics? 

II. The Frexcii Republic of 1792-1804. —The ancient 
inhabitants of France were subdued by Caesar half a 
century before the Christian era, and became in speech and 
customs quite thoroughly Romanized. In the fifth century, 
Rome being too weak to defend her provinces, a Gothic- 
German tribe, called Franks (freemen), conquered the 
country, and gave it its present name. A rude kingdom 
was organized under Ciovis, who has been termed " a dar- 
ing and fortunate ruffian.'" There was very little order in 
the kingdom until the reign of Charlemagne (768-814). 
The death of this great emperor was followed by another 
season of French disorder and of disorganization. 


A powerful national feeling showed itself under Louis 
VI. (1108-1137). In 1589-1643, the Bourbon dynasty, 
under Henry IV. and Louis XIII. , was supreme. Every 
student of history is impressed with the solemnity and ex- 
altation of royal power as witnessed in France, especially 
during the later part of that period. There followed the 
brilliant era of the monarchy, when France was able to 
dictate to the world fashion and taste in both social cus- 
toms and literature. Under Louis XIV. (1640-1 7 15), ex- 
travagance imposed such an enormous debt upon France 
that the country was well-nigh exhausted, and the court 
was completely demoralized. Roman Catholicism availed 
itself of this condition, becoming aggressive and intolerant. 
The people, groaning under both civil and religious op- 
pression, thought not of reform but of revolution, Under 
Louis XV. and XVI. (1715-93), affairs rapidly culminated 
and the crisis came. A class of men represented by Vol- 
taire, Rousseau, D'Alembert, Montesquieu, and Diderot, 
with matchless eloquence and irresistible wit, exposed the 
follies and the abuses of the royal government. The 
starving people were told that the oppressive monarchy 
was plotting to steal their very food and was the cause 
of all their troubles. They were urged to resist; they 

September 25, 1792, under the leadership of the victo- 
rious revolutionists, the Jacobins, France was declared a 
republic. Then came the despotism of a democratic mob 
united with the despotism of a democratic dictatorship. 
All were permitted to taste blood; all were infuriated. 
Posterity finds it difficult to realize what passed in France 
during those few years, seemingly centuries long, which 


followed. 35 The ordinary death-agencies could not be 
worked with sufficient rapidity, and resort was had to 
companies of armed assassins, mitraillades, and scuttle- 
boats; though Prudhomme, whose connection with the 
dominant party would lead him not to overestimate, says 
that upwards of a million persons perished by the guillo- 
tine alone. 

The revolutionists, more properly the terrorists, were so 
completely united that they seem to have had but one body 
and one soul, in which all feelings and desires had united 
in an insatiable desire for blood. " The more the social 
body perspires, the sounder it becomes," said Callot d'Her- 
bois. "It is the dead only who never return," said 
Barriere. " The vessel of the revolution can only arrive 
in port on a sea reddened with torrents of blood," said 
St. Just. "A nation is only regenerated on heaps of dead 
bodies," rejoined Robespierre. Nor were their actions at 
variance Avith the creed they professed. For months to- 
gether these theories were daily carried into practice in 
every town in France. " Alone and unopposed, the Com- 
mittee of Public Safety struck numberless blows from one 
end of the kingdom to the other." 

As might be expected, terror rose to its greatest height, 
and death stood at every door. "The air," said Fouche, 
"is full of poniards." Despair of life produced its usual 
diversified effects upon the minds of the horrified. " Some 
sank into sullen indifference ; others indulged in immoder- 
ate gaiety; many became frantic with horror; not a few 
sought to amuse life even at the foot of the scaffold. Rising 
in one wild and heart-rending chorus might be heard rav- 
ing, blasphemy, lamentation, commingled with the loud 


shouts of obstreperous laughter ; in short, all the varied 
sounds which intimate the absence of hope, and a desperate 
recklessness of the future." 

Such were the legitimate fruits of a pure democracy in 
the hands of unprincipled and godless leaders. " It was 
scarlet fever, under whose run hack-drivers in red shirts 
handled the Portfolio of Foreign Affairs, and street paupers 
administered the financial matters of the country." Beau- 
tiful democratic republic! 

At length the Directorial Government approached a 
crisis. The affairs of state were rent in sunder; the roads 
were infested with brigands ; the rich were vexed on one 
hand by the extortions of the government, and on the 
other by the plunderings of the poor. A change was inev- 
itable. The republic had lost its opportunity. All but a 
few extreme democrats felt, as Sieyes expressed himself, 
"The chief thing now wanting is a head.''' 1 Bonaparte, 
knowing the feeling, took much the same step that Caesar 
did when crossing the Rubicon: he returned to France.- 
Public sentiment was in his favor; the Directory even 
"praised and feared, but dared not reproach him." In a' 
modest mansion in the Rue Chantereine, Bonaparte, to 
make sure of the popular pulse, secluded himself from 
general observation. The leaders of all parties made over- 
tures. France, torn, bleeding, and despairing of a free and 
efficient government, prayed for one arm to wield the sov- 
ereignty. Bonaparte was appointed First Consul for one 
year; then a second time for a term of ten years; then for 
life. While, therefore, in form he was only an officer of the 
republic, in fact he was sovereign ruler of France. This 
nominal consular government, between the efforts of the 


old royalists on the one hand, who were seeking its over- 
throw, and on the other hand the ambitious efforts of 
Bonaparte to establish a new monarchy, could not long 

On the 30th of April, 1796, a motion was introduced into 
the Tribunate to confide the government to an emperor, 
and to declare the empire hereditary in the family of the 
First Consul, Napoleon Bonaparte. Most of the tribunes 
had been pledged beforehand to its support. The heroic 
opposition of Carnot is praiseworthy, and his historic ref- 
erence to Rome was very suggestive. 36 But the time had 
passed ; his words were unheeded. The motion prevailed, 
was subsequently communicated to the senate, and by that 
body was ratified. 

Napoleon lost no time in assuming and exercising the 
powers belonging to the sovereignty thus conferred. Eigh- 
teen of his favorite generals were made marshals of the 
empire, and Napoleon's power was complete. " Addresses 
now flowed in from all parts of the hundred and eight 
departments into which the territory of the imperial re- 
public was divided. The authorities, the functionaries, 
the magistracy, and the army, all brought to the foot of 
the throne assurances of the most profound devotion. 
Harassed with the convulsions of a long anarchy, the 
people now invoked the repose of servitude. The despot- 
ism of one man seemed to them a small evil compared 
with the tyranny of the factions." 

Imola, who urged his flock in 1797 to take sides with 
the democratic revolutionists, forgetting his ardent repub- 
licanism, hastened, in 1804, to crown Napoleon, in Notre 
Dame, Emperor of France. 

94 FATE OF REPUBLICS. [part 11. 

Thus, after an existence of twelve years, expired the 
French Republic, which so many of her orators and rhet- 
oricians had pronounced to be " forever indivisible and 
imperishable.'''' 37 , 3 s . 






I. San Marino. — In Italy, a few miles southwest from 
Rimini, and four from the shores of the Adriatic, is situated 
La Republica di San Marino, the oldest republic of the 
world. Addison, who visited there in 1700, gives the fol- 
lowing account of its origin : 

" The inhabitants as well as the historians who mention 
this little republic give the following account of its origi- 
nal. St. Marino was its founder — a Dalmatian by birth, 
and by trade a mason. He was employed about thirteen 
hundred years ago in the reparation of Rimini, and after 
he had finished his work retired to this solitary mountain, 
as finding it very proper for the life of a hermit, which he 
led in the greatest rigors and austerities of religion. He 
had not been long here before he wrought a reputed mira- 
cle, which, joined with his extraordinary sanctity, gained 
him so great an esteem that the princess of the country 
made him a present of the mountain, to dispose of at his 
own discretion. His reputation quickly peopled it, and 
gave rise to the republic which calls itself after his name, 
so that the commonwealth of Marino may boast at least of 
a nobler original than that of Rome, the one having been 
an asylum for robbers and murderers, and the other a re- 
sort of persons eminent for their piety and devotion." 
7 97 


San Marino at present embraces five villages, has less 
than eight thousand inhabitants, an extent of territory not 
over twenty-two square miles, and is entirely mountainous. 
There is a standing army which includes nearly every one 
who is able to bear arms. The general government is 
intrusted to a council of sixty, the chief officer bein<r 
termed Captain-Regent. The people are not much vexed 
with the troublesome questions of finance ; they use Italian 
coinage, and the annual expenses of government, including 
army, police, post-office, and education, do not exceed 
twenty-five thousand francs (five thousand dollars). The 
republic is neither blessed nor afflicted with a newspaper 
or printing-press. In one respect at least the government 
is high-toned — it rigorously excludes from its domains all 
gambling establishments. Says a recent visitor: 

"Parties from distant parts of Europe had offered, for 
the gaming privilege, to construct new roads, establish tel- 
egraphs, and multiply facilities of all kinds for communi- 
cating with the outer world ; but the Captain-Regent had 
manfully resisted the temptation, and had even extermi- 
nated the game of Biribisso, which had also begun to pre- 
vail to some extent within his dominions. 1 ' 

There is one prison, but at latest accounts it was without 
an occupant. There are manifest reasons why this republic 
has so long maintained its existence amid the many revo- 
lutions of medieval and modern Europe. She has never 
intermeddled in the affairs of surrounding governments; 
she is not herself a prize of sufficient value to tempt the 
stronger powers of Europe to interfere with her civil lib- 
erty; she has a homogeneous population, and her people 
have from the earliest times been characterized by good 

m.] ANDORRA. 90 

sense, energy, prudence, industry, and economy. If her 
citizens do not degenerate, and if outside parties do not 
interfere, San Marino bids fair to remain an independent 
state for the coming thousand years. 

II. Andorra. — Situated on the Spanish side of the 
eastern Pyrenees is another miniature republic, bearing the 
name Andorra. It has an area of about six hundred and 
fifty square miles, is surrounded by high mountains, is di- 
vided into six parishes, and has a population of less than 
seven thousand. Andorra has been independent since the 
time of Charlemagne, who, about the year 790, declared it 
a free state, in reward for services rendered by its inhabi- 
tants when he was making a passage through the danger- 
ous defiles of the mountains of Catalonia, to wage war 
upon the Moors in Spain. 

The government is composed of a supreme council of 
twenty-four members, of whom each parish elects four. 
The chief executive, whose term of office is for life, unless 
impeached or otherwise incapacitated, is chosen by the 
supreme council. Justice is administered by two judges. 
The expenses of the government are trifling, and are de- 
frayed by a rental tax paid by owners of flocks for the use 
of public pasture lands. 

Andorra is under the nominal protection of France, and 
pays to that country an annual tribute of 960 francs for 
the privilege of importing, free of duty, certain specified 
French commodities which the country needs, but cannot 

Each parish has a school, in which, however, little more 
than the rudiments of education are taught. The people 


are mostly farmers and stock-raisers, speak the Catalan 
language, are robust, homogeneous, of an independent 
spirit, simple, frugal, industrious, and somewhat severe in 
their manners, and yet are notably hospitable. They have 
maintained the military spirit from their earliest history; 
all the inhabitants capable of bearing arms are reviewed 
once a year. The Andorrans more than once manfully 
resisted Spanish invasions, and during the wars of the 
Pyrenees rendered France a service which has never been 
forgotten. Judging from present appearances, this republic, 
which already has a history of nearly twelve hundred years, 
is likely to remain while many other governments, far 
more pretentious, are sinking into dark graves yawning to 
receive them. 

III. Switzerland. — Among mountain republics of 
limited territory is classed the Confederation of Switzer- 
land. It is situated in the heart of Europe, has an area 
of a trifle less than sixteen thousand square miles, and 
occupies the culminating territory of the continent, sloping 
in every direction towards the surrounding seas. There 
are traces of a prehistoric people, the " lake-dwellers," 
probably of Asiatic origin, who were doubtless extermi- 
nated by the ancestors of the Helveti, the first inhabitants 
of Switzerland, whose name has been transmitted to history. 
These Helveti, who received from the Romans the name of 
" Confederates," were almost constantly engaged in war 
with surrounding tribes and nations. Up to 879 A. d., 
Switzerland had been successively under the domination 
of the Romans, the Ostrogoths, the Alemans, the Burgun- 
dians, and the Franks. Against each of these powers she 

in.] SWITZERLAND. 101 

had fought for her freedom, and later against also the 
Austrians and the French. The Thirty Years 1 War nearly 
put an end to the Swiss Confederation, but by the treaty 
of Westphalia (1648) Switzerland was declared independent 
of the German empire. Disorders reigned and malcontents 
multiplied, until the death of Louis XIV. Under the 
French Directory, Switzerland was converted into a repub- 
lic, "one and indivisible." This lasted four years. The 
reply of the First Consul to a delegation sent to Paris, 1802, 
asking what form should be given to the new constitution 
which Switzerland had in view, was wise : " Nature made 
you to be a federative state; no reasonable man attempts 
to conquer nature." This government was followed by a 
league based upon federal principles, which, at the fall of 
the French empire, ten years later, came to an end. By 
the Congress of Vienna (1815) her independence was again 
acknowledged and guaranteed. 

There followed an era of constitution-making, at first 
inclining to state rights, oi\ as it has been termed, state 
independence. This tendency was found by the wisest 
minds of the republic to be inexpedient and unsafe. The 
republic, in 1848, became a united confederac} 7 . 39 The love 
for cantons has given place to the love for Switzerland. 

The present constitution came into force May 29, 1874, 
having received, April 19, 1874, the national sanction by a 
general vote of the people. It vests the supreme legislative 
and executive authority in a parliament of two chambers — 
a State Council, and a National Council. The first is 
composed of forty-four members, two from each of the 
twenty-two cantons of the Confederation. The National 
Council consists of one hundred and thirty-five represent- 


atives, chosen in direct election, at the rate of one repre- 
sentative for every twenty thousand persons. 

A general election takes place once in three years. 
Every citizen who has reached the age of twenty years is 
entitled to a vote ; and any voter, not a clergyman, niay he 
elected a representative. Both chambers united are' called 
the Federal Assembly, and as such represent the supreme 
government of the republic. It alone has the right to 
declare war, make peace, and conclude alliances and trea- 
ties with other nations. The chief executive authority is 
deputed to a Federal Council, consisting of seven members, 
elected for three 3 r ears by the Federal Assembly. Every 
citizen entitled to a vote in the National Council is eligible 
to membership in this executive branch of government. 

The president and vice-president of the Federal Council 
are the first magistrates of the republic, and are elected b} r 
the Federal Assembly. The Swiss people guard against 
the dangers of a continued term in the presidency by re- 
stricting it to one year, and by making both the president 
and vice-president ineligible at the succeeding election. 
But they do not ever after deprive themselves of the presi- 
dential services of able and worthy men; they allow both 
president and vice-president to be re-eligible after the 
expiration of one year. 

Each of the cantons has its local government, based, in 
every instance, upon the principle of the absolute sover- 
eignty of the people. 

The military spirit is fostered throughout Switzerland, 
and her military organization is one of the most perfect in 
Europe. The laws of the republic forbid the maintenance 
of a standing army within her limits. The 18th article of 

in.] SWITZERLAND. 103 

the Constitution of 1874 enacts that " every Swiss is liable 
to serve in the defence of his country." Article 19 enacts 
that " the Federal army shall consist of all men liable to 
military service, and both the army and the war material 
shall be at the disposal of the Confederation. In cases of 
emergency the Confederation shall have also the exclusive 
and undivided right of disposing of the men who do not 
belong to the Federal army, and of all the other military 
forces of the cantons. The cantons shall dispose of the 
defensive force of their respective territories in so far as 
their power to do so is not limited by the constitutional 
or legal regulations of the Confederation." Article 20 
provides that " the Confederation shall enact all laws rela- 
tive to the army, and watch over their due execution; it 
also shall provide for the education of the troops, and bear 
the cost of all military expenditure which is not provided 
for by the legislatures of the cantons." 

The troops of the republic are divided into two classes : 
First, the " Bundes-auszug," or Federal army, consisting 
of all men able to bear arms, from the age of twenty to 
thirty-two. Each canton is obliged, by the terms of the 
constitution, to furnish at least three per cent, of its popula- 
tion to the Federal army. Second, the " Landwehr," or 
militia, comprising all men from the thirty-third to the 
completed forty-fourth year. The strength and organiza- 
tion of the armed forces of Switzerland was as follows at 
the end of September, 1879 : Federal army, 105,378 ; militia, 
97,019; total, 202,397. The men of both the Federal army 
and the reserve militia are called together in their respec- 
tive cantons for annual drill, a week or more for the 
infantry, and two weeks or more for the cavalry and artil- 


lery. In addition to this, the troops of several contiguous 
cantons assemble once or twice yearly for general muster. 
The military instruction of the Federal army is given to 
officers not permanently appointed or paid, but who must 
have undergone a course of education, and passed an exam- 
ination at one of the training establishments erected for 
the purpose. Switzerland, therefore, has between two and 
three hundred thousand troops, drilled, organized, and 
equipped, whenever the Federal Assembly deems it neces- 
sary to call them into service. 

The Swiss authorities jealously guard against increasing 
the national debt. For many years, except 1871, when 
there was a deficit caused by increased expenses necessi- 
tated by the Franco- German war, the receipts have exceed- 
ed the expenditures. The government is also wise and 
vigorous in its educational measures. Parents are com- 
pelled by law to send their children to school, or to have 
them privately taught, between the ages of six and twelve; 
neglect may be punished by fine, and, in some cases, by 
imprisonment. The law hitherto has not always been en- 
forced in Roman Catholic cantons, but is rigidly carried 
out in those where Protestants form the majority. In every 
district there are primary schools, where the elements of 
education, including geography and history, are taught; and 
schools of higher grade for youths of from twelve to fifteen, 
where instruction is given in modern languages, geometry, 
natural history, the line arts, and music. In both these 
schools the rich .and the poor are educated together, the 
latter being admitted gratuitously. 4 . Swiss schools have a 
high reputation throughout Europe, and it is estimated that 

in.] SWITZERLAND. 105 

half the governesses on the Continent are educated in 


The government likewise has legislated judiciously as to 
religious toleration, and freedom in case of all creeds and 
societies that do not endanger the civil government. The 
constitution of 1874 has the following enactments : " There 
shall be complete and absolute liberty of conscience and of 
creed. No one can incur any penalties whatever on ac- 
count of his religious opinions. The person who exercises 
the paternal authority or that of guardian, has the right to 
dispose of the religious education of children up to the age 
of sixteen years. No one is bound to pay taxes specially 
appropriated to defraying the expenses of a creed to which 
he does not belong. The free exercise of worship is guar- 
anteed within the limits compatible with public order and 
proper behavior. The cantons can take the necessary 
measures for the maintenance of public order and peace 
between the members of the different religious communi- 
ties, as well as against the encroachments of ecclesiastical 
authorities on the rights of the citizens of the state. All 
disputes arising from the creation of new religious commu- 
nities, or schisms in existing bodies, shall be referred to 
the Federal authorities. No bishoprics can be created on 
Swiss territory without the approbation of the Confedera- 
tion. The order of Jesuits and its affiliated societies cannot 
be received in any part of Switzerland ; all functions cler- 
ical and scholastic are forbidden to its members, and the 
interdiction can be extended to any other religious orders 
whose action is dangerous to the state, or interferes with 
the peace of different creeds. The foundation of new 
convents or religious orders is forbidden." 


Switzerland in many respects is also extremely fortunate 
in her population. Less than six per cent, of her citizens 
are foreigners, there being, according to the census of 1870, 
not one Irish Roman Catholic voter within her territory. 
The Swiss are frugal and industrious ; indeed, no people on 
earth surpass them in these respects. The herdsman is 
found everywhere among her rocky retreats with his Mocks. 
and no foot of available soil is allowed by the thrifty 
farmer to remain idle. 

The cities of Switzerland are not so thronged as are those 
of other European states. The population dwells chiefly 
in small towns, hamlets, and villages. At the census 
of 1870 there were but five towns in Switzerland with 
more than twenty thousand inhabitants, namely, Geneva, 
Basel, Bern, Lausanne, and Zurich. The soil of the 
country is very equally divided among the population. 
It is estimated that nearly nine-tenths of the families 
occupy homes and lands of their own. The home and the 
few acres of land lie at the foundation of much of Swiss 
patriotism, constitute one of her strongest bulwarks, and 
harmoniously unite her people into a happy and flour- 
ishing republic. The increase of population has been very 
steady in recent years. The surplus of births over deaths, 
in five years from 1873 to 1877, was one hundred and 
nine thousand four hundred and twenty-six. The people 
seemed to have been governed by a native wisdom that 
might be shaped into the following maxim: "Remain at 
home, and you will prosper as well as if you go abroad." 
Emigration, as a matter of fact, has been for several years 
on the decrease. Again: " Attract strangers to the country 
by honest treatment, and they will be more inclined to buy 

in.] SWITZERLAND. 107 

your wares." A branch of industry that is acquiring no 
small extent and value, is that of wood-carving. Many of 
the productions are so elaborate and beautiful, that one 
can hardly resist the temptation to buy. Not only large 
communities are thus supported, but in hundreds of ham- 
lets and isolated chCilets, during the long and dreary winters, 
is this industry vigorously prosecuted. 

Again they say: "What distinguishes our country is 
her natural scenery; let us, therefore, make it a national 
resource. 1 ' They accordingly built excellent highways, 
erected commodious hotels, explored and surveyed their 
lofty mountains, and entered upon the systematic business 
of exhibiting to the world their magnificent sceneiy. It is 
this practical employment of the natural features of Switz- 
erland which has now become the source of much of the 
prosperity of the republic. 

The authorities are seeking to prevent every kind of 
extortion, which in other countries is freely practised upon 
travellers. They have discussed the subject of beggary 
with great care, and publicly advise all tourists not to give 
to professional beggars, as the best means of making them 
abandon their profession. One may therefore travel in 
most parts of Switzerland, with no suspicion of being jewed. 
The guides, coachmen, burden-bearers, and nearly all who 
systematically come into contact with the traveller, are now 
regulated by a legal tariff which they dare not transcend. 
In most places the traveller may mount a horse, or step into 
a coach, tell the driver where to go, ask for the tariff list, 
pay it, and dismiss him without bickering or overcharge. 

In a word, Switzerland, after emerging from five centu- 
ries of desperate struggle for independence, has proved to 


the world that by living honestly and prudently, and by 
developing and cultivating such resources as God has 
given, a people having but small territory and extremely 
limited resources may take an honorable rank among the 
most enlightened and highly-favored nations of the earth. 

If Switzerland continues to maintain her ennobling mili- 
tary spirit, her system of education, her habits of frugality 
and thrift, if Roman Catholicism does not gain the ascend- 
ency, and if immigration does not soil her citizenship, the 
Alps bid fair to remain, for years, the home of a people 
strong, prosperous, and independent. 

IV. France. 41 — A Frenchman died recently in Pan, 
the capital of the department of Basses-Pyrenees, at one 
hundred and four years of age. lie had witnessed the 
reigns of Louis XV., Louis XVI., the Convention, Direc- 
tory, Consulate, Empire, Louis XVIII., the Hundred Days, 
the Restoration, Charles X., the Revolution of 1830, Louis 
Philippe, the Revolution of 1848, the Republic, the Empire, 
and the beginning of the present Republic. The wonder 
is that anything is left in France, out of which to organize 
, another independent and orderly state. And yet, it may 
be safely said that France was never more prosperous than 
now, and, all things considered, but few states in Europe 
are better off. 42 

The present constitution, voted by the National Assembly 
elected in 1871, bears the date of February 25, 1875. It 
vests the legislative power in an assembly of two houses, 
the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, and the executive 
power in a chief magistrate called President of the Re- 
public. The Chamber of Deputies is elected by universal 

m.] FRANCE. 109 

suffrage, under the "sci'utin d'ai-rondissement," adopted by 
the National Assembly, November 11, 1875. It was enacted 
that every arrondissenient should elect one deputy, and if its 
population be in excess of 100,000, an additional deputy for 
each 100,000, or portion thereof. The only requisite to be 
an elector is to be possessed of citizenship and to be of the 
age of twenty-one years. The only requisite for a deputy 
is to be a citizen and twenty-five years of age. There 
are five hundred and thirty-two members in the Cham- 
ber of Deputies. The Senate is composed of three hun- 
dred members, of which two hundred and twenty-five are 
elected by the departments of France and the colonies, 
and seventy-five were nominated, in the first instance, by 
the National Assembly, and subsequently are elected by 
the Senate. The senators for the departments are elected 
by electoral colleges for the term of nine years, retiring by 
thirds every three years, while those nominated by the 
National Assembly, or elected by the Senate, sit for life. 
No other qualification is required for a senator than to be 
a Frenchman and forty years of age. The Senate and the 
Chamber of Deputies assemble annually on the second 
Tuesday in January, unless previously summoned by the 
President of the Republic. They must remain in session at 
least five months every year. The Chamber of Deputies is 
elected for the term of four years. 

The President of the Republic has the right of convoking 
the Chambers should circumstances warrant, and is bound 
to convoke them if the demand is made by one-half of the 
number of members composing each Chamber. The Presi- 
dent can adjourn the Chambers, but the adjournment cannot 
exceed the term of one month, nor occur more than twice 


the same session. With the assent of the Senate, he may 
dissolve the Chamber of Deputies before the legal expira- 
tion of its term, but in such eA^ent the electoral colleges 
must be summoned for new elections within three months. 
The ministers as a bod}' are responsible to the Chambers 
for the general policy of the government, and individually 
for their personal acts. The President of the Republic is 
elected by majority vote in the Senate and Chamber of 
Deputies, united in National Assembly. He is nominated 
for seven years, and is eligible for re-election. He promul- 
gates the laws when they have been voted by the two 
Chambers, and watches over and insures their execution. 
He has the right of individual pardon, but cannot proclaim 
a general amnesty. He disposes of the armed force and 
appoints to all civil and military posts, including the heads 
of the ministerial departments. Every act of the President 
of the Republic must be countersigned by a Minister of 
State. The President can be impeached only in case of 
high-treason. In the event of a vacancy by death, or any 
other cause, the two united Chambers must proceed imme- 
diately to the election of a new President. 

The population of France at the census of 1872 was 
upward of thirty-five and a quarter millions, a fraction over 
ninety-eight per cent, being, at least nominally, Roman 

The Colonial Possessions of France, dispersed over Asia, 
Africa, America, and Polynesia, and including the so-called 
"Pays proteges," or countries under protection, have a 
total area of 335,629 English square miles, with a popula- 
tion of six and a quarter millions. Not comprised in the 
list is Algeria, which has a government and laws distinct 


ni.] FRANCE. Ill 

from the other colonial possessions, being looked upon, 
partly from its proximity to France, and partly from serving 
as camp and practice-field for a large portion of the standing 
army, as a sort of annex of the mother-country. Algeria, 
as well as all the other colonies, are represented in the 
Senate and Chamber of Deputies, and are considered, 
politically, a part of France. 

France in many respects is highly favored. More than 
eighteen and a half millions of her people are engaged in 
agriculture. Land is very equally divided among the en- 
tire population. According to the latest official returns the 
cultivated land of France was divided into five million five 
hundred and fifty thousand distinct properties. Of this 
total, the estates averaging six hundred acres numbered 
fifty thousand, and those averaging sixty acres five hundred 
thousand, while there were five millions having less than 
six acres. 

There is scarcely any emigration from France ; the only 
exodus of any extent taking place in recent years consisted 
in a movement of the Basques, in the department of the 
Hautes-Pyreniies, to quit the country in order to escape 
military service. 

All religions are equal by law, but none except the 
Roman Catholics, Protestants, and Jews, have state allow- 
ances. The power of Romanism is constantly declining. 

Public education in France is entirely under the super- 
vision of the government, but to a great extent, partly 
directly, but much more indirectly, is intrusted by the state 
to the hands of the Roman Catholic clergy. Accompanying 
the general census of 1872, there was an official inquiry 
into the educational condition of the nation, which was 


very carefully made, and gave the following results : Nine- 
tentlis of the children under six ; more than a fifth, but less 
than a fourth of the youths of both sexes under twenty; 
and more; than a third of the grown-up population of men 
and Avomen, are unable to read or write. Setting aside the 
four millions of children under six years of age, it was esti- 
mated that thirty per cent, of the population of France are 
entirely destitute of education. 

The military forces of France are in a state of reorgan- 
ization. The first article of the law of 1872 enacts uni- 
versal liability to arms: "Tout Francais doit le service 
militaire personnel." By Arts, second and fourth, substi- 
tution and enlistment for money are forbidden ; and by Art. 
third it is ordered that " every Frenchman not declared 
unfit for military service may be called up, from the age of 
twenty to that of forty years, to enter the active army or 
the reserves." The constitution of these divisions of the 
armed forces is prescribed in the third chapter, the first 
article, as follows : " Every Frenchman not declared unfit 
for military service must be five years in the Active Army, 
four years in the Reserve of the Active Army, five years in 
the Territorial Army, and six years in the Reserve of the 
Territorial Army. The Active Army is composed of all 
young men, not otherwise exempted, who have reached the 
age of twenty, and the Reserve of those who have passed 
through the Active Army. Neither the Active Army nor 
its Reserve are in any way localized, but drawn from and 
distributed over the whole of France. On the other hand, 
the Territorial Army and its Reserve are spread over fixed 
regions, determined from time to time by administrative 
enactments. The principle of universal liability to bear 

■in.] FRANCE. 113 

arms, laid down at the beginning, is not carried out strictly 
in all the enactments of the law of 1872, which admits of 
the usual exemptions from military service. The total 
eflective force of the French army, both in men, including 
officers, rank and file, and in horses, was reported as fol- 
lows to the Chamber of Deputies in the session of 1879 : 
men, five hundred and two thousand six hundred and 
ninety-seven; horses, one hundred and twenty thousand 
eight hundred and ninety-four. The navy of France was 
composed, at the end of 1879, of fifty-nine ironclads, two 
hundred and sixty-four screw steamers, sixty-two paddle 
steamers, and one hundred and thirteen sailing vessels. 

The rapidity with which France rallied from the Franco- 
German war, the ease with which she passed from an 
empire to a republic, her great activity in agriculture, 
manufactures, and commerce, her military strength, and 
her national credit, have been a great and almost startling 
surprise to the world. If for a quarter of a century this 
prosperity and orderly government continues, there will be 
occasion for still greater surprise. 



Republican institutions had their origin among the Israel- 
ites in Asia ; that continent is to-day the only one not hav- 
ing a republic. Carthage fell, and Africa was left for 
twenty centuries without republican institutions. There 
are now in Africa three republics, though scarcely of suffi- 
cient importance to awaken for them the interest of the 
other nations of the earth. 

I. Liberia. — This republic, situated on the west coast 
of Africa, was founded in 1820 by the American Coloniza- 
tion Society, and was organized as an independent state in 
1847. It was first acknowledged by England, afterwards 
by France, Belgium, Prussia, Brazil, Denmark, Portugal, 
and in 1861 by the United States. The republic has about 
six hundred miles of coast-line, and extends into the inte- 
rior, on an average, one hundred miles. Its area is con- 
stantly increasing by purchases from the surrounding 
natives. The estimated total citizenship is seven hundred 
and twenty thousand, all belonging to the African race. 
Nineteen thousand are Americo-Liberians, and the re- 
mainder are aboriginal inhabitants. Monrovia, the capital, 
has an estimated population of thirteen thousand. 


part in] REPUBLICS OF AFRICA. 115 

The Americo-Liberians have a regular system of schools, 
and show a commendable degree of advancement, in the 
arts of civilization. The constitution of the republic is 
modelled after that of the United States of America. All 
men, politically, are born free and equal. Elections take 
place by ballot, and every male citizen who possesses real 
estate has the right of suffrage. But there is a temporary 
provision that no white man can be admitted to citizenship, 
and none but citizens can hold real estate in the republic. 
The executive is vested in a president and a non-active 
vice-president, and the legislative power is exercised by a 
parliament of two houses, called the Senate and House of 
Representatives. The president and vice-president are 
elected for two years; the House of Representatives also 
for two years, and the Senate for four years. There are 
thirteen members of the lower house and eight of the upper 
house, each county sending two members to the senate. 
It is provided that, on the increase of the population, each 
ten thousand persons shall be entitled to an additional 
representative. Both the president and the vice-president 
must be thirty-five years of age, and have real property to 
the value of six hundred dollars. In case of the absence 
or death of the president, his post is filled by the vice-pres- 
ident. The latter is also president of the Senate, which, in 
addition to being one of the branches of the legislature, is 
a council for the president, he being required to submit to 
it treaties and appointments for ratification. 

The president may be re-elected without limit. The first 
president, Joseph Jenkins Roberts, served four terms, from 
1848 to 1856, anil was again re-elected in 1871. The presi- 
dent is assisted in his executive duties by four ministers — 


the secretary of state, the secretary of the treasury, the 
attorney-general, and the postmaster-general. 

For political and judicial purposes, the republic is di- 
vided into four states, Montserrado, Grand Bassa, Sinoe, 
and Maryland, each of which is subdivided into town- 

In August, 1871, the republic laid the foundation of a 
public debt by contracting a loan of five hundred thousand 
dollars, at seven per cent, interest, to be redeemed in fifteen 
years. The loan was issued in England. No interest has 
ever been paid, the government of the republic being bank- 

The establishment of the Republic of Liberia was an 
attempt made by American philanthropists to prove the 
capacity of the negro race for self-government. The results 
are not what were expected. There has been much polit- 
ical disorder. The climate is deadly to white men and 
enervating to all except the natives. 

II. Okange River Free State. — This republic, situ- 
ated in eastern South Africa, is bounded east by Natal, 
south by Cape Colony, and north by the Transvaal Re- 
public. It has an area of about fifty thousand square 
miles, and was under British dominion from 1848 to 1854, 
but was then abandoned. When Natal, in 1856, was 
erected from a settlement to a separate colony under the 
British crown, the Dutch settlers were dissatisfied. They 
left Natal and took possession of the Orange River territory 
and formed an independent republic, now called the Orange 
River Free State. It has a population ranging between 
thirty and forty thousand. 


III. Transvaal Republic. — The history of the estab- 
lishment of this republic is similar to that of the Orange 
River Free State. Certain whites who were tired of the 
English rule in Cape Colony and Natal left their homes 
and retreated north into the wilderness, and in 1858 organ- 
ized themselves into a free and independent state. The 
territory under the rule of this republic is bounded north by 
the Kaffir country, south by Natal and the Orange Repub- 
lic, east by the Portuguese possessions and the Zulu coun- 
try, and west by the Hart and Limpope rivers. It has an 
area of about one hundred and fifteen thousand square 
miles, and is thought to be richer in minerals than any 
other part of the world. The inhabitants comprise about 
two hundred and fifty thousand Kaffirs and thirty thousand 
whites. The whites live apparently an easy life, chiefly 
upon widely scattered farms. The government consists 
of a president, who is the chief executive, and a legislative 

What fate awaits these African republics, whether they 
will be kept within their present narrow limits or extend 
their territories as the continent is explored and civilized ; 
whether they will continue their existence for centuries to 
come, or anon be engaged in such civil wars, or in wars 
among themselves, as shall terminate their existence, are 
as yet matters of pore speculation. 



Without affirming or denying anything respecting the 
doubtful question of a race of beings in America resembling 
men and prophetic of the Adamic race, but who were en- 
tirely destroyed during the geologic drift period, we adopt 
the theory that the Indian tribes of the northern and eastern 
portions of North America, together with the Mound-build- 
ers, Cave-dwellers, and civilized peoples of the western states, 
Mexico, Central America, and the great Peruvian empire, 
belonged to the family of Adam, and were the immedi- 
ate descendants of the primitive people inhabiting north- 
eastern Asia. Probably between ten and twenty centuries 
ago, - those people, perhaps to escape the despotisms of Asia, 
from time to time crossed Behring Straits, or the Sea of 
Kamtchatka, upon the ice or by boats, different groups and 
families, according to their tastes and circumstances, choos- 
ing different localities and different modes of life. 43 There 
are indications that several centuries later the barbarians 
and nomadic tribes of the north and east preyed upon the 
more civilized people of the southwest, much as the Goths 
and Vandals, during the Middle Ages, invaded and devas- 
tated southern Europe. On the American continent the 
rude invaders were successful in nearly obliterating the 


in.] MEXICO. 119 

primitive civilization, without being themselves improved 
by contact with it. Mighty aboriginal tribes throughout 
the northern and eastern territories of America, ruined for- 
tifications and cities in the south and west, and a waning 
civilization in Mexico, Central America, and in the territo- 
ries of the Peruvian empire, were found by Europeans upon 
their discovery and conquest of the American continent. 

I. The United States of Mexico. — Probably not far 
from 500 a. d. the Toltecks occupied the Mexican table- 
lands. The ancient towns and cities visited by Stevenson, 
which have been for ages partially covered by dense tropi- 
cal growths of vegetation, and whose ruins still strike with 
awe the traveller penetrating the forests overgrowing them, 
point to an earlier civilization than that existing at the time 
of the Spanish conquests, and were undoubtedly of Tolteck 
construction. Five or six centuries later the Toltecks were 
subdued by the Aztecs, who upon the ruins of that earlier 
and higher civilization erected their own. Among the 
Aztecs were orators and poets, architects and sculptors, of 
more than ordinary intelligence and skill. 

When Cortez (1518-1520) made his conquest of Mexico, 
the eighth of the Montezuman line of monarchs ruled a 
territory of one hundred and thirty thousand square miles, 
containing two million subjects. The Spaniards held 
Mexico for three hundred years, the country meanwhile 
receiving from Spain large numbers of immigrants. Dur- 
ing this period the country was involved in no foreign 
Avars nor in any important internal revolutions. Quietly a 
race-fusion was taking place between the native Indian 
and the conquering Castilian races. After a century or 


more, the few pure Spanish families remaining monopolized 
all positions of honor, came into possession of the great 
landed estates, and controlled the commerce and wealth of 
the country. Against the arrogance and domination of 
these almost feudal lords, who were constantly priding 
themselves upon their pure Castilian blood, the mass of 
their descendants, Creoles, born in Mexico, at length re- 
belled. They were also angered against the mother-land 
because she adopted the policy of excluding from the offices 
of state and from military rank any but native Spaniards. 
The Mestizos, half-bloods between Spaniards and native 
Mexicans, for a time prevented the Creoles from engaging 
in open rebellion. But when the Peninsular "War began to 
embarrass Spain, all Mexico seemed stirred with a desire 
for independence. Hidalgo, a parish priest, was the first 
to appear in the field, and in 1810 headed a rebellion of the 
Mestizos against the government. Insurrection followed 
insurrection, instigated and led sometimes by priests and 
sometimes by military men, outlaws, and desperadoes. The 
leaders in these revolutions did not at first intend to estab- 
lish a republic, but simply desired a change of imperial 
rulers. Spain, however, refused to allow a native to take 
the Mexican crown, and thereupon Iturbide, the " Liber- 
ator," was proclaimed emperor. 

At the fall of Iturbide, the army, being in the ascendant, 
organized a republic, and Mexico was thus unexpectedly 
freed entirely from Spanish domination. There followed a 
period of intrigue and revolution, during which different 
generals of the army struggled to gain supreme power. 

In 1822 Santa Anna proclaimed a republic, but its consti- 
tution had little in common with republics of modern date. 

m.] MEXICO. 121 

State affairs were in fearful disorder. Presidents were 
elected and rejected with the greatest irregularity. Gen- 
eral Santa Anna, as an illustration, was frequently in the 
extremes of success and adversity, " one month sitting in 
the presidential chair, armed with almost despotic power, 
the next a refugee and exile." Whenever the power came 
into the hands of the commonalty they wielded it in ven- 
geance. The gachupines, or aristocracy, were in various 
ways persecuted, were despoiled of their colossal fortunes, 
and in 1829 were expelled from the country. 

A constitution was at length formed, copied largely from 
that of the United States, but it proved too radical for a 
country lately under imperial and Roman Catholic sway, 
and in consequence was overthrown in 1833. During the 
twenty years following, Mexico was under military leader- 
ship, which, in 1855, under the triumph of the " plan of 
Ayutla," during the fifth dictatorship of Santa Anna, came 
to an end. A constituent assembly was organized the 
following year, and in 1857 it promulgated a constitution, 
which is essentially the one under which the republic 
is governed to-day. It embodies the most pronounced 
principles of modern republicanism, and in consequence 
was not supported by the conservative classes, consisting 
of the aristocracy, certain military leaders, and the church 
party, who by various intrigues brought on two memora- 
ble struggles : " the war of reform " (1857-60), and " French 
intervention" (1861-67), including the brief empire under 
Ferdinand Maximilian. 

By the terms of the constitution, Mexico is a federative 
republic, divided at present into twenty-seven states, one 
territory, Lower California, and a federal district. The 


powers of the supreme government are divided into three 
branches — the legislative, executive, and judiciary. The 
legislative power is vested in a Congress consisting of a 
House of Representatives and a Senate, and the executive 
in a President. Representatives, elected by each state, at 
the rate of one for eighty thousand Inhabitants, hold their 
places for two years. The congressional qualifications are, 
that the candidate shall be twenty-five years of age and 
eight years a resident of the republic. The Senate consists 
of two members for each state, of at least thirty years of 
age, who are elected by a plurality of votes in the State 
Congress. The President and Vice-President are elected 
by the Congress of the States, and hold office for four years. 
They are at any time eligible for re-election. Congress 
must meet annually from January 1 to April 15, and a 
Council of Government, consisting of the Vice-President 
and half the Senate, sits during the remainder of the year. 

General Porfirio Diaz, proclaimed President of the repub- 
lic, as successor of Don Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, March 
4, 1877, was installed in power in consequence of a revolu- 
tion which overthrew his predecessor. The administration 
of the republic is carried on, under the direction of the 
President, by a council of six ministers, heads of the de- 
partments of Justice, Finance, .the Interior, Army and 
Navy, Foreign Affairs, and Public "Works. 

The area of the republic is estimated at neaidy seven 
hundred and fifty thousand square miles, and the popula- 
tion at upwards of nine and a quarter millions. The 
finances of the country are in great disorder. There has 
been no official monetary statement since the reign of 
Maximilian. The expenditures for the past twenty years 

ni.] MEXICO. 123 

have been annually in excess of the revenue. The bonded 
debt is now between four and five hundred million dollars. 
The present government, however, does not recognize any 
portion of its liabilities except a six per cent, internal 
Mexican debt of seven millions; the interest upon this, 
however, has not, for many years, been paid. 

It is estimated that five millions, or more than one half, 
of the population of the republic, are pure Indians, the rest 
comprising a mixture of various races, the white, or Euro- 
pean-descended inhabitants, numbering about five hundred 

Political distinctions formerly existing were abolished by 
the constitution of 1824. All persons, of whatever race or 
color, are now admitted to citizenship and to the enjoyment 
of equal civil and political rights. The mineral wealth of 
Mexico has always been famous, and its agricultural pro- 
ducts abundant. It has schools of law, medicine, music, 
agriculture, engineering, mines, commerce, fine arts, the 
sciences, and literature, and a military college maintained 
at public expense. There are between four and five thou- 
sand public schools, which are rapidly increasing. 

A recent student of Mexican affairs, for several years a 
resident of that country, though a citizen of the United 
States, reports that in civil and religious polity the country 
is at present nearly a unit. Xot one in a thousand of the 
citizens incline to either a monarchy or aristocracy. The 
mass of the people love the republic. He further states 
that during the last seven years the republic has been 
very prosperous, and that no republic in the world seems 
more permanent. 

The civil administration has jealously guarded itself 


against its most dangerous foe, the Roman Catholic church. 
There is not at present a nunnery, monastery, nun, sister 
of charity, nor Jesuit, in all Mexico : they are excluded by 
law. Says. a recent visitor to Mexico: "Religious proces- 
sions are proscribed. The holy wafer is carried to dying 
people no longer in a gilded coach, but in a' private car- 
riage, the bared head of the driver being the only sign by 
which the faithful can know it. So great has the irrever- 
ence grown, that" a native, pointing to the sagrario, where 
the gilded coach is still kept, said to me, 'They keep in 
there what they call the Holy Ghost coach, but I call it 
the hell-cart.' " 

The president has assured Protestant religions workers 
from the United States that their property and life shall be 
protected, if necessary, by the entire civil and military 
power of the republic. Thirty years ago the Romish 
church in Mexico, in proportion to the number of its com- 
municants, was richer than anywhere else in the world. 
She held two thirds of the property of the city of Mexico. 
Mortgages were held by her over a large portion of the 
country. She controlled the money and landed interest of 
all the great centres of trade ; and convents covering hun- 
dreds of acres were adorned with the highest art. The 
church was rich, elegant, luxurious, but corrupt. The gov- 
ernment deemed it necessary for the public good to crush 
this gigantic worldly power which hail intrenched itself 
under the name of religion. This was done. To-day the 
Romish church of Mexico, in proportion to the number of 
its communicants, is poorer than anywhere else in the 

If the government of the United States is wise, there will 


be no interference with this Mexican republic. Her terri- 
tories are not needed by us. We should not be too easily- 
provoked by a few troubles upon the borders. Mexico has 
untold resources. When they are developed she may be- 
come, what will not harm us, a grand rival republic ; and 
at some time she may prove a needed and powerful ally in 
maintaining republican institutions upon this continent. 

" Thou Italy of the Occident, 
Glorious, gory Mexico ! " 

II. Central America. — Central America, properly be- 
longing to North America, lying between the parallels of 
about 7° and 18° north latitude, has an area, according 
to Behm, of a trifle above one hundred and eighty-eight 
thousand square miles. In 1502 Columbus sailed along 
the east coast, but his landing being opposed by both his 
crew and the natives, he returned to Spain. In 1523 Pedro 
Alvarado, under the command of Cortez, undertook the 
conquest of the country, and within two years brought it 
into complete subjection. 

At that time Central America was known as the kingdom 
of Guatemala. In its tropical and tangled forests were the 
massive ruins of Aztec cities, which displayed wonderful 
skill in both design and architecture. Central America, 
in common with Mexico, was for three centuries under 
Spanish domination. After the" revolution of 1821 it was 
attached to the Mexican kingdom under Iturbide, but be- 
came free at his abnegation. In 1823 the four states 
of Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and San Salvador, 
formed an independent federal union, under the name 
United States of Central America. These states did not 


long cohere, and five independent republics took the place 
of the confederation. In passing south from Mexico we 
enter first — 

1. Tie Republic of Guatemala. — It was established in 
1839, and is at present governed under a constitution pro- 
claimed in 1859. There are thirteen provinces or states, 
with a population of nearly one million two hundred 
thousand. By the terms of the constitution the legislative 
power is vested in a Congress of two chambers, called the 
Council of State and the House of Representatives, the 
first consisting of twenty-four and the second of fifty-two 
members. Both chambers are elected for four years, the 
House of Representatives by the people, and the Council of 
State by the House. The executive is vested in a President, 
elected for four years. Since 1871, when the Roman Cath- 
olic church party was driven from power, there have been 
several irregular presidential elections. 

Bounding Guatemala upon the southeast, is — 

2. Tlie Republic of Honduras. — It was established in 
1839, on the dissolution of the confederation of Central 
America, has a population of two hundred and fifty thou- 
sand, and is governed under a constitution proclaimed No- 
vember, 1865. There are seven states. The constitution 
gives the legislative power to a Congress of two houses, 
called the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. The 
Senate consists of seven members, three of whom are 
elected annually, and the Chamber of Deputies of fourteen 
members, one half of whom are elected annually. The 
executive authority rests with a President, elected for four 

There have been no regular elections of Presidents in 


recent years, and no President has served the full term 
of his office. The predecessor of Don Crecencio Gomez, 
Don Ponciano Leiva, succeeded Don Celeo Arias, elected 
1872, who, in consequence of an invasion of the republic 
by the troops of San Salvador, fled from the capital and 
was deprived of power February, 1874. The same troops 
deposed, in a preceding invasion, May, 1872, General Me- 
dina, predecessor of Don Celeo Arias, elected President in 

The administration of the republic is carried on by a 
Council of State, composed of two ministers appointed by 
the President, one senator elected by both houses of Con- 
gress, and the judge of the Supreme Court. The resources 
of the country are rich, but are almost entirely undevel- 

South of Honduras and east of Guatemala is — 

3. The Republic of San Salvador. — It was erected into an 
independent state in 1853, when it dissolved its federative 
union with the other states of Central America. It has five 
provinces, a population of four hundred and fifty thousand, 
an area of nine thousand six hundred square miles, and is 
governed nominally under a constitution proclaimed March, 
1864. The constitution, which has undergone frequent 
alterations through internecine wars, vests the legislative 
power in a Congress of two houses, the Senate, composed 
of twelve, and the House of Representatives, composed of 
twenty-four members. The executive is in the hands of a 
President, originally elected for six years, but whose tenure 
of office was in 1867 limited to four years. 

The regular election of the President has in recent years 
been constantly superseded by pronunciamentos and mili- 


taiy nominations. The administrative affairs of the re- 
public are carried on, under the President, by a ministry 
of two members, the first being head of the united de- 
partments of the Interior, War, and Finance, and the 
second of the departments of Foreign Affairs and Public 

The native population of San Salvador incline more to 
civilized pursuits than the natives of any neighboring state. 
The people are largely engaged in agriculture, in various 
branches of manufacture, and to some extent in mining. 

4. The Rejyublic of Nicaragua is the next south, and 
comprises six provinces, an area of nearly sixty thousand 
square miles, with a population of three hundred and fifty 
thousand. The constitution of the republic was proclaimed 
August 19, 1858. It vests the legislative power in a Con- 
gress of two houses, the upper, called the Senate, com- 
prising ten members, and the lower, called the House of 
Representatives, having eleven members. Both branches 
are elected by universal suffrage, the members of the House 
of Representatives for the term of four, and those of the 
Senate for the term of six years. The executive power is 
with a President elected for four years, who exercises his 
authority through a council of ministers, controlling the 
four departments of Finance, Foreign Affairs, Public In- 
struction, and War and Marine. 

South of Nicaragua is — 

5. The Republic of Costa Rica. — It has an area a little 
less than twenty thousand square miles, with an estimated 
population of one hundred and ninety thousand. It has 
been an independent state since the year 1821, and is gov- 
erned under a constitution bearing date December 22, 1B71. 


By its terms the legislative power is vested in a Congress 
of one chamber, called the "Congreso Constitutional," 
chosen in electoral assemblies by universal suffrage, and 
elected for the term of four years, one half retiring every 
two years. The executive authority is in the hands of a 
President, elected, in the same manner as the Congress, for 
the term of four years. He is assisted in his functions by 
two Vice-Presidents, elected annually in May, by Congress, 
for the term of one year. 

There have been constant changes in the executive in 
recent years, owing to civil wars and insurrections. But 
few Presidents have served the full term of office. 

The administration is carried on, under the President, by 
four ministers, namely, of the Interior and Justice, of Pub- 
lic Instruction and Foreign Affairs, of Finance and Com- 
merce, and of Public Works. 

These five republics in many respects present a deplorable 
picture. There have been repeated, but unsuccessful, at- 
tempts to restore the former federal union of Central 
America. With a strong centralized form of government, 
and the spread of intelligence among the people, a republic 
of great wealth and influence might be erected in Central 
America. At present the population consists of a few 
whites, — who, owing to the unsettled condition of affairs, 
are on the decrease, — the offspring of whites and negroes, 
the offspring of whites and Indians, aboriginal natives, and 
a few negroes. Almost the entire population is ignorant, 
immoral, and superstitious. 

These republics are also irretrievably bankrupt. Guate- 
mala has a debt of nearly nine hundred thousand dollars. 

130 FATE OF REPUBLICS. [part hi. 

Honduras has a debt of upwards of seven millions, San 
Salvador one of eighty-seven millions, Nicaragua one of 
two millions, and Costa Rica one of nearly four millions. 
These debts are bonded, and were contracted in London. 
The amount of floating debt cannot be ascertained. The 
bonds and interest were long since repudiated. The pay- 
ment ot the annual interest, if made, would greatly exceed 
the revenue of the states. The republics of Central America 
seemingly cannot long remain in their present condition. 



The magnitude of Spanish conquests in America during 
the sixteenth century is one of the wonders of history. 
That Spain was ahle to master and hold, for three centu- 
ries, the extended territories of Mexico and Central Amer- 
ica, is amply sufficient to establish the fact of her enterprise 
and might; yet these were only a part of her remarkable 

I. South America. — In 1533, two brothers were con- 
tending with each other for the throne of the ancient 
Peruvian empire. Francisco Pizarro, a daring and ambi- 
tious Spaniard, who rose from the occupation of a swine- 
herd, took advantage of that fraternal conflict, invaded the 
country, and achieved a conquest over much of the South 
American continent. From that date (1533) until the 
beginning of the present century, South America remained 
almost entirely a dependency of Spain and Portugal. 
Between 1810 and 1820 the different Spanish colonies, in 
South America as in Central America and Mexico, waged 
their wars for independence. The Spanish yoke was 
thrown off, and the different republics were formed. Brazil 
is at present the only monarchy on the South American 



continent, and is as desirable a government to live under 
as is any one of the South American republics. 44 

1. The Republic of Venezuela is the most northerly, and 
was formed in 1830, by secession from the other members 
of the Free-state founded by Simon Bolivar within the 
limits of the Spanish colony of New Granada. The history 
of the republic is briefly this : The Spanish flag was cut 
down in 1811, and the tricolor hoisted. Miranda and Simon 
Bolivar, who was the ablest and most remarkable man in 
the history of the struggle which freed South America from 
the Spanish yoke, took the field at the head of the so-termed 
patriot army. These insurgents were successful for a year, 
but in 1812 the royalists weje victorious. In 1813, Bolivar 
raised a new army, and assumed the title of Dictator and 
Liberator. At this juncture the royalists determined upon 
a " Avar of death," armed the negro slaves, and murdered 
the insurgent prisoners by the hundred. Bolivar thereupon 
retaliated, shooting eight hundred Spaniards in La Guayra 
and Caraccas. The patriots were defeated in 1814. Later, 
the struggles were renewed, and the year 1823 witnessed 
the triumphs of the patriots and the complete expulsion 
of the Spanish troops. 

The charter of fundamental laws now in force, dating 
from 1830, and re-proclaimed, with alterations, on the 
28th of March, 1864, is modelled after the constitution of the 
United States of America, but with considerably more 
independence secured to provincial and local governments. 
The provinces, or states, of the republic, twenty-one in 
number, three of them having territories attached, have 
each their own legislature and executive, as well as their 


in.] SOUTH AMEKICA. 133 

own budgets, and judiciary officers. The main purpose of 
their alliance is that of common defence. 

The area of the republic is upward of four hundred thou- 
sand square miles, with a population of nearly two millions. 

At the head of the central government is a President, 
elected for two years, who, aided by a Vice-President, exer- 
cises his functions through six ministers. The President 
has no veto power. The legislation for the whole republic 
is vested in a Congress of two houses, called the Senate 
and the House of Representatives, both composed of mem- 
bers deputed by the same bodies in the individual states. 
The President, Vice-President, and congresses of states, 
are elected by universal suffrage. Since 1847, the republic 
has Buffered greatly from internal dissensions, leading 
to almost continuous civil war. The rival parties are 
the Federalists and Confederalists, the former desiring a 
strong central government, and the latter the greatest 
possible independence of the separate states. The republic 
has witnessed its greatest prosperity at those times when 
the President has exercised almost despotic, at least dicta- 
torial, authority. There is a public debt of a hundred 
millions of dollars. 

On the southwest of Venezuela is — 

2. The Republic of Colombia, officially styled the United 
States of Colombia. It was formed, under the Convention 
of Bogota, 1801, by the representatives of nine states which 
were previously a part of New Granada. The most impor- 
tant of the nine states of Colombia, the state of Panama, 
comprises the whole isthmus of that name, known histori- 
cally as the Isthmus of Darien. In 18G9, a treaty was 
concluded between Colombia and the United States of 


America, which gave to the latter the exclusive right to 
construct an inter-oceanic canal across the Isthmus, at any 
point which may be selected by the United States. 

The area of the republic is estimated at upwards of five 
hundred thousand square miles, a little more than one half 
of which is north, and the remainder south, of the equator. 
According to a rough enumeration taken in 1871, the 
population was reckoned at nearly three millions. 

A constitution, bearing date May 8, 1863, vests the exec- 
utive authority in a President, elected for two years, while 
the legislative power rests with a Congress of two houses, 
called the Senate and the House of Representatives. The 
Senate, numbering twenty-seven members, is composed of 
representatives of the nine states, each deputing three 
senators ; the House of Representatives, numbering sixty- 
six members, is elected by universal suffrage, each state 
being a constituency, and returning one member for fifty 
thousand inhabitants, and a second for every additional 
twenty thousand. Besides this central government, each 
state has its own legislature and chief executive officer, the 
latter called Governor in all except Panama, where he 
bears the title of President. The President of Colombia 
has at his side a Vice-President, acting as chairman of 
the Senate, and his executive functions are exercised 
through four ministers, or secretaries, responsible to Con- 
gress. The first head of the executive government of 
Colombia, after its establishment as a federative republic, 
was General Thomas Mosquera, who acted as Dictator 
from September 20, 1861, until the proclamation of the 
constitution of 1863, under which Don Manuel Murillo Toro 
was elected President for two years, commencing April 1, 

in.] SOUTH AMERICA. 135 

1864. General Mosquera was next chosen President, but 
before his term of office had expired he came into conflict 
with Congress, and on the 23d of May was deposed and 
imprisoned, his place being filled provisionally by the Vice- 
President, General Santos Gutierrez, who was subsequently 
elected President for the next term. From 1872 to 1875, 
the executive underwent constant changes in consequence 
of uninterrupted civil warfare. 

The public debt was reported at upwards of fifty-three 
millions in 1877, three-fourths of which was due to British 
creditors, who hold as security on mortgage the chief 
source of revenue of the republic — that derived from the 
customs. The interior debt was estimated at over twenty 

The two contending parties are the Federalists and the 
Liberalists, with an apparent gain of late years among the 

South of Colombia is — 

3. The Republic of Ecuador. — This republic embraces a 
part of the territory ruled anciently by the Quitus, a civil- 
ized race kindred in many respects to the Quichuas or 
Incas of Peru. The valley of Quito, with those of Mexico 
and Cuzco, was one of the earliest seats of American civil- 
ization. The republic of Ecuador was constituted May 11, 
1830, in consequence of a civil war which separated the 
members of the Central American Free-state, founded by 
Bolivar upon the ruins of the Spanish kingdom of New 
Granada. There are ten states with an area of nearly two 
hundred and fifty thousand square miles, and a population 
of something over a million. Not included in this estimate 
are the Galapagos, or Tortoise Islands, with an area of' 


nearly three thousand square miles, now mostly deserted, 
which belong to Ecuador. The capital of the republic, 
Quito, has an estimated population of eighty thousand. 

By the constitution of Ecuador, dated March 31, 1843, the 
executive is vested in a President, elected for the term of 
four years, while the legislative power is given to a Con- 
gress of two houses, the first consisting of eighteen senators 
and the second of thirty deputies, both elected by universal 
suffrage. The Congress must assemble on the loth of Sep- 
tember of every year at Quito, without being summoned by 
the government. The nomination of the President takes 
place, in an indirect manner, by nine hundred electors, 
returned by the people for that purpose. The electors, 
together with the President, appoint a Vice-President, who, 
in certain cases, may be called upon by Congress to succeed 
the President before his term of office ends. The Vice- 
President also fills the position of Minister of the Interior. 

Don Jose de Veintemilla was elected President Septem- 
ber 8, 1876, and was appointed Dictator, for an unlimited 
period, by a convention, July 10. 1878. The President 
exercises his functions through a cabinet of three ministers, 
who, together with himself and the Vice-President, are 
responsible, individually and collectively, to Congress. 
There is no power of veto with the President, nor can he 
dissolve, shorten, or prorogue the sittings of Congress. By 
the terms of the constitution, no citizen can enjoy titular or 
other distinctions. No hereditary rights or privileges of 
rank and race are allowed to exist within the territory of 
the republic. 

There is a public debt of nearly seventeen millions. 

The Republic of Ecuador is thoroughly Roman Catholic. 


The public services of no other religion are allowed. Edu- 
cation is entirely in the hands of the priests. Conflicts 
between the church and the liberal parties, insurrections, 
revolutions, and wars with sister republics, during late 
years, have made it necessary to convert the President into 
a Dictator. 

Bounding Ecuador upon the south is — 

4. The Republic of Peru. — When Peru was discovered 
by the Spaniards, early in the sixteenth century, it was 
occupied by two races, comparatively civilized and of 
common origin, the Quichuas and the Aymaras. The popu- 
lation at that time has been estimated as high as thirty 
millions. The history of the yet earlier inhabitants is not 
written, except in the ruins of massive blocks of cut stone, 
pyramidal structures of vast proportions, fragments of im- 
mense stone bridges and aqueducts of more than a hundred 
miles length, and paved roads, one of which can be traced 
from Cuzco to Quito, a distance of a thousand miles. 

After the conquest by Francisco Pizarro and Diego 
Almagro, the country was in a state of constant anarchy, 
growing out of the insurrections of the natives and civil 
wars between the conquerors themselves. A vice-royalty 
was at length established, under which the country was 
governed until 1821. During that period, Peru was made 
the chief seat of the Spanish Transatlantic Empire. Lima, 
the capital, attained such splendor, that it was styled " the 
City of the Kings." In 1820, San Martin, of Chili, came 
at the head of an invading army, and a year later pro- 
claimed himself Protector of Peru. At the request of San 
Martin, Simon Bolivar entered Peru, and in 1822 took pos- 
session of Lima. He was appointed Dictator, and at the 


head of a Colombian and Peruvian army defeated the Span- 
iards, first at Junin, and later, with signal success, at 
Ayacucho. In 1836, the Pern-Bolivian Confederation was 
formed, under the presidency of a Bolivian, Santa Crnz, hut 
was overthrown in 1839. A succession of civil Avars and 
constitutional changes followed, during a period of nearly 
thirty years. The present constitution, proclaimed August 
31, 1867, is modelled after that of the United States of 
America, the legislative power being vested in a Senate 
and a House of Representatives, the former composed of 
deputies of the provinces, two for each, and the latter of 
representatives nominated by the electoral colleges of prov- 
inces and parishes, at the rate of one member for every 
twenty thousand inhabitants. The parochial electoral col- 
leges choose deputies to the provincial colleges, who in 
turn send representatives to Congress. In the session of 
1876, the Senate was composed of forty-four members, and 
the House of Representatives of one hundred and ten 
members. The executive power is vested in a President, 
assisted by a Vice-President, both elected by the people 
for the term of four years. The President exercises his 
functions through a cabinet of five ministers, holding office 
at his pleasure. The departments are those of Foreign 
Affairs, of the Interior, of Justice, of Finance and Com- 
merce, and of War and the Navy. 

By the terms of the constitution, there exists absolute 
political, but not religious freedom, the charter prohibiting 
the public exercise of any other religion than the Roman 
Catholic, which is declared to be the religion of the state. 

The republic is divided into twenty-one states, with an 
area of over five hundred thousand square miles, and a 

in.] SOUTH AMERICA. 139 

population, according to a census taken in 1876, of upwards 
of two and a half millions. It is estimated that fifty-seven 
per cent, of the population of Peru are aborigines, and 
twenty-three per cent, belong to mixed races, "Cholos" 
and " Zambos." The remaining twenty per cent, are di- 
vided among descendants of Spaniards, Negroes, Chinese, 
and Europeans, the latter forming barely two per cent, of 
the total population, comprising chiefly Italians and Ger- 
mans. At the enumeration of 1876, the population of the 
capital, Lima, was returned at one hundred and sixty 

There is a bonded debt of fifty millions, with a floating 
debt of unknown amount. Frequent wars, civil insurrec- 
tions, changes of constitution, assassinations of political 
leaders, bankruptcy, financial prostration, and Roman Cath- 
olic domination, are the blight of the Peruvian Republic. 

5. The Republic of Bolivia. — The territory now occupied 
by this republic formed, until 1825, the southern province 
of Peru. At that date it was organized into a separate 
republic by Bolivar. The constitution drawn up by this 
liberator underwent important modifications in 1828, 1831, 
and 1863. There are eleven states in the republic, having 
an area of nearly eight hundred and fifty thousand square 
miles, and a population closely approximating two millions. 
The Indian population has been estimated as high as seven 
hundred thousand. The republic has but one seaport, the 
town of Cobija-Puerto, on the Pacific. Till within the last 
few years, the vast agricultural and mineral resources of 
the country were entirely dormant, for want of means of 
communication. The seat of the government, formerly at 


the city of La Paz, capital of the republic, was transferred 
in 1869 to the fortified town of 

About one-half of the public revenue is derived from a 
land tax, which the aboriginal, or Indian, population is 
forced to pay, and the rest from import and export duties, 
and the proceeds of mines and other state property. Direct 
taxes do not exist. The public debt, internal and foreign, 
was estimated in June, 1879, at thirty millions. 

By the provisions of the present constitution, the execu- 
tive power is vested in a President, elected for a term of 
four years; while the legislative authority rests with a 
Congress of two chambers, called the Senate and the House 
of Representatives, both elected by universal suffrage. The 
President is assisted by a President of the Council, or Vice- 
President, appointed by himself, and a ministry, divided 
into four departments : of the Interior and Foreign Affairs, 
of Finance and Industry, of War, and of Justice and Public 
Worship. The fundamental law of the republic, ordering 
the election of a President every four years, has seldom 
been complied with since the presidency of Grand Marshal 
Santa Cruz, who ruled Bolivia from May, 1828, till his 
death, January 20, 1839. Subsequently, the supreme power 
has almost invariably been seized by some successful com- 
mander, who, proclaimed President by the troops, instead 
of chosen bj r the people, has been compelled to protect his 
office by an armed force against insurrections and military 
rivals. From 1867 to 1870 there was an almost uninter- 
rupted civil war, which reached its height in 1869, when 
General Malgarejo for a time assumed the government, 
after an unsuccessful attempt at insurrection by a rival 
candidate, General Belzu, head of the government from 

in.] SOUTH AMERICA. 141 

March 22 to his execution, March 27, 1869. The next 
President was General Ballivian, who died February 14, 
1874, and was succeeded by Dr. Thomas Frias, head of the 
government till the outbreak of a new insurrection, May 4, 
1876, at which time he was deposed by the troops, and 
General Daza became Dictator. 

Southeast of Bolivia is — 

6. TJie Republic of Paraguay. — This territory was dis- 
covered by Sebastian Cabot, late in 1526, while seeking a 
more direct route to Peru. It was then quite thickly set- 
tled by the Payagua Indians. In 1536, an expedition as- 
cended the Paraguay River and established a settlement at 
Asuncion, which has continued to the present time. The 
first European ruler was Martinez de Grala, who governed 
with great energy and courage, made himself respected by 
the Indians, encouraged his men to marry native women, 
and then compelled them to respect their marital vows. 
The result was a very rapid increase of population. In 
1610, the Jesuits established mission-stations at all impor- 
tant points, and succeeded in gaining control of most of the 
Guarani Indians. The Jesuits learned the native language, 
and then jealously guarded the country from all intrusion, 
being armed by a royal order from Spain, forbidding even 
Spaniards to visit the state without permission. In 1767, 
the Jesuits became such intolerable nuisances that they 
were expelled from the Spanish colonies of South America, 
including Paraguay. Their splendid churches and palatial 
residences thereupon fell into other hands. The republic 
of Paraguay gained its independence from Spanish rule in 
1811, and after a short govei'nment by two consuls, the 
supreme power was seized, in 1815, by Dr. Jose Gaspar 


Rodriguez Francia, who exercised autocratic sway as Dic- 
tator, till his death, September 20, 1840. 

"The country being accessible only by way of the river, 
he stopped all ingress and egress, allowing, during all this 
time, only some half dozen foreigners to leave the coun- 
try, and none to enter it. The shipping then in the river 
stayed there, rotted, and fell to pieces. He died in the year 
1840, and as for nearly thirty years no freedom of expres- 
sion or thought had been permitted, and the better class of 
people had generally been destroyed, the nation, at the 
time of his death, was left not only without a government, 
but without its forms. The will of Francia had so long 
been the supreme law, that when he died there was no 
authority left, no one to give an order, and no one to exe- 
cute it if given. The soldiers, who had obeyed Francia 
implicitly, recognized no other ruler, and Avere glad to 
disappear from sight." As might be expected, Dr. Fran- 
cia's reign was followed by a state of anarchy, which lasted 
till 1842, when a National Congress, meeting at the capital 
of Asuncion, elected two nephews of the Dictator, Don 
Alonso and Don Carlos Antonio Lopez, joint consuls of the 
republic. Another Congress, March 13, 1844, voted a new 
constitution, and, March 14, elected Don Carlos Antonio 
Lopez sole President, with dictatorial powers, which were 
continued by another election, March 14, 1857. At the 
death of Don Carlos, September 10, 1862, his son, Don 
Francisco Solano Lopez, succeeded to the supreme power, 
by testamentary order, without opposition. President Lopez, 
in 1805, began a dispute with the government of Brazil, 
the consequence of which was the invasion of the republic, 
in 18G5, by a Brazilian army, united with forces of the 

in.] SOUTH AMERICA. 143 

Argentine Confederation and Uruguay. After a struggle 
of five years, Lopez was defeated and killed in the battle 
of Aquidaban, 1870. A Congress, meeting at Asuncion in 
June, 1870, voted a new constitution, which was publicly 
proclaimed November 25th of the same year. The consti- 
tution is modelled closely on that of the Argentine Confed- 
eration, the legislative authority being vested in a Congress 
of two Houses, a Senate and a House of Deputies, and the 
executive being intrusted to a President, elected for the 
term of six years, with a non-active Vice-President at his 
side. The President exercises his authority through a 
Cabinet of five Ministers, who preside over the departments 
of the Interior, of Finance, of Worship and Public Instruc- 
tion, of War and Navy, and of Foreign Affairs. 

The area of the republic, prior to 1870, was claimed to 
be over a hundred thousand square miles. But the new 
boundaries imposed by the conquerors in the war of 
1865-70, reduced the area to a little upward of fifty-seven 
thousand square miles. The present estimated population 
is nearly two hundred and fifty thousand. About one-third 
of the Inhabitants are living in the central province, the 
rest being scattered as settlers over the remaining portion 
of cultivated country. Nearly three-fourths of the entire 
territory are national property. The republic is hopelessly 
and irretrievably insolvent. 

Next south is — 

7. The Argentine Republic. — Sebastian Cabot, in 1530, 
explored the river La Plata in the interest of Spain, and in 
1580 Garay, another enterprising Spaniard, founded the city 
of Buenos Ayres. The early colonies of this part of South 
America were attached at first to the vice-royalty of Peru. 


The Argentine provinces freed themselves from the Spanish 
yoke in 1810, but were immediately embroiled in disputes 
and contentions among themselves. The first hastily- 
formed union continued but one year, being dissolved in 
1827. In 1835 Rosas became Captain-general of the con- 
federacy, and with an iron hand crushed anarchy and for 
a time restored peace. Foreign complications brought an 
Anglo-French fleet against Rosas, who suffered loss but was 
not defeated. Brazil, Uruguay, and Paraguay next waged 
war against him, and in 1851, upon the plains of Moron, he 
was utterly defeated. Since that date insurrection and 
anarchy, often secretly encouraged by neighboring states, 
have prevailed. 

The present constitution bears date May 15, 1853. There 
are fourteen states, with an area of five hundred and fifteen 
thousand seven hundred square miles, having a popu- 
lation of nearly two millions. Not quite one in seventy is 
able to read and write. The capital of tbe confederation, 
Buenos Ayres, has a population of a few less than two hun- 
dred thousand. The immigrants, the great majority of 
whom are natives of Italy and Spain, numbered, in 1877, 
twenty-eight thousand seven hundred and eight, and in 
1878 they numbered thirty-five thousand eight hundred and 

The bonded debt of the confederacy amounts to sixty- 
five millions, Avith a floating debt of twenty millions. Be- 
side.-: this, each state is groaning under heavy taxation and 
is deeply involved in bankruptcy. 

By the provisions of the present constitution the execu- 
tive power is vested in a President, elected for six years by 
representatives of the fourteen provinces, one hundred and 

in.] SOUTH AMERICA. 145 

thirty-three in number. The legislative authority is vested 
in a National Congress, consisting of a Senate and a House 
of Deputies, the foi-mer numbering twenty-eight, two from 
each state, and the latter numbering fifty members. A 
Vice-President, elected in the same manner and at the same 
time as the President, is chairman of the Senate, but has 
otherwise no political power. The President is commander- 
in-chief of the troops, and appoints to all civil, military, 
and judicial offices. 

The ministry, appointed by and acting under the orders 
of the President, is divided into five departments, namely, 
of the Interior, Foreign Affairs, Finance, War, and Edu- 

The governors of the various provinces are invested with 
very extensive powers, and to a certain degree are inde- 
pendent of the central executive. 

East of the Argentine Republic is — 

8. The Republic of Uruguay. — The first European settle- 
ment in that section of South America was made by Spanish 
Jesuits in 1622. Later colonies were formed by both Span- 
iards and Portuguese. For nearly two centuries the state 
was a subject of almost constant contention between Brazil 
and Buenos Ayres. In 1828, by the mediation of England, 
the northern part, known as the Seven Missions, was ceded 
to Brazil, and the southern part was erected into the Re- 
public of Uruguay. 

Her present constitution was proclaimed July 18, 1831. 
By its terms the legislative power is vested in a parliament 
composed of two houses, the Senate and the Chamber of 
Representatives, which meet in annual session, extending 
from February 15 to the end of June. In the interval of 


the session, a permanent committee of two senators and 
five members of the Lower House assume the legislative 
power, as well as the general control of the administration. 

The executive is given by the constitution to the Presi- 
dent of the republic, elected for a term of four years. A 
Vice-President, also elected for four years, is at the head of 
the Senate, but has no other political power. 

Colonel L. Latorre, formerly Minister of War and Ma- 
rine, was, March 18, 1876, elected President, with dictatorial 

The President is assisted in his executive duties by a 
council of ministers who manage the departments of the 
Interior, of Foreign Affairs, of Finance, of War and Ma- 
rine. The area of Uruguay is estimated at nearly seventy- 
five thousand square miles, with a population numbering 
four hundred and fifty thousand, according to the calcula- 
tion of M. Vaillant, registrar-general, published in 1873. 
The country is divided into thirteen states. The capital, 
Montevideo, has, according to a rough enumeration, a 
population of a few over one hundred thousand, of whom 
about one third are foreigners. Immigration reached the 
highest number in 1870, when there were upwards of 
twenty thousand. 

The debt of Uruguay, in view of its limited available 
resources, is enormous, being not far from fifty millions. 
The notes of the circulating banks are under state guar- 
anty, with forced currency. Paper money is constantly on 
the increase in amount, but is constantly decreasing in its 
purchasing power. 

Uruguay during the period of her freedom has been a 
constant sufferer. The unsettled state of the national char- 

in.] SOUTH AMERICA. 147 

actcr, the conflicts between the conservatism of the old 
Spanish and Roman Catholic ideas, on the one hand, and 
the wild radicalism of ambitions political adventurers on 
the other, have kept the state in a high fever, and have 
enabled those who were disposed grossly to victimize the 

A long, narrow tract, bounded east by the Andes and 
west by the Pacific ocean, extending from latitude 24° to 
43°, is the territory embraced by — 

9. The Republic of Chili. — At the time of Pizarro's con- 
quests, Chili formed a part of the dominion of the Peruvian 
empire. In 1535 Almagro and Valdivia, successors of Pi- 
zarro, invaded the country, and conquered all the inhabi- 
tants except the Araucanians, whom the Spaniards ware 
never successful in bringing into subjection. In 1810 the 
Chilians revolted against the king of Spain, and a junta, 
which met at Santiago, elected the Marquis de la Plate, a 
native Chilian, President of the republic. In 1818 the in- 
dependence of Chili was formally proclaimed by Bernerdo 
O'Higgins, the commander-in-chief of the Chilian patriots. 

The constitution, voted by the repi'esentatives of the na- 
tion in 1833, establishes three departments of state — the 
legislative, the executive, and the judicial. The legislative 
power is vested in two assemblies, called the Senate and 
the Chamber of Deputies. The Senate is composed of 
twenty members, elected for the term of nine years. The 
Chamber of Deputies, chosen for a period of three years, 
consists of one representative for every twenty thousand 
of the population. The executive is exercised by a Pres- 
ident, elected for a term of five years. 

The President is chosen by indirect electiou. The people, 


in the first instance, nominate their delegates by ballot, and 
the latter, in their turn, appoint the chief executive of the 
state. The President is assisted by a Council of State, and 
a cabinet, divided into five departments. The Council of 
State, appointed by the President of the republic, consists 
of the ministers, two judges, one ecclesiastical dignitary, 
one general or admiral, and five other members. 

Chili is divided into sixteen states, of which the aggre- 
gate area is one hundred and thirty thousand square miles, 
containing in 1875 a population exceeding two millions. 

Not included in the above estimate are three new prov- 
inces, or settlements, — the province of Biobio, the territory 
of Angol, and the settlement of Arauco, — formed subse- 
quently to the last census, by a law of October 13, 1875. 
The number of inhabitants of these districts is returned at 
two hundred and fifteen thousand. The land of the Avau- 
canians, a vast district on the southei*n frontier, claimed by 
the republic, is calculated to embrace one hundred and 
twenty thousand square miles, with a population of seventy 

While Roman Catholicism is the prevailing creed, other 
religions are protected by laws lately passed. Chili is po- 
litically the least democratic state in the Western hemi- 
sphere. In order to vote for a deputy, one must possess 
either five hundred dollars in real, or one thousand dollars 
in personal property, and nearly twice as much to vote for 
a senator. In Santiago and Valparaiso, where wealth is 
greater, the qualifying amount needs to be doubled. In 
1848 unsuccessful attempts were made to abolish or modify 
these restrictions upon suffrage. The country has suc- 
ceeded so well under the prevailing system that any 

in.] SOUTH AMERICA. 149 

change, it was argued, would be attended Avith more or 
less peril: 

No republic in South America is watched at present with 
more interest than Chili. In her late brilliant victories 
over Pern and Bolivia, she has distinguished herself by a 
courage, dash, and energy very unusual with the South 
American republics. Indeed, ever since achieving her in- 
dependence, seventy years ago, she has been noted for the 
intelligent and judicious administration of her affairs, com- 
pared with the governments by which she is surrounded. 
She has enjoyed a degree of peace and prosperity which 
the other commonwealths of South America have not 
known. The republic is suffering, however, from heavy 
indebtedness. Her foreign and internal debt in September, 
1878, amounted to nearly seventy millions, and subse- 
quently there were large issues of paper mone3 T , of un- 
known amount, to defray expenditure for the army. 

Between the conservative, or Roman Catholic, on the 
one hand, and the liberal, or democratic parties, who are 
contending for universal suffrage and perfect religious tol- 
eration, on the other, arise bitter hostilities whenever the 
republic is at peace with her neighboring sister republics. 45 

This survey of the South American republics cannot well 
be concluded without a few passing observations. And 
first, since it is impossible for these republics ever to pay 
the full face of their indebtedness, the sooner they scale 
down, pay what they can, and then forever repudiate the 
balance, the better. Until this is done, the people, for the 
greater part, will remain embarrassed, thriftless, and de- 


It likewise seems a matter of regret that some man is 
not found mighty enough to step forward and wipe out all 
existing state governments, and organize a strong central 
power which would he able to administer the affairs of the 
entire continent. South America needs not state or sec- 
tional rights, but national unity and might. She is precisely 
where the jealous powers of Europe have greatly desired 
to see the United States, and precisely where the United 
States would be were state rights and secession views to 

Again, every student of our national welfare must also 
regard it a great mistake that in 1826 the United States 
refused to take part in the Panama congress. By that un- 
fortunate refusal, in the words of an eminent publicist, 
"the new states were removed from the sympathetic and 
protecting influence of our example, and their commerce, 
which we might then have secured, passed into other hands 
unfriendly to the United States." 

Though in a crippled condition, these South American 
republics exported to Great Britain, in 1878, two hundred 
million dollars' worth of their commodities, and imported 
from Great Britain nearly seventy millions of her commod- 
ities. There is no good reason why the United States 
should not have had the benefit of this trade, nor why her 
ships should not have been the carriers ; — no reason except 
that our Congress is so engaged with party machinery that 
no time is left for important legislation. 

The most hopeful feature in the South American repub- 
lics is that Roman Catholicism is losing its iron grip upon 
them. Recent legislation, in almost every instance, tends 
towards religious toleration, and Protestant missions and 


schools, under missionaries and teachers from the United 
States, are established in nearly every republic. 

All things considered, every friend of republican institu- 
tions may well wish for such improved conditions, and such 
a noble and intelligent population in South America, as 
will hasten the day when a united, consolidated, and grand 
republic, a rival of our own, shall absorb into itself Brazil, 
the only empire in the Western hemisphere, and extend 
itself from the Isthmus of Panama to Cape Horn. But if 
the conditions and populations are not what they should be, 
then, better one government, and that — the Brazilian em- 

II. Republics of Hayti and San Domingo. — Among 
the group of West India Islands is Hayti. It was discov- 
ered by Columbus in 1492, and soon after was filled with 
adventurous European settlers who were in search of sud- 
den wealth. When the island was discovered, its inhabi- 
tants were supposed to number not less than two millions. 
Subsequently the Spaniards governed the island in a man- 
ner so cruel and barbarous as to result in frequent rebel- 
lions. At length the island was almost completely depop- 
ulated. Later (1630), the French recolonized the western 
portion. Later, the free colored population, in many in- 
stances possessed of great wealth, being denied all political 
rights, rebelled, and after various bloody struggles, gained, 
in 1791, the rights of franchise. 

The negro slaves subsequently rose in rebellion. They 
were successful, and in 1793 all the inhabitants of the island 
were declared free and equal. Then followed the brilliant 
military career and administration of the negro patriot, 


Toussaint rOuverture. The French government can never 
recover from the guilt involved in its treachery and treat- 
ment of Toussaint after his capture. 

Hayti has had a varying fortune from the time of Toussaint 
to the present. She has been successively under French, 
English, and Spanish domination. She has been twice 
declared an empire ; she has often been under rival chiefs, 
and has at three different times (1804, 1825, and 1858) de- 
clared her independence. At present the island contains 
the two republics above mentioned. 

1. San Domingo. — This republic, founded in 1844, is sit- 
uated upon the eastern part of the island of Hayti, is 
divided into five states, embraces nearly twenty thousand 
square miles, and has a population of two hundred and 
fifty thousand. The inhabitants of San Domingo, like their 
neighbors, the Haytians, are composed mainly of negroes 
and mulattoes, though the European-descended inhabitants 
are quite numerous, and through their influence, the Span- 
ish is the prevailing speech. 

The Bay of Samana, on the northeast coast, one of the 
largest natural harbors in the world, thirty miles long and 
ten miles broad, was ceded, with the surrounding country, 
to a company formed in the United States, by a treaty 
signed by the President of the republic, January 10, 1873. 
Under another decree, passed March 25, 1874, the rights of 
the company, on the ground of non-payment of a stipulated 
annual rent, were confiscated. 

There is a national debt exceeding three and a half 
millions, contracted in London, though only about two hun- 
dred and fifty thousand dollars were ever received by the 


San Domingo is governed under a constitution bearing 
date November 18, 1844, re-proclaimed, with changes, No- 
vember 14, 1865, after a revolution which expelled the troops 
of Spain, that had held possession of the country for the 
two previous years. By the terms of the constitution the 
legislative power is vested in a national Congress of two 
houses, called the Consego conservador, and the Tribunado, 
the first consisting of twelve, and the second of fifteen 
members. The members of both houses are chosen for 
a term of four years by indirect election, with restricted 
suffrage. The powers of the National Congress are con- 
fined to the general affairs of the republic. The individual 
states have separate legislatures. 

The executive of the republic is vested in a President, 
chosen by indirect election for a term of four years. Con- 
stant insurrections have allowed very few Presidents to 
serve the full term of office. Don Ignacio Gonzales, April 
12, 1878, was proclaimed President, with dictatorial powers. 
He was succeeded by Baez, who at last accounts had sur- 
rendered and resigned. 

The administrative affairs of the republic are in charge 
of a ministry appointed by the President, with the approval 
of the Consego conservador. The ministry is composed of 
the heads of the departments of the Interior and Police, 
Finance, Justice, War and Marine, and Foreign Affairs. 

2. Hayii. — This republic, formerly a French colony, is 
situated upon the western part of the island of Ilayti, em- 
braces an area of a trifle over ten thousand square miles, 
is divided into four states, and has, according to the calcu- 
lation of the best authorities, a population numbering five 
hundred and seventy thousand, though, according to late 

154 FATE OF ItEPUBLICS. [part 

official estimates, there is a population of eight hundred 
thousand. There are only a few Europeans ; the mass of 
the population are negroes and French-speaking mulattoes. 

The republic is governed under a constitution proclaimed 
June 14, 18G7. By its terms the legislative power rests in 
a National Assembly, divided into two chambers, respec- 
tively called the Senate and the House of Commons. The 
members of the House are elected by the direct vote of all 
male citizens for the term of three years. The members 
of the Senate are nominated for two years by the House 
of Commons from a list presented by the electoral college. 
The executive power is in the hands of a President, who, 
according to the constitution, must be elected by the peo- 
ple, but in recent years has generally been chosen by the 
united Senate and House of Commons, sitting in National 
Assembly, and in some instances by the troops, and by 
delegates of parties acting as representatives of the people. 
The nominal term of office of the President is four years, 
but it is generally cut short by insurrections. The admin- 
istration of the republic is carried on, under the President, 
by minister- who stand at the head of four departments. 

There is a large floating debt, consisting chiefly of paper 
money issued by successive governments, the great mass 
of which is enormously depreciated by frequent repudiation 
ami by forgery. There is also a foreign debt, consisting of 
a loan of nearly twelve million francs, contracted at Paris 
in 1825, and of other liabilities incurred towards France, 
the total amounting to upwards of thirty million francs. 
No interest lias for years been paid on this debt. Never- 
theless, the government issued, in Paris, June, 1875, with 
partial success, a new foreign loan of eighty-three and a 


half million franc.?, the two avowed ohjeets being the ex- 
tinguishment of the old debt, both home and foreign, and 
the construction of railw 

The political condition of the entire group of the West 
India islands at present is not hopeful. Spain has only a 
questionable hold upon Cuba. The two republics, San Do- 
mingo and Hard, have an extremely doubtful prospect. A 
glance at the map is all that is necessary to show, from 
either a commercial, political, or military point of view, 
that the power which rules the "West Indies should not be 
England, France, Spain, Central America, or South America, 
but should be the power which rules the territories now 
called the United States of America. 






The limits and design of this treatise forbid entering 
minutely into the early history of the United States. The 
original European settlers in New England, like the foun- 
ders of the Israelitish, Carthaginian, Venetian, and Ice- 
landic republics, sought refuge from civil and religious 
oppression and persecution. Like most other republics, 
the United States gained their independence not easily, but 
through heroic suffering and generous bloodshed. The form 
of government adopted has thus far proved successful and 
beneficent. But whether it is to continue, is a serious 
question in the minds of some of the most thoughtful and 
patriotic citizens of the republic. At present no one, 
perhaps, should sympathize with the American-born citizen 
who, amid occasional hard times and political strifes, 
asserts that he would be glad to see the republican insti- 
tutions of the United States supplanted by a monarchy or a 
dictatorship. Such statements spring from the occasional 
piques and irritations of those who hardly realize what is 
involved in great national changes and involutions. 

But no thoughtful citizen, familiar with history, and cog- 
nizant of present tendencies in the United States, is without 
grave apprehensions. Nor can any one be condemned if, 



at times, the conviction is felt that the clay may come, and 
may not be very distant, when those who have property to 
protect and families to defend will be left, amid certain 
possible emergencies and contingencies, to admit that the 
guardian power of the republic can no longer be relied 
upon. As patriotic hearts as beat in America are appre- 
hensive that the time is coming when a dictatorship, or an 
imperial government, shall be welcomed as a choice be- 
tween evils; in that day, the expressed preference for a 
limited monarchy would not be treasonable, but would be, 
in the truest sense, patriotic. 

The soundness of this statement will appear if the nature 
of government, and the purposes for which it is instituted, 
are carefully considered. That is, whatever may be the 
form of state administration, whether monarchic, aristo- 
cratic, or democratic, its existence can be justified only as 
it secures or contributes to the following ends: 

First. The defence of person and property. 

Second. The administration of justice. 

Third. The development of society. 

These are regarded as the fundamental aims of govern- 
ment, and they rest upon another still deeper fundamental 
principle, namely, that the ultimate object of government is 
to secure the greatest good to the greatest number. 

Only a moment's reflection is necessary to convince any 
thoughtful person that a form of government which secures 
the greatest good to one people may not secure it to 
another ; indeed, a type of government which is best for one 
generation may not, even in that same country, be best for 
another and different generation. The form of government 
which is most desirable in the British Isles, for instance, may 


not be the most desirable for the aborigines of America. 
The form of government which was best in the United States 
when Puritanism prevailed may not be best when the state 
is crowded with hastily-naturalized and ignorant foreigners. 

The existing mountain republics of Europe, though small, 
are strong and orderly ; those in Central and South America 
are weak and turbulent. But could the mountaineers of 
Switzerland, and the inhabitants of San Marino or Andorra, 
be transported to San Salvador or Bolivia, there would be 
orderly, where there are now disorderly, republics. 

In a word, it is the character of the people that is to 
decide which, in a given instance, is the best form of gov- 
ernment. It is only when the will of the multitude is most 
likely to secure the greatest good to the greatest number, 
that a democracy is better, for that age at least, than a 
monarchy. Hence when the will of a monarch or dictator 
is more likely to secure the greatest good to the greatest 
number, then a monarchy or a dictatorship is better, for 
that age at least, than an aristocracy or a democracy. 

There is no occasion for surprise, therefore, that a day 
came in the history of nearly every extinct republic, when 
patriotic and law-abiding citizens asked for a ruler, whether 
dictator or despot they cared not, provided he had ability 
to command and to wield power sufficient to bring order out 
of confusion. No lesson in history is more fully or clearly 
taught than that a republic is good for nothing unless the 
people have right-mindedness. There have been, and 
perhaps are to-day, conditions of citizenship in the United 
States which render our federal and representative form of 
government the most desirable possible. But it is equally 
true that a quarter or a half centmy hence, indeed, within 

162 FATE OF REPUBLICS. [part iv. 

either of those periods, there may he such a condition of 
citizenship that our federal compact will be the least desir- 
able possible, less desirable than the centralization of 
France, less desirable than the limited monarchy of Great 
Britain, less desirable even than the comparatively absolute 
monarchies of Russia and Turkey. What was best yester- 
day may not be best to-day ; what is best to-day may not be 
best to-morrow, are political postulates from which there is 
no easy escape. 

Now, uniting the foregoing principles with a fundamental 
law found everywhere in the universe, that there is a strong 
tendency towards what is fit and best, we are forced to take 
the unpleasant position that forms of government so 
strongly sympathize with the character of the people gov- 
erned, and the character and conditions of the people of 
almost every nationality are so fluctuating, that change, 
rather than permanency, must be the rule with all human 
institutions and governments. "Every age," as Heine 
forcibly remarks, " is a sphinx, which sinks into the earth 
as soon as its problem is solved. 1 ' The nature of govern- 
ment, and the survey of extinct republics already presented, 
cannot fail, therefore, to suggest that some dark fatality 
may be impending over the United States of America. 



It is often asserted that there are certain provisions against 
the overthrow of the United States government, which did 
not exist in the extinct republics of ancient and medieval 

For instance, the magnificent extent of our domains, 
stretching from one ocean to another, and from the Great 
Lakes to the Mexican Gulf, have been expatiated upon by 
popular orators for the last half century. But a moment's 
reflection ought to establish the conviction that extent of 
territory is not a permanent barrier against the internal 
peitls that threaten the existence of our national govern- 
ment. Indeed, since extent of territory is attended by 
conflicting state or national interests, there is, in proportion 
to extent of territory, a corresponding national danger. 
The historic facts are, that those republics which have the 
longest history, also have had the most limited territory. 
San Marino, Andorra, some of the Italian Communes, and 
the free cities of Germany, are notable examples. The 
wisest statesmen of the United States see, therefore, not 
safety, but a peril of no small magnitude, in the very fact 
that Maine is so far removed from California, and Oregon 
from Florida. A conflict of sectional interests is rendered 



possible and even probable, except there shall be great 
individual forbearance. 

Again, the marvellous prosperity of the republic is the 
pride of every patriot. The vast resources of the country are 
hardly touched. Of the triumphs of the mechanical indus- 
tries too much cannot be said. In these matters Ave are 
far, very far in advance of all who have preceded us. Our 
means of intercommunication, the innumerable printing- 
presses of the country, the network of railways, the elegance 
of our palatial steamboats, the lines of telegraph, the tele- 
phone, and a multitude of other forms of material pros- 
perity, are among the wonders of the age. Ancient repub- 
lics hardly dreamed of these achievements, still no evidence 
can be presented that the extinct republics fell because they 
did not have what is enjoyed by us. These national 
aggrandizements are in no way national defences against 
the perils that threaten our national existence. 

While ancient republics are not our equals in mechanical 
inventions, they very far outreach us in much else. In the 
ornamental arts we scarcely approach Greece, Rome, 
several of the cities of Italy, or the Netherlands. Orna- 
mental art has as much patriotism in it as has mechanical 
invention. All history, as well as the nature of the case, 
warns us, therefore, against depending upon any of these 
material achievements or artistic accomplishments as secu- 
rities against national overthrow. They are not of the 
slightest account. Rails of iron and wires of steel cannot 
bind together a government already having in it the 
elements of dissolution. All such bonds will be most easily 
snapped in sunder. In case of usurpation, these very 
triumphs of our civilization would but strengthen the cen- 


tralization, and help wreck the republic. Unless material 
prosperity improves the moral quality of our citizenship, the 
country is not a whit safer than if our only means of transit 
between east and west were confined to stage-coach or 
horseback. Unless steamboats, railroads, (telegraphs, and 
telephones aid in making men more temperate, more 
honest, and more pure, they should never be mentioned nor 
thought of in connection with the supposed permanency of 
the republic. The man who watches his flocks on the hill- 
side by day, and sleeps in a mountain hamlet at night, is 
as free from demoralizing temptations, and also is quite as 
likely to be a noble and valuable citizen, as is the man who 
rides in a palace steamboat. The citizen, not the steam- 
boat, affords national security. 

Again, general intelligence and an excellent system of 
public schools in the United States are thought by many to 
give our republic a marked advantage over all other repub- 
lics, and to afford ample security against national subver- 
sion or overthrow. But, upon a close inspection, the facts 
bearing upon this subject are not of the most flattering 
character. In every state in the republic, the ballot is 
placed in the hands of men who can neither read nor write. 
The Southern States are, confessedly, in a most deplorable 
condition. Up to the close of the civil war, there was no 
free-school system in any slave-state. Indeed, the laws of 
those states positively forbade the majority of their people 
from learning even the rudiments of education. The slaves 
were freed, and those lawless laws, which imposed perpet- 
ual ignorance, were abrogated. The Freedmen's Bureau 
was established, but after rendering a needed and valuable 
service, the government, owing to one reason or another, 

166 FATE OF PtEPUBLICS. [part 

was induced to discontinue the Bureau, and thenceforth 
practically forsook those ignorant but liberated and en- 
franchised people. This cannot be looked upon in any 
other light, politically, than one of the greatest mistakes 
ever made by any free government, existing or historic. 

According to the census of 1870, in the states of Missis- 
sippi and Texas ninety-six per cent, of the colored people 
were entirely illiterate. In another state, ninety-five per 
cent., in another ninety-three per cent., in two others 
ninety-one per cent., and in another ninety per cent, of the 
colored people were found unable to read, or write their 
names. Eighty-eight per cent, of the entire colored people 
of the South are in perfect ignorance. 

By general consent, so far as intelligence is concerned, 
there is not much to choose between large masses of the 
whites in the Southern States and the colored people. 
Both classes are ignorant, yet both are exercising the high- 
est functions of an American citizen. From a table of 
statistics recently furnished, it is found that the total aver- 
age of non-attendance among those who are of the school- 
going age in the sixteen Southern States is seventy-five 
per cent. And one-half of this number are growing up to 
wield the ballot, and have a voice in deciding who shall 
rule over us. This dense illiteracy of the South, which 
contains more than one-third of the entire population of 
the nation, amounting to three million five hundred and 
fifty thousand four hundred and twenty-five persons who 
cannot read and write, is startling. But it is still more 
startling, that of the two million illiterate voters in the 
United States, one million seven hundred thousand are in 
the Southern States, which elect thirty-two of the seventy- 


four senators and one hundred and nine of the two hundred 
and ninety-two representatives in Congress. And this in 
a country where " there are two things that can reach the 
top of the pja-amid," as D'Alenibert says, " the eagle and 
the reptile." 

But for the prevailing ignorance of the southern white 
people, it is hardly probable that a few skilled leaders 
would have been able to take the seceding states out of the 
Union and into rebellion. Yet, incredible as it may seem, 
the national government has been doing comparatively 
nothing daring these late years to protect itself at the very 
point whence our former misfortunes came, and where, 
also, to-day is to be found one of the most subtle, and one 
of the most dangerous, species of peril that has ever threat- 
ened any republican form of government. 

Some of the middle or border states approach in illiteracy 
the condition of the extreme south. It is to be hoped that 
Kentucky does not fairly represent the range of states to 
which she belongs. One of the county-school commission- 
ers of that state makes the following report: 

"There are twenty-five or thirty schoolhouses in this 
county not as good as the average of good horse-stables. 
I am of the opinion that the people of this county, as a 
whole, are making greater efforts to raise pigs than to ed- 
ucate their children. I am satisfied that it costs more to 
maintain the dogs of the county than the people pay in 
support of the common schools. 1 ' 

But the southern and middle states are not alone in this 
illiterate condition. Our northern cities are fast filling with 
voters as ignorant as were the rabble hordes that helped 
wreck the republics of antiquity. 


Eighteen or twenty thousand voters in every municipal 
election in New York cannot read or write ; " and they are 
a make-weight sufficient, in the hands of a few astute and 
unscrupulous men, to determine the result of any ordinary 
political contest in that city." 

A writer of wide reputation asks this pertinent question : 

"Are 3 r ou sure that when the population of Massachu- 
setts is as dense as that of England, your Massachusetts 
laws will make everything smooth here? Has this com- 
monwealth a right to be proud of its exemption from illit- 
eracy? There are here sixteen hundred thousand people, 
and one hundred thousand of them are illiterates. Of one 
hundred thousand citizens in Massachusetts above ten years 
of age, and of seventy-seven thousand above twenty-one, 
it is true either that they cannot read, or that they cannot 

When, therefore, all these matters are taken into account, 
are we sure of our great educational advantage over the 
republics of antiquity? 

Macaulay, in criticising Dr. Johnson's views of the Athe- 
nian people, makes use of this language : 

" There seems to be, on the contrary, every reason to be- 
lieve that, in general intelligence, the Athenian populace 
far surpassed the lower orders of any community that has 
ever existed. It must be considered, that to be a citizen 
was to be a legislator — a soldier — a judge — one upon 
whose voice might depend the fate of the wealthiest tribu- 
tary state, of the most eminent public man. The lowest 
offices, both of agriculture and of trade, were, in common, 
performed by slaves. The commonwealth supplied its 
meanest members with the support of life, the opportunity 


of leisure, and the means of amusement. Books were in- 
deed few : but they were excellent ; and they were accu- 
rately known. It is not by turning over libraries, but by 
repeatedly perusing and intently contemplating a few great 
models, that the mind is best disciplined. Books, however, 
were the least part of the education of an Athenian citizen. 
Let us for a moment transport ourselves in thought to that 
glorious city. Let us imagine that we are entering its 
gates in the time of its power and glory. A crowd is as- 
sembled round a portico. All are gazing with delight at 
the entablature, for Phidias is putting up the frieze. We 
turn into another street; a rhapsodist is reciting there: 
men, women, children are thronging round him : the tears 
are running down their cheeks ; their eyes are fixed ; their 
very breath is still, for he is telling how Priam fell at the 
feet of Achilles, and kissed those hands — the terrible, the 
murderous — which had slain so many of his sons. We 
enter the public place; there is a ring of youths, all leaning 
forward, with sparkling eyes and gestures of expectation. 
Socrates is pitted against the famous atheist from Ionia, 
and has just brought him to a contradiction in terms. But 
we are interrupted. The herald is crying, ' Room for the 
Prytanes.' The general assembly is to meet. The people 
are swarming in on every side. Proclamation is made: 
'Who wishes to speak?' There is a shout, and a clapping 
of hands ; Pericles is mounting the stand. Then for a jilay 
of Sophocles; and away to sup with Aspasia. I know of 
no modern university which has so excellent a system of 

But, for the sake of the argument, we will admit that 
general intelligence in the United States far surpasses that 


of the voting citizens of Athens or of any other republic. 
Yet, does any one presume that such a degree, or indeed 
any degree, of intellectual attainment will save the repub- 
lic? On the contrary, it will be found that mere intellectual 
training does not of necessity inspire patriotism nor reduce 
crime. The schoolroom may make a more crafty dema- 
gogue, without making a safer citizen. 46 Says a writer 
who has given much thought to these subjects: 

" Culture, untouched by religion, has no redeeming 
power. Whenever culture of intellect outstrips the culture 
of conscience, disaster follows. Popular intelligence with 
popular unbelief ends in popular corruption." 

Victor Cousin, the profoundest of French philosophers, 
in an address before the Chamber of Peers, maintained 
that " any system of school-training which sharpens and 
strengthens the intellectual powers without at the same 
time affording a source of restraint and counter-check to 
their tendency to evil, by supplying moral culture and re- 
ligious principle, is a curse rather than a blessing." 

" Despotism," says De Tocqueville, "may govern without 
religious faith, but liberty cannot." 

Herbert Spencer is strictly philosophical when saying 
that " the belief in the moralizing effects of intellectual 
culture, flatly contradicted by facts, is absurd." 

John Locke has wisely written thus : 

" If virtue and a well-tempered soul be not got and set- 
tled so as to keep out ill and vicious habits, languages and 
science, and all the other accomplishments of education, 
will be to no purpose but to make the worse or more dan- 
gerous man." 

Another distinguished thinker has remarked, with equal 


truthfulness, that " to educate the mind of a had man with- 
out correcting his morals, is to put a sword into the hands 
of a maniac." 

Washington, in his farewell address, says : " Let us with 
caution indulge the supposition that morality can be main- 
tained without religion. Reason and experience both forbid 
us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclu- 
sion of religious principles." 

Daniel Webster, in his argument against the Girard will, 
said: " In what age, by what sect, where, when, by whom, 
has religious truth been excluded from the education of 
youth ? Nowhere ! — never ! Everywhere and at all times 
it has been regarded as essential." 

But the most enlightened states in the republic, ignoring 
all these principles of true culture and development, have 
allowed sectarian quarrels and personal indifference to hush 
or silence religious instruction. European nations who 
are thought inferior in their common-school system have, 
in certain respects, gone far in advance of us, by acting 
upon the principle, that to educate a moral being, while 
wholly ignoring and excluding moral influences, is pre- 
posterous. In England — a country more nearly like our 
own than any other — the new educational act of 1870 made 
careful provision for Biblical and religious instruction. 
With the exception of Birmingham, where the disorderly 
class is large, and a few small towns in Wales, every 
school board approved the act. Only a short time since, 
the London school board sent a circular to all the teachers, 
asking them to give more attention to religious instruction. 
It says: "The committee hope that during the Bible lesson 
the teachers will keep this object before them, and that 


every opportunity will be used earnestly and sympatheti- 
cally to bring home to the minds of the children those moral 
and religious principles on which the right conduct of their 
future lives must necessarily depend." 

Huxley has recently spoken very decidedly in favor of 
the introduction of the Bible as a reading-book into common 
schools. His position is, that " there must be a moral sub- 
stratum to a child's education to make it valuable;" and 
that " there is no other source from which this can be ob- 
tained at all comparable with the Bible." 

De Tocqueville, after a visit to America, wrote these in- 
structive words : "The United States must be religious in 
order to be free. Society must be destroyed unless the 
Christian moral tie be strengthened in proportion as the po- 
litical tie is relaxed; and what can be done with a people 
who are their own masters, if they be not submissive to 
Deity? It cannot be doubted that in the United States the 
instruction of the jjeople powerfully contributes to the sup- 
port of the democratic republic ; and such must always be 
the case, I believe, where the instruction which enlightens 
the understanding is not separated from the moral educa- 
tion which amends the heart." 

The Prussians have a maxim, that " whatever you would 
have appear in a nation's life you must put into the public 
schools." The Prussian educational code obliges every in- 
habitant, unless he can satisfy the authorities that his chil- 
dren, when reaching five years of age, are obtaining an 
education of equal standard elsewhere, to send them to the 
Volks-schule. The instruction given in those schools is, 
therefore, the minimum standard for every Prussian. It 
consists of reading and writing German, the geography 


and history of Prussia, arithmetic, drawing, music, gym- 
nastics, and religious exercises. 

In view, therefore, of what the wisest thinkers affirm, are 
we too severe when repeating the grave charge, that the 
common-school system, in some of the most enlightened 
states of our republic, has made so many compromises, 
its instructions are so reticent upon all religious subjects, 
the voice of prayer is so effectually hushed within its 
halls, the Bible is retained with so slight a tenure, and 
the irreligious thinking of not a few teachers employed is 
so extreme, that we have an educational system, such that 
upon graduation day the school is liable to present to the 
country simply more accomplished villains. The schoolboy 
of to-day may successfully outwit an ignorant policeman ; 
he may be more subtle and less brutal, but he is no less 
criminal on that account, and is not one whit less perilous 
than are the most illiterate to the welfare of our American 

To a mind of special religions cast there is still another 
ground of supposed securit}^ against the overthrow of the 
republic of the United States, namely, divine interposition. 
There are very few thoughtful and religious people who are 
destitute of the conviction that God has wrought wondrously 
for the American people. In the settlement of the country, 
during the Revolution, and equally during the Rebellion, 
there is no difficulty in discovering and tracing remarkable 
providences. Time and again there have been interpositions 
and preservations. 47 

But the student of history everywhere meets the startling 
fact that the era of providential interposition after a while, 
in case of nearly every nation, gives place to the era of at 


least apparent providential desertion. For a time the 
Jewish commonwealth was seemingly a special child of 
Providence. The same was true of Greece; often were the 
Greeks called upon to celebrate their deliverances at the 
hands of the gods. Cartilage more than once had occasion 
to express gratitude for what appeared to them to be divine 
aid. Plutarch, under the title "Concerning the Fortunes 
of the Romans, 11 calls attention to the fact that the leading 
Romans attributed their success and greatness more to for- 
tune than to virtue. " The temples dedicated to Fortune," 
he says, "are splendid and ancient, almost as old as the 
first foundations of Rome itself. 1 ' After enumerating many 
providential interpositions in behalf of Rome, Plutarch 
continues: "What shall I say more? Has not Fortune re- 
lieved the city when it was reduced to the greatest 
extremity of danger?" The same writer also mentions 
the triumphs of the Romans over Philip, Antiochus, and 
the Carthaginians, likewise the cackling of geese at the 
approach of the Gauls, also the death of Alexander, as 
manifest interpositions of the gods in behalf of the Roman 

The medieval republics, no less than the ancient, seemed 
to have enjoyed for a season the smiles of a benignant 
Providence. The plot of Jacques, for illustration, to sur- 
prise and capture Venice, was deep-laid, and seemed in the 
fairest way of accomplishment. "As an expression of grat- 
itude for the escape of the republic from such a fearful 
danger," says the historian, "the Venetian government 
decreed that thanksgiving services in commemoration of 
the discovery of the plot should be held once every year in 


all the churches, and that whosoever failed to join in cele- 
brating the day should be hanged as a traitor. 

Nor can anything be more marked than the apparent 
providential interpositions in behalf of the republic of the 
United Netherlands. But the time came in the history of 
the Netherlands, and of Venice, of Rome, of Carthage, of 
Greece, and of Palestine, when there was no interposition, 
and those republics, one after another, fell. 

The lessons of history, therefore, should teach every 
American not to presume too much. The United States 
have been prosperous ; the people have become proud, irre- 
ligious, and corrupt. Our fathers, in the Mayflower, began 
their famous political compact with the words, " In the 
name of God. Amen. 1 ' Daniel Webster was accustomed 
to call this sentence the first clause of the American Con- 

Such changes have been taking place in our political and 
religious life, however, that there has been a slow and sly 
erasure of this thought. The republic is in the way of for- 
feiting further claims upon divine providence. Indeed, 
were God strict to mark out iniquities, our doom would be 
already sealed. 

But, aside from this, it ought to be borne in mind that 
the illiterate and immoral masses admitted to citizenship 
and franchise in this country may become uncontrollable. 
Political strifes may become more and more fierce. The 
day may dawn when a monarchy will result in the greatest 
good to the greatest number. Then, if that day comes, Cod 
will not longer interpose to save the republic, but will 
order its overthrow, and in mercy will permit a monarchy 

176 FATE OF REPUBLICS.- [part rv. 

to be established by those who have skill and daring suffi- 
cient to undertake and accomplish it. 

It must be apparent, therefore, that our national safety 
needs something besides the securities suggested. Extent 
of territory and material aggrandizement will not save the 
republic. Our educational advantages are inadequate. 
Nor have we ground for assurance, if we remain as we 
are, that God will much longer interpose. None of these 
securities are protecting from conflicting religious interests 
and from social and political animosities, nor from a mul- 
titude of corruptions. And from these sources it is clearly 
apparent that threatening tempests are approaching. 



One of the most popular orators of this country addressed a 
college audience three days before Sumter fell. Walking 
to the edge of the platform, he asked, " What is going to 
happen ? " and then whispered, with his hand above his 
lips, "Just nothing at all." He was the popular man upon 
the day of the address. Had there been another speaker 
present who had ventured to depict the actual scenes which 
followed during the next five years, he would have been 
scowled at and hissed. It is difficult for human nature to 
believe ill tidings, and the prophet of impending evils is 
often stoned. When Samuel tried to arrest the political 
determinations of the Jews by depicting the misfortunes 
that would come upon them, they would not believe. His 
noble words were to no purpose. 

Demosthenes tried in vain, in his Philippics, to arouse 
the Athenians to a sense of the dangers which threatened 
them. Thi}' would not believe that there was occasion for 
alarm, and a strong party opposed the great orator, assert- 
ing that he was a disturber of the peace of Athens. But 
when it was too late, the Athenians woke from their slum- 
ber and beheld their ruin. 

When the Grecian fleet was surrounded by the Persians 
12 177 


in the Bay of Salamis, Themistocles bogged of Aristides to 
communicate the unpleasant news to the Greek council, on 
the ground that it would not otherwise be believed, When 
announced, the unpleasant truths were utterly discredited. 

The intelligence of the destruction of the Sicilian arma- 
ment was communicated to the Athenians by a barber 
from the Piraeus ; he was seized and put to torture, for 
being an idle bearer of falsehoods. Yet his reports were 
true, "and Athens was shortly filled with affliction and 

Thus likewise with Rome. When the envoys brought to 
the city the report that seventy thousand Gauls were march- 
ing upon them, the proud and self-confident Romans made 
no special preparations to meet the eneni}'. They were 
blinded by their conceits and sujjposed superiority. But 
the 18th of Jul}', 390 b. c, was long remembered, for on 
that day Rome saw her army crushed by those despised 
Gauls. Later, while the great mass of the Romans were 
living heedlessly and carelessly, not imagining that any foe 
would be daring and resolute enough to march against the 
city, they allowed both the gates and the walls to go to 
decay. "They had not imagined," says the historian, 
"that an enemy, since the days of Hannibal, could threaten 
them." Sulla, with six legions, appeared before the walls 
of Rome, and his victory Avas complete. 

This enumeration need not be carried further. In a word, 
the Jews would not believe, during the days of their 
prosperity, that their commonwealth would become an 
oppressive monarchy, and then be wiped out of existence. 
The Greeks, in the days of Grecian prosperity, did not 
believe in the overthrow of all its republics. The Car- 


thaginians, when extending their commerce and conquests 
in every direction, did not believe that their magnificent 
metropolis would be so completely overthrown as to be 
known only in history. The Romans, when conquering the 
world, did not believe in the humiliation and degradation 
which have since befallen her people. The same is true of 
Genoa, and of Venice, of the Dutch and the French repub- 
lics. Men are always saying, "peace and safety. 11 "Life, 1 ' 
says Hazlitt, "is the art of being well deceived." It is, 
however, an old adage worthy of frequent repetition, that 
"tlflere is always danger when the persuasion exists that 
there is none." The confident man is warned to "take 
heed lest he fall." "To fear the worst oft cures the worst," 
says Shakspeare; and Edmund Burke declares that "Early 
and provident fear is the mother of safety." Some historic 
nations have seemed to have no wit until too late. The 
people of the United States belong to this class. As a rule, 
Americans never read history, and never learn anything from 
it. We " are treading in the same steps of injustice and crime 
that other nations have taken and regretted." Upon what 
grounds are we assured of exemption from similar regrets? 

"The careless trust, that happy luck 

Will save us, come what may — 
The apathy with which we see 

Our country's dearest interest struck, 
Dreaming that things will right themselves, 

That brings dismay. 

"No! things will never right themselves, 
'Tis we must put them right." 

The first peril noticed in our enumeration is the fact that 
the Roman Catholic Church, essentially a church empire, 
maintains a hostile attitude towards the free institutions of 


the United States. Against a Holy Catholic Church we do 
not speak, but against scheming and ambitious ecclesiastics 
and bigots in that church, we speak and protest. There is 
much in the history of Romanism, much in its services, 
much in the devotion of its adherents, which fills every 
thoughtful person with admiration. Roman Catholicism 
appeals to us "by its cordial relations to all the fine arts — 
music, painting, sculpture, architecture — to whatever im- 
presses most and delights the senses and the tastes. Her 
cathedrals are the wonders of the world, mountains of rock- 
work, set to music. Her elaborate, opulent, mighty maeses 
make the common hymn tunes of Protestantism sound like 
the twitter of sparrows amid the mighty rush and wail of 
concentrating winds. Her ritual is splendid, scenic, and 
impressive to the highest degree, and all is exquisitely per- 
vaded and modulated by the doctrine which underlies it. 
Every service, every vestment even, is full of significance. 
Nothing is too ornate or magnificent to be incorporated at 
once into her majestic and superb ceremonial. She moves, 
as she fights, like an army with banners. She is the Church 
of the Apostles, the Church of the Catacombs, where the 
new Christian kingdom was working underground, to over- 
throw and replace the Empire of Rome. She is the Church 
of the Fathers, the Church of the Great Councils, before 
which were lowered imperial shadows, to whose decisions 
faction bowed, and whose creed and decrees have governed 
and assimilated the universe of Christendom. She is the 
Church of the Middle Ages, which built cathedrals, organ- 
ized crusades, established libraries, civilized barbarians, 
liberated slaves, preserved learning, laws, and arts, sub- 
jected barons, converted and ruled the haughtiest kings, 


and winch has since sent forth her heroic and conquering 
fathers to the ends of the earth — ad majorem Dei gloriam." 
Such is the Roman Catholic Church in the estimation of 
not a few who are standing even outside of her communion. 
And if this church were truly christian, in spirit and prac- 
tice, were she less inclined to interfere with matters which 
are beyond her legitimate sphere, and were she less bru- 
tally intolerant, the American citizen would have no occa- 
sion for alarm or hostility. Americans could do no better, 
perhaps, as patriotic citizens, than to rejoice in her pros- 
perity and even enter her communion. Indeed, we may go 
a step further, and say that if Romanism were truly chris- 
tian in spirit and practice, were she a stanch friend of 
civil liberty, and a patron of general intelligence, were her 
ministers and officers cultivated and pure, were she, in a 
word, what she claims to be, we might, perhaps, fearlessly 
intrust to her hands the government of the world. For 
thereby the greatest good would doubtless come to the 
greatest number. But it is a matter of painful regret that 
the Roman Catholic Church is not christian enough to be 
trusted; rather is she to be dreaded. 

Without maligning the Roman Catholic Church, we may 
show, from the published admissions of her own adherents 
and advocates, what, in political matters, is her attitude 
towards all human governments. The reader will do well 
to bear in mind that when the Christian Church was first 
organized in Rome, it consisted of a body of devout religious 
teachers and laymen. But after a short time, those eccle- 
siastics who had charge of the larger and more wealthy 
churches, being in possession of peculiar advantages, were 
in consequence raised to special eminence. Thus com- 


menced church hierarchy. One step led to another, until 
the highest in ecclesiastical office, namely, the Bishojj of 
Rome, claimed supreme spiritual authority. This assump- 
tion of full supremacy by the Romish Church is properly 
referred to the time of Pope Gregory I. (590 to GOT). The 
prestige of the city, the former capital of the world, and the 
dogma of divine succession, gained a victory for Roman- 
ism which could not have been secured in any other city 
of the world. 

The claims that the Roman Pope is the vicegerent of 
God on earth, and that he is the supreme monarch of an 
empire, in comparison with which all other empires dwindle 
into insignificance, and to which they should yield implicit 
obedience, are the political ideas which for centuries have 
been zealously maintained by Romanists. Hence, therefore, 
modern Romanism, which is properly termed Popery, is 
from the nature of the case inimical towards every form 
of civil government which is not under her domination. 
She assumes the right to rule or destroy, by means fair or 
foul, as it best suits her purpose. The words of Secretary 
Thompson are suggestive, almost startling: "lie who 
accepts Papal infallibility, and with it the ultramontane 
interpretation of the power of the Pope over the world, and 
thinks that by offending the Pope he offends God, will obey, 
passively, unresistingly, uninquiringly. Such a man, 
whether priest or layman, high or low, is necessarily inim- 
ical to the government and political institutions of the 
United States ; with him, his oath of allegiance is worth no 
more than the paper upon winch it is written." 

James Anthony Froude, under the heading, What a Cath- 
olic Majority could do in America, takes much the same 


view: " We agree that the spiritual part of man ought to 
rule the material ; the question is, whore the spiritual part 
of man resides. The Protestant answers that it is in the 
individual conscience and reason; the Catholic says that it 
is in the church, and that it speaks through bishops and 
priests. Thus, every true Catholic is bound to think and 
act as his priest tells him, and a republic of true Catholics 
becomes a theocracy administered by the clergy. It is only 
as long as they are a small minority that they can be loyal 
subjects under such a Constitution as the American. As 
their numbers grow, they will assert their principles more 
and more. Give them the power, and the Constitution will 
be gone. A Catholic majority, under spiritual direction, 
will forbid liberty of worship, and will try to forbid liberty 
of conscience. It will control 'education ; it will put the 
press under surveillance; it will jjunish opposition with 
excommunication, and excommunication will be attended 
with civil disabilities." 

That we may not misjudge of Popish movements and 
claims, Ave briefly quote from some of her leading authori- 

" We are bound to believe that the Iloly Father should 
enjoy that political independence which is necessary for the 
free exercise of his spiritual authority throughout the 
entire world." — Political Tract of the ''Catholic Publication 
Society.' 1 '' 

" While the state has some rights, she has them only in 
virtue and by permission of the superior authority, and that 

authority can only be expressed through the church, 

regardless of temporal consequences." — Catholic World. 

"No civil government, be it a monarchy, an aristocracy, 


a democracy, or any possible combination of any two or all 
of them, can be a wise, just, efficient, or durable govern- 
ment . . . without the Catholic church; and without the 

Papacy there is, and can be no Catholic church The 

state is only an inferior court, and is bound to receive the 
law from the supreme court (the Vatican), and is liable to 
have its decrees reversed on appeal." — Dr. Orestes Broivnson. 

"The spiritual sword is to be used by the church, but the 
carnal sword for the church. The one in the hand of the 
priest, the other in the hands of kings and soldiers, but at 
the will and pleasure of the priest. It is right that the tem- 
poral sword and authority be subject to the spiritual power. 
.... Moreover, we declare, say, define, and pronounce that 
every human being should be subject to the Roman pontiff." 
— " Unum Sanctum" of Pius /A'. 48 

But Popery is wise. She does not often venture to take 
full control of the reins of government until she thinks her- 
self able to manage them. At the outset, when she is not 
relatively strong, and when the mass of the people are 
prosperous and contented, she contents herself with seeking 
to add to her wealth, enfranchising her communicants, bid- 
ding for political preferment, and pleading for, or pos- 
sibly asserting, her civil and political rights. But when 
there are political and social disturbances, and when the 
people are restless, and when party issues are hotly con- 
tested, then this papal empire, this enemy of free institu- 
tions, becomes an ugly factor, consolidating and strength- 
ening in proportion to the discontents and disorganizations 
which divide and threaten the civil government. We see 
her consenting to live under any form of government, under 
monarchies, absolute, limited, or mixed; under aristocracies 


more or less liberal ; under republics, centralized or uneen- 
tralized, representative or democratic, in North or in South 
America, or elsewhere ; but she never forgets or abandons 
her imperial intentions. France, successively monarchical, 
democratic, and consular, again monarchical, and now 
republican, in her form of government, has found Papacy 
changing with every political change. Under Philip IT., 
St. Louis, Louis XL, Charles VIIL, Henry IV., Louis 
XIII. , Louis XIV., who had each bowed before the papal 
power, Romanists were on the side of monarchy. In the 
republic of 1702 they were republicans. Under Napoleon 
they were monarchists; and now again they are republi- 
cans. They are anything whereby they can the better 
control the people and the government. It is neither mad- 
ness nor fear that makes Popery one thing and another, but 

In the United States Popery will be found to side with 
one party, then with another, until each is so weakened 
that she can rule both. She will join hands with infidels 
against Protestants, but having gainect her object, she will 
consign both allies and foes to contempt or to flames. She 
will make contracts and compacts, any number of them, 
but when she believes herself powerful enough to trample 
them under foot, if for her advantage, she will do so without 
scruple or hesitation. 

But more than this, Popery justifies herself in resorting 
to measures the most intolerant and cruel. " Protestantism 
in the ascendency is tolerant of Popery; but Popery in the 
ascendency is intolerant of Protestantism. 1 ' Republics tol- 
erate Romanism while they are strong and she is weak; but 

186 FATE OF PtEPUBLICS. [part 

when she becomes strong and they are weak, she tolerates 
nothing opposed to her own rights of complete domination. 

With evidences of the cruelty, as well as the intolerance 

of Popery, history abounds. Hundreds of Protestants mur- 
dered in Bohemia by order of Gregory XV. ; the expulsion 
of fifteen hundred [Moravians from their homes and country, 
under the direction of Cardinal Stein ; the brandishing of 
the executioner's axe in Bavaria and Saxony until firesides 
were made so desolate that twenty thousand terrified people, 
to prevent further bloodshed, renounced Protestantism ; the 
war against the Huguenots under Louis XIII. ; the half 
million and more of the best citizens of Spain expelled, out- 
lawed, or murdered; the desolations of the Netherlands 
under the bloody Alva; the expulsion of the Zellerdalers 
from their homes and kindred in Austria; the horrors of 
internecine war fomented in Switzerland by intriguing 
Jesuits ; the cruel vengeance of popish domination in Sar- 
dinia, in Tuscany, in Baden, in Portugal, and in Ireland, — 
would seem to be enough, although only a part of the evils 
wrought, to call a world to arms for the purpose of driving 
from the face of the earth this merciless and bloody enemy 
of humanity. 

It is said in reply that these times of proscription and 
violence are past. We should be glad to think so. But 
there is evidence that Popery, if strong enough, would still 
employ, for the greater glory of Ood, intimidation and mur- 
der. In a book entitled "Notes on the Second Plenary 
Council of Baltimore, 11 held October, 1866, are these words: 
" Infidels are not to be tolerated, and their infidelity is not 
to be tried nor proved, but extirpated." In that same book, 
baptized heretics are pronounced infamous, and the right to 


confiscate their temporal goods and subject them to corpo- 
real punishment, exile and imprisonment, is unblushingly 
set forth. In answering the question whether heretics are 
rightly punishable even with death, it l-eplies, " Yes, be- 
cause forgers of money, or other disturbers of the state, are 
justly punished with death; therefore, also, heretics, who 
are forgers of the faith." 

" It is," as Secretary Thompson remarks, " no trifling and 
idle thing for nations and peoples to find themselves thus 
plotted against ; nor is it a trifling and idle thing for the 
people of the United States to find such an enemy, Avith 
drilled and disciplined troops, in the very midst of their 
peaceful institutions." 

That this intolerant and cruel foe of personal freedom 
and civil governments is conscientiously all the more to be 
feared because conscientiously working to control the polit- 
ical destinies of the United States, should be a matter of 
anxiety to every republican the world over. Leading Popish 
ecclesiastics are fully alive to the fact, that of all countries of 
considerable size and influence, the United States is almost 
the only one in which the Pope can stand upon the same 
level with every citizen and be eligible to the highest office. 

Gregory XVI., whose pontificate commenced in 1831, 
was the first pope who encouraged the idea that the "Holy 
Empire" would ultimately establish itself in the United 
States. In June, 1871, the late pope, while addressing a 
deputation of citizens from our republic, made use of this 
language: "The bearing of the Catholics of the United 
States fills me with hope for the future of the church. 
There was a cardinal once who was a prefect of the con- 
gregation, .... and he was wont to prophesy about Amer- 


ica. He used to say so earnestly that the salvation of the 
church would come from America, that it made a deep 
impression on me, and I hold to the same opinion." 

It was that same pope, Gregory XVI., who, nearly fifty 
years ago, said: "Out of the Roman States there is no 
country where I am Pope, except the United Status. 11 

But to make this imperial sway complete, civil liberty 
in the United States must be brought to an end. Hence it 
is not surprising that Pope Pius IX. condemned American 
liberty and denounced the doctrine that liberty of con- 
science and worship is the right of every man. Nor is it 
surprising that he declared that all the principles upon 
which our government is founded are pernicious to the 
Papal church, and that all those who maintain them preach 
the doctrine of perdition. 

The resjjonse of the Papist, Dr. Orestes Brownson, is also 
suggestive and unmistakable : " We wish this country to 
come under the Pope of Rome. As the visible head of the 
Church, the spiritual authority which Almighty God has 
instituted to teach and govern the nations, we assert his 
supremacy, and tell our countrymen that we would have 
them submit to him. 11 

The plea is now put forth that the United States of Amer- 
ica, by legal right, belong to the Pope. " Columbus, 1 ' says 
De Lorgues, a distinguished French Catholic, "gave the 
name of the Blessed Virgin to his ship, lifted the cross in 
her, departed on Friday, and commanded the sails to be 
unfurled in the name of Jesus Christ. It is in the name of 
Jesu? Christ that he took possession of the lands he dis- 
covered. It was to honor the Redeemer that he erected the 
cross everywhere he landed. 1 ' What follows? This: that 


these territorial titles of the Church of Rome, obtained 
through the discoveries of Columbus, antedate all other 
rights and titles. Hence, therefore, the Pope simply bides 
his time to claim, politically, what is his own. Leading 
Papists confidently predict that the day is not distant when 
our de facto claims and titles must yield to the dejure dom- 
ination of the Church of Rome. 

The careless citizen, doubtless, is ready to reply that 
whatever the designs of Papists may be, there is no actual 
danger. It is admitted that the general feeling is that 
Popery is dying. She is dying, and thriving, too. She is 
dying at some of the original roots, but taking vigorous 
root further along and in other soils. In countries where 
one would least expect it, Scotland and England, she gains 
adherents even from the ranks of the brightest scholars and 
the noblest blood. The quiet with which the people of 
Great Britain received, a few months ago, the announce- 
ment that in Scotland there had been erected a Papal hie- 
rarchy, with an archbishop and a full complement of bishops, 
is instructive in contrast with the almost wild excitement 
into which the same people were thrown less than thirty 
years ago, when a Papal brief decreed the establishment of 
a similar hierarchy in England. Earl Russell intensified 
the passionate clamor of the day by vigorous denunciations 
of the "Aggression of the Pope upon our Protestantism as 
insolent and insidious. 11 Addresses of remonstrance were 
presented to the Queen from every part of the kingdom. 
A bill was introduced into Parliament to forbid Roman 
Catholic bishops from assuming the territorial titles given 
to them by the brief, and was carried by a vote of three 
hundred and ninety- five to sixty-three. " Now the Pope 


asks permission of the Queen ; it is granted. Scotland is 
.provided with a fully-equipped hierarchy; no one protests; 
not even so much as "a public meeting is called ; and the 
whole matter is dismissed in a five-line telegram." Scot- 
land now has six bishops, two hundred and seventy -two 
priests, and two hundred and sixty-four churches and 
chapels, while in 1851 she had but one hundred and eighteen 
priests, and ninety-seven churches and chapels. Leo XIII., 
it is thought, has already decided to create a Scotch 

A London periodical, the Whitehall Bevieio, publishes a list 
of conversions to Romanism that have recently taken place 
in Great Britain among the upper classes. It includes the 
names of one duke, two marquises, five earls, fifteen barons 
and lords, seven baronets, three knights, one general, one 
admiral, ten members of Parliament, four Queen's counsel, 
four professors, one hundred and sixty-eight beneficed cler- 
gymen, sixty-seven of whom have become priests, and one 
hundred and ninety-eight gentlemen, sons of peers, fellows, 
and the like, fifty-one of whom have taken sacerdotal orders. 
Among the women of rank there are five duchesses, thirty- 
eight peeresses, wives of baronets, knights, and others, and 
thirty-three ladies of position who have gone over to the 
Church of Rome. Outside of people of rank have been 
many persons prominent in society, art, and literature. 
Some of these are Thomas Arnold, brother of Matthew 
Arnold, and son of Dr. Thomas Arnold of Rugby; Thomas 
Burnand, the proser of " Happy Thoughts ; " Emily Bowles, 
the authoress ; Florence Marryat, alias Mrs. Ross Church, 
the novelist; Miss Froude, niece of the historian; Miss 
Gladstone, sister of the ex-premier; Coventy Patmore, the 


poet; "Professor" Pepper; Adelaide Anna Proctor, poet, and 
daughter of Barry Cornwall ; Philip Rose, Arthur Sketch- 
ley; Mrs. Hope-Scott, grand-daughter of Sir Walter Scott; 
Elizabeth Thompson, now wife of Major Butler, painter of 
the " Roll Call ; " and Robert Isaac Wilberforce, M. P., eldest 
son of the celebrated philanthropist. 49 

The numerical strength of Popery in the United States, 
according to Secretary Thompson's showing, is already 
surprising. They have one cardinal, seven archbishops, 
fifty-three bishops, six apostolic vicars, priests whose num- 
ber it is impossible to estimate, with a membership of from 
six to eight millions. During nine years (1859-1868) they 
increased one hundred per cent., while Protestants increased 
but twenty-nine per cent. With the same ratio, if con- 
tinued to about 1900, there will be in the United States 
eighty million Papists, to but seventy-five million Protes- 
tants. 50 

While it is generally thought that the increase in the 
future cannot continue to be so rapid as in the past, yet 
there are grounds for supposing that Papal increase will 
soon be in even greater ratio, not, perhaps, by old methods, 
but by new ones. The old ones are too slow. No one need 
be told that the politicians who now control the Popish vote 
do so by showing favor to Popish leaders. The democracy 
almost never dares to run the risk of losing this vote in 
great cities. In Brooklyn, N. Y., local politicians do not 
dare to appeal to the legislature at Albany for the repeal 
of the law exempting Romish property from taxation, 
because they would lose the Romish vote in Brooklyn. "A 
law was passed by the Albany legislature, imposing a per- 
petual tax of more than $225,000 annually on New York 


city for the support of Roman Catholic parochial schools. 
In 1870, petitions from one hundred thousand citizens, and 
a wave of popular indignation, barely succeeded in effect- 
ing the repeal of this enactment." The party that now has 
at its disposal this Popish vote throughout the country, will 
have to enslave itself in the future still more, in order to 
hold it, and in order to gain what is now zealously sought, 
namely, complete political ascendency in the republic. 
This will be arranged. If in no other way, then, Catholic 
Spain will acquiesce, and Catholic Cuba, divided into differ- 
ent states, will ask admittance into our Federal Union. 
Papists in America will demand, some in all parties will 
think the measure wise, and a democratic Congress will 
yield, for it will not dare to oppose this Papal demand 
when it comes. 

But more than this: outbreaks along the Mexican bor- 
ders will continue. Papists do not care to have peace. 
We have grounds for supposing that they provoke hostilities 
and smile at depredations. The Roman Catholic journals 
of Mexico are very violent against Diaz, and urge war 
with the United States. The toleration of Protestantism by 
President Diaz is considered the highest of crimes by 
Papists. These conditions remaining, it is to be feared that 
within ten years there will be unlawful attempts to force 
Mexico, with her twenty-seven states, into our Federal 
Union. And the party which then condescends to bid for 
the Popish vote, will not dare oppose these hazardous 
political measures. 

Again, it is well known that the leading Roman Catho- 
lics of the Canadas desire accession to the United States. 
The possible methods of gaining this object when the 


proper moment arrives are so numerous, that it is, at the 
present moment, difficult to say which is the more prob- 
able. But the measure, favored as it is by the Papal world, 
is inevitable. More states thus enter the Union, and are 
represented in Congress. Let, therefore, those who appre- 
hend no danger from Popery, consider that, should Cuba, 
Mexico, and Lower Canada, or should Cuba and Lower 
Canada without Mexico, be annexed, the United States, for 
all that Protestants could do to prevent it, would sink, in a 
day, helplessly under the rule of the Popish priesthood. 
Ambitious demagogues and ambitious priests would thus 
unite in bringing to an end our civil liberties. ' The over- 
throw of a government, free or monocratic, does not trouble 
Popery, for she can nourish, and, perhaps, best flourish, in 
countries which she has first ruined. 

While estimating the political power which is to aid in 
accomplishing these results, also while estimating the pres- 
ent and prospective strength and increase of Popery, the 
freedmen must not be overlooked. Before the war, the 
Papists seemed to have no special interest in the Southern 
slaves, but since they have become freedmen, and since the 
ballot has been placed in their hands, they have been vis- 
ited by all branches of Papal charities. They have been 
embraced by 1 1 1< * priest, and invited into his fold. The eyes 
of many of these ignorant and superstitious colored people 
have been strongly allured toward Papal pomp, show, and 
ceremony, and not a few have devoutly kissed the crucifix. 
The freedman has discovered that he is less troubled by his 
political enemies when becoming a Romanist. Ha has also 
learned that his body is better provided for when he makes 


the sign of the cross. Is it a matter of wonder if he asks, 
Why shall I not make it? 

In the hour of sickness the Sister of Charity goes to his 
relief. Is it, therefore, a matter of surprise that he has 
welcomed the lady of white hood and black dress as an 
angel of mercy? 

Those of the frecdmen who still desire education for 
themselves or their children, seeing that Protestants are 
hesitating and closing their schools even while filled with 
pupils, and seeing Romanists opening new schools in every 
quarter, have asked, Why may we not form these new and 
apparently permanent and beneficial alliance.- 

The reasons as yet assigned for not doing this, have 
neither convinced nor prevented them. The Boston secre- 
tary of the American Missionary Society has published the 
statement that, in certain localities, being obliged to dis- 
continue schools for lack of funds, the colored children en 
masse have gone into the neighboring Catholic schools, 
which were eagerly opened to receive them. And this 
course has been strongly advocated by some of the leading 
negroes of the North. George T. DoAvning, an educated 
and intelligent colored man, has been so nettled with the 
disabilities and abuses of his people, and with the caste and 
prejudices of Protestant churches against them, that he de- 
clares the Catholic church to be the only reliable refuge of 
freedmen. "All that the poor, downtrodden blacks of the 
United States have to do," he says, "is to 'fellowship' with 
Ibis strong, courageous, well-disciplined church, and they 
thereby become not only a part of her power, but add to the 
power which will protect them. 1 ' He further says: "lam 
fully persuaded that a general alliance, on the part of the 


colored people of America, with the Catholic church of 
America, would be the most speedy and effective agency to 
break down American caste, based on color. 1 ' 

The colored people have not been slow to discover these 
apparent advantages, especially when approved and urged 
by the educated of their own nationality. As might be 
expected, by public resolutions they have more than once 
recognized this deep interest of Romanism in their educa- 
tional welfare, and have formally conferred with the author- 
ities of the Catholic church to ascertain to what extent they 
may look to it for assistance. 52 

But, replies some one, suppose the Papist does assume to 
take in hand the education of the colored people, what ob- 
jection can be raised? This objection can be raised, that 
those colored children are to become voters, and in Papal 
schools thtw will not receive such education as will fit them 
for worthy and loyal citizenship. In the first place, educa- 
tion under Papal instruction will be utterly inadequate in 
quantity- The priest and the Jesuit do not believe in full 
mental development for the mass of their communicants. 

In the island of Sardinia, which for ages has been entirely 
under the control of the Romish clergy, there are 512,384 
in a population of 547,112, who can neither read nor write. 
The priests have made no efforts to remove this illiteracy. 

Spain, too, lias been called the paradise of priests. It is 
solidly Papal. The Spaniards have shown themselves, in 
the past, to be a remarkable people. They have displayed 
A^ast energy, and have a grand and stately history. There 
was a time when Spain had fleets in all zones. They were 
once a nation of schools and scholars. "By a circular letter 
to the Bishops in 789, Charlemagne," says Guizot, "required 


thorn to establish elementary schools in their cathedral 
cities for the gratuitous instruction of the children of the 
freemen and of the laboring classes, while schools of a su- 
perior grade were to be opened at the same time in the 
larger monasteries for the study of the higher branches of 
learning." Spain was included. But the Spaniards are 
to-day what Edmund Burke once called them, "stranded 
whales on the coast of Europe." Education for nearly three 
centuries in the hands of priests and Jesuits, has brought 
forth its legitimate fruits. By the last general census of 
Spain, it was found that of the sixteen millions population 
of the kingdom there were only a trifle over two millions 
men and about seven hundred and sixteen thousand women 
able to read and write. There were 316,557 men and 
389,211 women able to read but not to write. All the rest, 
upward of five millions men and six millions eight hundred 
thousand women, could neither read nor write. At the 
preceding census, the total number of persons of both sexes 
able to write, was found to be considerably less than one- 
fifth of the population. It was rare in the latter part of the 
eighteenth century, or at the beginning of the present, to 
find a peasant or an ordinary workman who was able to 
read. This accomplishment, among women, was even held 
to be immoral. Are masses like these fit for the duties and 
responsibilities of American citizenship? Or is it safer to 
commit to the hands of Papal clergy the education of the 
American voter? 

Teal)' presents nearly the same showing. Ninety-nine 
and three-fourths per cent, of the population of Italy were 
returned as Catholics in 1871. The Roman clergy has 
managed Italy for centuries, and the Pope himself has 


governed certain of its states. According to the census of 
lyiji, out of a total population of nearly twenty-two millions, 
there were in Italy seventeen millions who could neither 
read nor write. Of these, nearly eight millions were men, 
and over nine millions were women. In the Basilicata, in 
Calabria, and in Sicily, more than nine-tenths of the inhab- 
itants could neither read nor write. Had the priesthood 
really desired the enlightenment of its spiritual children, 
would this illiteracy have overshadowed sunny Italy? 

" "We must certainly root out printing," said the Vicar of 
Croydon, "or printing will root us out." Essentially the 
same feelings seem to be entertained by the most of those 
who are seeking to manage the education of Papal commu- 
nicants. We therefore protest against Romanists being 
allowed to take into their hands the education of the freed- 
men. Their parochial schools provide no adequate safe- 
guard against the most deplorable ignorance. Their in- 
struction woidd tend to make the United States, in respect 
to popular intelligence, what Spain is, what Mexico is, what 
Italy is, what Ireland is, and what other exclusively Cath- 
olic countries are the world over and history through. 

But not only is' Papal education inadequate in amount, 
but it is loaded with falsehood. The text-books authorized 
for their schools grossly belie the facts of history. They 
teach, for instance, that Popish priests had nothing to do 
with the death of most of those who suffered in the era of 
martyrdom. "They teach that, at the moment of execu- 
tion, the priest appeared at the side of the man, only to 
inspire him, if possible, with sentiments of repentance; 
that all the priestly council did was to pronounce the indi- 
vidual guilty and deliver him over to the secular authori- 


ties, who, without clerical coercion, inflicted the just penal- 

The horrors of the Spanish Inquisition are glossed over. 
"By punishing a few obstinate individuals, 1 ' reads one of 
the Catholic school-books, " the monarchy was saved from 
the civil wars which desolated Germany, Switzerland, and 
Holland.'" "The Inquisition did not cause so much blood 
to flow as did the Calvinistic Reformation." 

Bismarck, after a visit to France, said that the saddest 
sight he saw in that country was the manipulation of the 
historical text-books by Romish ecclesiastics. It is the 
same in all countries where the priesthood rules. 

A book bearing the title "Plain Talk about the Protes- 
tantism of To-day," which is placed in the hands of young 
Catholics in France and the United States, contains these 
statements: "Martin Luther died forlorn of God, — blas- 
pheming to the very end. His last word was an attestation 
of impenitence. His eldest son, who had doubts both about 
the Reformation and the Reform, asked him for a last time 
whether he persevered in the doctrine he preached. ' Yes,' 
replied a gurgling sound from the old sinner's throat, — and 

Luther was before his God!" "Calvin died of scarlet 

fever, devoured by vermin, and eaten up by an ulcerous 
abscess, the stench whereof drove away every person. In 
great misery he gave up his rascally ghost, despairing of 
salvation, evoking the devils from the abyss, and uttering 
oaths most horrible and blasphemies most frightful." 

Children who are in the reformatory institutions of 
Massachusetts have been compelled, on pain of horse- 
whipping, to commit to memory subject-matter found in a 
book written by Father Baddcley, published in Boston, bear- 


ing the title " A Sure Way to Find Out the True Religion." 
The following are some of the questions and answers: 

" Question. Must not, then, the Protestant Church, instead 
of leading men to heaven, infallibly lead them to hell? 

Answer. "We certainly have too great reason to appre- 
hend it, particularly when we consider that Christ has made 
two things necessary to salvation : namely, true faith and 
good works ; and, as we have shown before that the Protes- 
tant Church has not the true faith, it is impossible that her 

works can save her As none of the inhabitants of 

Jericho could escape the fire or sword but such as were 
within the house of Rahab, for whose protection a cove- 
nant was made, so none shall ever escape the eternal 
wrath of God, who belong not to the (Catholic) Church of 

After depicting the sins of Protestants, the question is 
asked, Can we find no better kind of holiness among Cath- 

Answer. "Yes; the holiness of the Catholic religion is 
indeed very different from that of other religions, because 
the religions framed by men teach doctrines invented by 
Luther, Calvin, Wesley, Whitfield, and other deluded and 
wicked men, whereas the Catholic Church teaches only 
that doctrine which Christ taught his apostles." 

In speaking of the changes wrought in England by the 
Papal faith, Father Baddeley says : "Everything brightened, 
as if nature had been melted down and re-coined. It 
changed the people that were rude, savage, barbarous, and 
wicked, into a nation mild, kind, benevolent, and holy, 
teaching men to do in all things as they would be done by. 
And so much did men live up to this grand rule, that in 


those clays, when England was Catholic, a boy or girl 
might openly carry a bag of gold or silver, and carry it 
safely all the country over, and golden bracelets were hung 
np near the highways, which no man dared to touch.'" 53 

Of Fox's Book of Martyrs, this same treatise says : " These 
saints were nothing but a set of deluded, rebellious, impious, 
and blasphemous wretches, most of them put to death by 
the law of the land where they resided for their crimes. 
Many of them were condemned for their lewd lives, con- 
sjiiracies, rebellion, and murder; some for witchcraft and 
conjuring; others for sacrilege and theft, and even for flatly 
denying Christ himself. In fact, to call a man one of Fox's 
saints, is become the same as to call him a great rogue.'" 
Martin Luther is described in the following terms: "Thus 
I have given you a short but true character of Fox's Elias, 
the conductor and chariot of Israel, who, he says, ought to 
be reverenced next to Christ and Paul! What! can a man 
who was mad with lust — who lived in adultery, and caused 
others to do the same — who wrote most horrid blasphemy, 
and corrupted the Bible — who was a notorious drunkard 
and companion of devils — who was as proud as Satan him- 
self, a preacher of sedition and murder ; what ! can this wretch 
be compared with Christ and Paul?" For not faithfully 
committing these falsehoods, children in our public reform- 
atory schools have been threatened with horse-whipping. 

It is in view of instruction like this that a distinguished 
writer and lecturer has been led to say that if we were " to 
call up the scholars out of the two or three thousand paro- 
chial schools in the United States, and ask them to recite, 
they would give us, in answer to our questions, the sub- 
stance of these intensely sectarian text-books — these pre- 


cious statements about the Catholic authors, these white- 
washed pages concerning the Inquisition, the Edict of 
Nantes, and the massacre of St. Bartholomew ; these subtle 
insinuations of Catholic doctrine concerning Mariolatry and 
the infallibility of the Pope ; these presentations of Amer- 
ican history in such a manner as to make the impression 
that the Jesuits were the fathers of the best part of our 
civilization. This is what we should hear from these young 
lips. But if Romanism does here what she has done 
abroad, and what she wishes to continue on American soil, 
pretty soon the answer you will get will not be out of that 
book, nor that, nor that, simply because the children cannot 
read nor write. 1 ' 54 

It is a matter of regret that the American people seem to 
fail in comprehending the vital point in this religious-edu- 
cational controversy. A distinguished Episcopal clergyman 
has lately sided with the Papists thus: "What is more 
needed in the school question than anything else, is for 
people to be perfectly fair, and to remember that persons 
who hold a different faith from ours may be as honest as 
we are. The Roman Catholics have not been treated fairly 
in this matter. They believe in the religious education of 
their children, and it has often been the boast of Protestants 
that the public schools could be used to destroy the religious 
belief of the Roman Catholic youth. They naturally resent 
this, and then comes the demand that the schools shall be 
strictly secular, and this goes so far in the wrong direction 
that no one is satisfied. The Roman Catholics are Amer- 
ican citizens, and they have just as much right to a voice in 
the management of the schools as the Protestants have; 
but, if the schools are used for proselyting in favor of 


Protestantism, it is acting unfairly to the Roman Catholics, 
and doing to them what Ave should not be willing to have 
them do to lis." 

We reply that Protestantism is the friend of civil liberty, 
and Popery is its enemy; therefore, in a free country, the 
Papist, with his foreign instincts and sympathies, should not 
have equal voice in the management of the education of 
those who are to exercise the rights of franchise. Indeed, 
lie should have no voice at all. 

A noted Unitarian clergyman has fallen into this same 
error. He says: "In the United States are children of 
parents representing portions of all the great faiths of the 
world. No wonder, then, that the question has come up, 
and that it agitates the public mind and demands a settle- 
ment as to what religion, if any, shall be taught all these 
children in the public schools. Here are Catholics, Protes- 
tants, Orthodox, Universalists, Free Religionitts, Buddhists, 
Confucianists, Jews, Paulicians, Hindoos. What religion 
shall the church be permitted to teach in the public 
schools? Shall it be permitted to teach any? It is not a 
battle between religion and irreligion; it is a contest be- 
tween rival religions. Every one looks at it from a reli- 
gious standpoint. To each man the religion in which he 
intensely believes is a matter of supreme importance. State 
oppression or state interference in this highest, supreme, 
most sacred of all matters, is tyranny odious and unbear- 
able. What right has the state to teach my child a doctrine 
that I believe shall issue in irremediable, eternal ruin to 
that child ? If I were a sincere, earnest, intense believer in 
the Catholic Church, I would fight this thing to the death." 

These aiders and abettors of Popish disturbance and 


demands are caught unawares. They have missed entirely, 
in their discussions, the radical distinctions between Protes- 
tantism and Popery, as related to our republican institu- 
tions. John Locke's theory was that the state should grant 
entire liberty of opinion and practice in matters of religion 
to all except atheists, who he thought could not be good 
citizens, and Roman Catholics, whom he excepted on the 
ground that their primal allegiance to the Pope of Rome 
made them untrue in their allegiance to the king of Eng- 
land, and therefore unsafe citizens in the state. 

The Episcopal clergy of the United States, who either 
sympathize with Papists or are significantly silent upon 
these public-school questions, and liberal Unitarians who, 
from singular notions, side with Papists in their conflicts 
with Evangelical Protestantism, forget entirely that the 
Pope's infallibility is a fundamental doctrine enforced upon 
the minds of the j'oung, and that children trained under 
such teaching are likely to become a dangerous element in 
a republican government. They forget that Protestantism 
and republicanism are one, and that Popery is an absolute 
monarchy. They forget to what the people of this country 
are indebted for their liberties. Says De Tocqueville : "The 
greatest part of North America was peopled by men who, 
after having shaken off the authority of the Pope, ac- 
knowledged no other religious supremacy. They brought 
with them into the New World a form of Christianity, which 
I cannot better describe than by styling it a democratic or 
republican religion. This contributed powerfully to the 
establishment of a republic, and a democracy in public 
affairs; and, from the beginning, politics and religion con- 
tracted an alliance which has never been dissolved. 1 ' 


Protestants, of whatever name, likewise infidels and 
democrats, who side with Popery in these educational 
questions, forget that early alliance, without which there 
had been no free and independent republic of the United 
States. They forget that Popery is unchangeable, and that 
Boniface TV. wrote to King Athelbert of England thus: 
" If any king, or any bishop, clergyman, or laic, shall essay 
to infringe the decrees of the Popes, he shall incur the 
anathema of Peter and of all his successors." These men 
who side with Papists forget that in 1505, Melendez of 
Spain, sent to our shores by his king, put to death every- 
body " within the walls " of North Carolina, " including the 
aged, the women, and children," saying, " I am Melendez, 
of Spain, sent to gibbet and behead all Protestants in these 
regions. The Frenchman who is a Catholic I will spare; 
every heretic shall die! " 

These men forget^ that Popeiy is ready, when strong 
enough, to repeat these deeds of the past. It was only a few 
days since that in Spezia, Italy, at a service in honor of 
Mary, a Catholic priest showed his feelings toward the 
Bible by an auto-da-fe — a burning of all copies of the 
Scriptures that could be gathered in the city and surround- 
in°- villages. It is said, as the flames arose the cry was 
heard, "Burn the Protestants!" These men forget that 
Pius IX., in 18G4, condemned the liberty of the press, of 
conscience, and of free speech ; and that Leo XIII. is to-day 
carefully studying the measures and dogmas of Pius IX., 
with a view of faithfully adopting and carrying them out. 55 
These men, now siding with Papists, seem to forget 
that the Papal authorities of Tuscany, in 1851, banished 
Count Grucciandini for simply having a Bible in his 


possession. They forget that, in 1852, the Papal powers of 
Portugal decreed imprisonment and fines against all who 
opposed " the Church." They forget that, in 1860, Manuel 
Matamoras, of Spain, was sent to the galleys for eleven 
years, for daring to follow his conscience and preach Prot- 
estantism. They forget Father Dufresne of Holyoke, and 
Father Scully of Cambridgeport. 56 They forget that Papists 
deny the right of the civil power to have anything to do 
with education. 57 They forget — O for pages of history 
written in flames! Then, perhaps, men would read them, 
and no longer aid and abet Papists, who are determined 
upon reproducing in the United States the condition of 
Italy, of Spain, of Ireland, of Lower Canada, of Mexico, 
and of the afflicted republics of South America. 

Before these sympathizers with Papal demands take an 
additional step, let them ask men who have given attention 
to these subjects in some of their broader relations, whether 
it t is safe to allow the Pope, priests, and Jesuits to manage 
the education of our future citizens. "Ask Gladstone, as 
he bends over the work of writing the learned pages of his 
pamphlet on Vaticanism, and summons all history to testify 
that the education, to say nothing of the liberty of a people, 
is not safe under exclusively Romish auspices. Ask Prince 
Bismarck. At his fireside, in his palace at Varan, he has 
a costly tapestiy representing King Henry IV., in smock 
and barefoot, kneeling three days in the snow at the door 
of the palace of Pope Hildebrand, imploring absolution in 
vain, until his humiliation had been so protracted as to 
become what the Roman pontiff thought to be the proper 
symbol of the lowness of the civil power, when set up over 
against the ecclesiastical." 


" Popery," as John Milton declared, " is a double thing to 
deal with, and claims a twofold power, ecclesiastical and 
political, both usurped, and the one supporting the other."' 
These usurpers must not be encouraged, and their usurpa- 
tions must be frowned upon, and unhesitatingly and un- 
qualifiedly condemned by every Protestant in America. 
While full liberty of conscience belongs sacredly to every 
human being, and while the state should protect him so 
long as he does not trespass upon the rights of others, and 
is a peaceable and orderly citizen, yet the moment he be- 
comes a trespasser he forfeits his liberty, and should become 
a convict. 

M. Edmond About, in the September number of the 
Nineteenth Century, powerfully vindicates the recent action 
in the French Assembly on the educational question, in 
seeking to deliver the nation from the influence of the 
Papal powers. He says: "The absolute independence of 
some few thousand monks might be tolerated, were they to 
devote 'themselves to a purely contemplative life, or to con- 
fine themselves to preaching in the pulpit, writing in the 
papers, and publishing works of doubtful casuistry or dis- 
torted history. But directly they lay hands on education — 
when they turn their convents into schools, and entice 
thousands of children of the middle classes, for the purpose 
of moulding their young minds and inculcating their par- 
ticular ideas — it behooves the state, not merely as a right, 
but as a bounden duty, to be up and doing. So, at least, 
thought the Due Victor de Broglie, M. Guizot, M. Thiers, 
M. Villemain, and all the great Parliamentary men of 1844." 
The fact is, when any devoted republican sees Papal 
power, which for ten centuries has been the most pro- 


nounced, unscrupulous, and relentless enemy of free insti- 
tutions, take in hand the education of hundreds of thousands 
of our future voters among the foreigners of our Northern 
States, and hundreds of thousands in the Southern States, 
he ought to be horrified. The peril cannot be overesti- 
mated. But Americans see no danger "until the fire 
reaches the bones. 11 Prussia is wise ; she sees the danger, 
and, with surprising boldness, is defying the enemy. But 
America is blindfolded, and is bowing in timid submission. 
Gladstone has seen the impending struggle in England, and 
has uttered his courageous and prophetic warnings. But 
the Republic of the United States has no Gladstone, and 
Congress is dumb as a corpse. 

We have several times in this discussion referred to the 
Jesuits. They are Papists of the most dangerous type. 
They constitute a ring within a ring, having eyes within 
and without. They dress in all garbs, speak all languages, 
they know all customs, they are everywhere present, yet 
nowhere recognized. In South America, in Cuba, in the 
Canadas, in every state of Europe, in the Indies, in China, 
in Japan, in Asia, in Africa, everywhere, stealthily at work. 
They are despotic in Spain, constitutional in England, bigots 
in Rome, idolaters in India; they study Confucius in China, 
and are democrats in America. They are democrats hei-e, 
because they expect to share the emoluments of future 
democratic victories. The}' have wealth, but are neither 
spendthrifts nor misers. They use their money freely 
whenever it can be used in the interest of the Church. 
For any secret service they reward handsomely. The spy 
is liberally paid, the civil officers of any country, and even 
those fashionable women who infest every court and con- 


gress on earth, are bribed and bought over by the prinoely 
oilers of this sly and intriguing order of Jesuits. "There is 
no record in history of an association whose organization 
has stood so many years, unchanged by all the assaults of 
men and time." They are never discouraged, and when 
beaten back they always begin the work again at the very 
place where it suffered interruption. Some of the rules of 
this order are monstrous beyond estimate. 

Says Sanchez: "A man may swear that he never did 
such a thing (though he actually did it), meaning within 
himself that he did not do it on a certain day, or before he 
was born." 

Father Filiutius gives this method of evasion: "After 
saying aloud, ' I swear I have not done that,' to add in a 
suppressed whisper, 'I have done that. 1 " 

Father Escobar lays down this law: "Promises are not 
binding when the person making them had no intention to 
bind himself." Such are the teachings of these treacherous 
spies, who are in our midst to destroy our liberties. They 
have been dreaded and yet relied upon, worshipped yet 
abhorred, hurled down, yet have risen again with increas- 
ing activity. They have even dared to assail the Pope; 
they poisoned one Pope because he was opposed to their 
order. The late Pope, in his early reign, sided against 
them, but their menaces were so hostile that when he 
walked the streets of Pome people were wont to shout, 
" Father, beware of the Jesuits." He at length yielded to 
their claims. The present Pope, fearing for his life, dares 
not oppose them. Boston-educated Archbishop Williams 
dares not take a stand against them in their present agita- 
tion of the school question. To use Gladstone's suggestive 


expression, "this Society of Jesus ever remains the most 
perfect instrument of mental servitude ever devised." 

Pope Pius YII. called the Jesuits his "Sacred Militia; 1 ' 
he recognized in them his best-drilled and best-disci- 
plined troops. And it is this Church Militia which is now 
ordered to this land, to watch and take possession when the 
favorable moment shall come. These Jesuits are already 
in our marts of business ; they are in our army and navy ; 
they are in our halls of legislation; they are upon our 
school committees, — the most sacred office in this republic, 
— and we do not know who they are. Priests and Jesuits 
are already assuming the direction or the actual government 
of our largest cities. 

Blackstone in his day made this note : " The priests would 
have ingulfed all the real estate of England. It took cen- 
turies to protect and perfect the nation against their rapac- 
ity and schemes to avoid the statutes." 

But we have no protection. The researches of Dexter 
A. Hawkins have shown, what no one ventures to deny, 
that the Papal Church in New York city lias drawn from 
the public treasury in the past eleven years, $6,007,118. 
In 1878 alone she drew $710,350. She has obtained from 
the city donations of real estate to the amount of $3,500,000. 
On an average, in New York city, she has received from 
the public treasury an annual gift of more than $500,000. 

The Jesuits are the prime movers in these schemes of 
obtaining control of the large centres of the nation. 58 They 
are likewise doing the most successful work in the Southern 
states. Always the shrewd and artful, but respectful and 
condescending servants of the church, willing to become 
"not merely the equal, but the inferior, of the lowest," by 


boasting that they see no difference between souls on ac- 
count of the color of the skin, and by looking carefully after 
all forms of distress and want, they are successfully manip- 
ulating the colored voters, and have been more success- 
ful with them than we could wish. 

Fifteen years ago the colored Catholics of Washington 
could have been gathered in a room fifteen feet square. It 
is now reported that priest Barotti has gathered a large 
congregation of colored people in Washington, " erecting 
for them the most magnificent church-edifice at the Federal 
capital." Fifteen years ago there was scarcely a score of 
Catholic voters in South Carolina; it is claimed that there 
are to-day not less than fifty thousand. In view of these 
facts, true of other Southern cities and states, it looks as 
though Rome is seeking to bring together, for her support, 
the "negro vote and the foreign vote." Then what? 

Says a close observer of political affairs: "The other day 
I met a politician, one of the astutest men of Massachusetts, 
and he said to me, ' Lately I was in Washington, and went 
into a Romish church that was almost a cathedral, and found 
it filled with negro worshippers. Do you think,' he whis- 
pered to me, ' that it is possible that the foreign vote and 
the negro vote may be massed together and exploited by 
the hand on the Tiber?'" 

It sometimes seems that the bit of paper, with a list of 
names on it, dropped from black and brawny fingers, is to 
seal, some day, our national destiny. How much like a 
providence of God it would be, if these black men, in some 
impending crisis, should be left to wreck the republic which 
has so brutally wronged them! 

One of the wisest bishops of the Methodist Episcopal 


Church North has spoken words which deserve a place in 
all our councils : " The black, blind giant that we have 
admitted to the temple of Liberty, if only his eyes be 
couched, may buttress its walls ; but if left blind, he may, 
in some political crisis, where the beams are in equipoise, 
pull the fair fabric to the ground." 

These Jesuitical priests, who are doing so much mis- 
chief in the United States, have been unendurable in other 
countries. They were expelled in 1507 from Venice, in 
1708 from Holland, in 1764 from France, in 1767 from 
Spain, in 1820 from Russia, in 1829 -from England, in 1872 
from Germany, and in 1873 from Italy. They have been 
expelled from several of the South American republics, also 
from Mexico, and have just been pronounced outlaws in the 
French republic. They are in trouble in Bavaria, Switzer- 
land, and elsewhere. The United States is therefore likely 
henceforth to be the paradise of Jesuits. They can flourish 
here under the toleration and well-nigh unrestricted license 
of our free institutions as nowhere else. Their aggressive 
work will begin just as soon as there is believed to be 
strength enough to carry it out. Every intelligent Papist 
understands that all governments are de facto which are 
not established or authorized by the Papa] Church, that 
obedience to a government existing de facto can last only 
while the church permits it, and that the church permits it 
onty so long as she is unable to prevent it. 

The papal power will all the sooner dare to be aggressive 
in the United States because of our fierce political and social 
strifes. All history shows that Popery is powerless when 
watched and opposed by a strong, free, and united people, 
but under the leadership of Jesuits she instantly rises into im- 


portance when discords rend in sunder that people. Were 
we of this country united, there would be no ground for 
immediate alarm. But we axe not united ; we are divided, 
and there is in consequence the gravest occasion for alarm. 59 
There is no relief in the thought of a future united political 
opposition. With neither of the two great Protestant polit- 
ical parties are Papists friendly. Indeed, from the nature 
of the case, they are hostile to both, but side with that 
from which the greater advantage is likely to be gained. 
The Papal Church is seeking from the democratic party at 
present to gain money and favorable legislation ; but when 
nothing more can be gained by her present alliance, she 
with her heel will grind that party into the dust. Cannot 
the two parties unite, therefore, in unfurling this political 
banner? " Tliere shall be no further compromises with these 
enemies of the republic.''' Nay, nay! The thoughts of 
party triumphs are too captivating. Men are hungry for 
office. Papal adherents hold the balance of power. We 
shall oppose and destroy one another, then Popery will have 
control of what remains. We are cursed with blindness 
and demagogism, and with timidity in proportion to our 
wealth. And since one's property, family, or person is 
safer if he sides with the stronger and more aggressive 
party, men will in great emergencies take that safer side. 
The moment, therefore, that the papal power begins its 
more aggressive work, thousands of our citizens will imme- 
diately acknowledge allegiance. Only the minority in such 
times are willing to be martyrs. A mass of professional 
politicians, who have no principle, and who are always 
ready to enroll themselves under any banner where there is 
pelf or plunder, will likewise suddenly side with Papists, 


and become the fiei*cest persecutors within its communion. 
When this foreign papal power begins her dictatorship, the 
world will be surprised at the number of American citizens 
who are willing to obey. But some will not obey. Then 
will follow a conflict, next a revolution, and after that, a 
demand coming from every freedom-loving and patriotic 
Protestant the country over, for some one man who will 
dare defy the Pope, and assume a military sway over the 
United States of America. 



The student of history, who believes that the past tends to 
repeat itself, is, if patriotic, much troubled when watching 
certain tendencies in the American Republic. He knows 
that the selfishness of capital and the discontents of labor 
have united in cursing, bitterly cursing, every one of the 
extinct republics. Capital in the United States is already 
largely unchristian and selfish. Property, to the disadvan- 
tage of the many, is rapidly concentrating in the hands of 
the few. The larger establishments in every department 
of enterprise and industry, the owners of large estates, the 
heaviest owners in corporations, are crippling and then ab- 
sorbing the smaller ones. The rich are growing richer, 
the poor poorer. Capital and labor, the larger capitalists 
and the smaller ones, are consequently bitterly pitted 
against each other in every state in the Union, with no 
immediate prospects of improved conditions or relations. 
There is certainly nothing in the normal laws of trade, nor 
in the ordinary laws of commerce, which can evolve or 
promise improvement. 

Death, followed by the division of property, through bequests 
or among legal heirs, lias in this country afforded partial relief. 
Still, the rapidity with which a very wealthy man, even in 


part iv.] EXISTING PERILS. 215 

America, can add almost without limitation to his wealth, 
and the ease with which he can impoverish those who at- 
tempt competition, are a peril of no small magnitude. All 
history shows that wealth grows more and more ambitious 
and greedy; poverty more and more restless and angry, 
with no possible cure for either except revolution. It would 
be a national safeguard, whether wise or unwise we do not 
say, if, after a citizen lias accumulated a given amount, say 
one, five, or ten millions (a limit of some amount), then, 
that all further increase should be taken by the government 
to liquidate public debts, or to be expended upon public im- 
provements. But such legislation can hardly be expected 
in a republic like ours until the conflict between wealth and 
poverty have brought the country upon the brink, or into 
the actual throes of national revolution. 

The jealousies and animosities growing out of the greed of 
the rich on the one hand, and the equal greed of the poor 
on the other, have been veiy marked during the last half- 
score years. They have been such as well-nigh to destroy 
confidence between man and man, and such in some in- 
stances as to develop murderous threats, if not murderous 
intentions. What has rendered these embittered feelings 
all the more contagious among our native laborers is the 
fact that capital and corporations have in too many in- 
stances been bitterly cruel. The experience has been far 
too general that a few corporation managers, by enormous 
salaries and by speculative transactions, have absorbed the 
interests intrusted to them, and have left the smaller cred- 
itors helpless and penniless. When these discoveries are 
made, it need not be thought strange that " the cheaper, 
poorer, and more numerous employes should seize upon the 


coarse power within their reach, and wield it for self- 
defence. 1 ' 

While the National Trust Company was in the hands of 
a receiver, a woman entered the office and asked for fifty 
dollars out of money that she had placed there for safety. 
The clerk said he could do nothing for her, and she then 
asked for twenty dollars, ten, and finally for five dollars, 
saying her children had nothing to eat, and she must have 
something. On being refused even five dollars, she burst 
into teai-s, exclaiming, "O my God! must my children die, 
while these rich thieves keep my money?" The rich are 
thus looked upon by the poor as the cause of their poverty, 
and therefore the worst feelings are engendered. 

This evil has extended from individuals to communities 
and states. Western communities are in debt for railroads, 
for municipal improvements, for defaulted state bonds, 
indeed for every form of private and public enterprise. 
For twenty years they have been trying by various test 
cases to find some means of evading the payment of their 
negotiable bonds. An able journalist has thus pictured this 
struggle : " New state courts, constituted under the popular 
suffrage, decided the laws to be unconstitutional; cities 
abandoned their charter organizations to dodge the sheriffs, 
just as Mexican officials on the Rio Grande resign to block 
the wheels of extradition ; states forbade cities and coun- 
ties to levy money enough to pay the judgments. But out 
of its great arsenal the Supreme Federal Court issued new 
writs to meet each new exigency. In the time of Presi- 
dent Lincoln the debtor municipalities even mooted a 
scheme to swamp thn court with new justices, in order to 
thwart the ' bloated bondholder ' of that day. Many of the 


bondholders involved in this conflict have been foreigners, 
and many others of them citizens of eastern states, so that 
the suits have been brought in the Federal courts, and heard 
before justices for whom popular suffrage had no terrors. 
The cry of ' Bondholder,' raised in the House of Repre- 
sentatives as a term of reproach, is an echo of this long 
struggle, and utters the bitter feeling of communities which 
think themselves oppressed by creditors whom they think 

When, therefore, the New England and New York con- 
gressmen and press characterize other congressmen as the 
" cheap riff-raff of the West and South," who legislate in 
the interests of fraud and plunder; and when the Western 
and Southern leaders and press speak of the "horrid capi- 
talists," and "the bloated bondholders who live along the 
sea ; " when Boston and New York protest against certain 
financial measures as dishonest, disreputable, and revolu- 
tionary; and when Chicago and New Orleans stigmatize 
the protest as the "shriek of eastern Shylocks; " when, in 
a word, the two links which are so vital to the prosperity 
of the country — the gold link and the iron link — are thus 
at variance, neither believing in, nor hardly daring to trust 
the other, — then the foundations of the republic, lacking an 
essential bond, begin to crumble. 

In the midst of these conflicts between capital and labor 
are heard sounds the most of all to be dreaded in a repub- 
lic, "the low and angry mutterings and threats of the idle, 
lazy, thriftless, profligate, drunken hordes in every part of 
the country, denouncing prudence, industry, enterprise, and 
thrift; denouncing property, the result of industry and 
economy, as robbery, and denouncing the wages of labor 


as a degrading badge of servitude and slavery ; denouncing 
the rich as the enemies of the country, and denouncing 
capital as the deadliest enemy of labor." These " flashes 
from the dark bosom of the multitude have, in more than 
one instance, revealed giant and terrific masses of barely 
suppressed passion." 

Said General Garfield, in a speech delivered during the 
labor troubles of 1877 : " I hold in my hand the copies of 
brief but eloquent letters and telegrams from ten great 
states of this Union, and all of them were sent within one 
week, calling upon the President of the United States for 
help; ten great states, reaching from the Atlantic to the 
Pacific, Maryland and West Virginia among them; ten 
great states, among them California and the empire states 
of the Northwest, calling for the arms of the republic to 
shield and save in their hour of distress. I therefore say 
boldly, while I will do as much as he who will do most to 
secure the rights of labor against iniquitous laws, and 
against the assaults of capital, when used unjustly, yet 
against all comers I am for the reign of law in this repub- 
lic, and for an army large enough to make it sure. 1 ' In 
such times of trouble, idlers in many ways make their 
unwholesome presence felt, and darken the air with plots 
against the security of property. These threatenings are 
like the roar of breakers on a lee shore. 

Maeaulay, speaking of the distm - bed reign of James the 
Second, says : " On such occasions it will ever be found 
that the human vermin which, neglected by ministers of 
state and ministers of religion, — barbarians in the midst 
of civilization, heathens in the midst of Christianity, — 
who burrow among all physical and moral pollution in the 


cellars and garrets of great cities, will rise at once into 
terrible importance." What adds to the danger is the fact, 
that when crops are short, and breadstuff's dear, or when 
business is depressed and wages low, then, ambitious and 
rotten, thrice rotten politicians are found in waiting to fan 
into flames the bad passions of both the laboring and the 
idle masses. For three years, ending last year, these rude 
political and revolutionary orators were busy calling the 
attention of the workingmen of the country to the sharp 
contrasts between the splendor of accumulated wealth and 
the squalor of pitiless poverty. The workers in coal-mines 
throughout the country were told to compare their un- 
healthy lives below ground with the sunshine, wealth, and 
power of the mine-owners. These reckless demagogues, 
with their brutal oratory, spoke, and men out of employ- 
ment, men working on half-time and at reduced wages, 
listened, and began to feel that virtue no longer resided in 
honest labor. Iron-workers all over the country paused, 
gazed at the dismantled forge, and returned its sullen look 
with similar looks of their own. They paused, and looked, 
and then muttered their curses against the wealth that was 
able to make the "lockout. 1 ' 

Such have been our experiences within three years; but 
now that there is a slight revival of business, with readier 
employment, we have forgotten everything. Americans 
are among the most forgetful of nations. Short crops, dear 
breadstuff*, depressed business, low wages, and unemployed 
masses, no longer enter into our calculations of the future. 
But they should. Rome once found that she must give em- 
ployment to her citizens, or the rude masses would render 
life within her walls unendurable. She gave employment, 


whereupon all the surrounding countries poured upon her 
their surplus populations, and the second condition of Rome 
was worse than the first. 

It is the same in America. Every revival of business sets 
a flood-tide of foreigners to our shores. It is estimated that 
the present year will add three hundred thousand immigrants 
to our population. Wise men are beginning to feel that the 
generosity with which we receive these new-comers is 
thoughtless and reckless. Formerly we imported cloth; 
latterly we have imported the laborer and manufactured 
cloth. A few years since, Mr. Emerson remarked that he 
could not tell which is the wiser policy; to-day it is appar- 
ent enough which would have been the safer policy. 

Were these additions to our citizenship, in each instance, 
good and patriotic men, we should be the richer for every 
immigrant ship entering our ports. But somehow these 
arrivals, in many instances, have been much to our disad- 

Our first popular infidelity is traceable directly to Euro- 
pean soldiery, sent to this country just before and during 
the Revolution. The earliest communistic crusade in this 
country was preached by foreigners, by Owen in person, 
aided by such socialists as G. II. and F. W. Evans, Fanny 
Wright, and A. J. Macdonald. The present threatening 
communistic and socialistic organizations would never have 
been known among us but for the presence of those foreign- 
ers who are destitute of both patriotism and religion. 
Men of this class have been held in check by the military 
arm of European states, and hence they have resolved to 
experiment in the United States. 60 Molly Maguirism is 
agrarianism imported from Ireland. Tramps, infesting 


every state of the Union where they are not legally inter- 
dicted, are mostly of foreign birth. Labor troubles were 
scarcely known in the United States until the majority of 
our laborers were foreigners. They have come from every 
kind of European oppression, and from the slums of poverty. 
They have here received compensation, not, perhaps, in 
every case such as could have been afforded, but certainly 
far greater than in any other country or in any other period 
of history. Still they have been dissatisfied and restless. 61 
And what adds to our perplexity is, that the second genera- 
tion is worse than the first. The industrious and polite 
type of Irishman whom we met twentj- years ago, is rapidly 
giving place to the indolent and insolent American-born 

If these foreign poisons affected only those who have 
foreign blood or who bear the foreign name, we should be 
comparatively safe, at least for the present. But all who 
are engaged in manual labor, whether native or foreign 
citizens, have been more or less fevered and injured. 

The perils are all the greater because these foreign, 
restless, and dissatisfied masses instinctively gravitate to- 
wards cities, manufacturing communities, and mining dis- 
tricts. One hundred years ago only one thirtieth of the 
population of the United States lived in cities of over eight 
thousand people. In 1800 the proportion of population 
living in cities having above eight thousand was one 
twenty-fifth; in 1810, and also in 1820, one twentieth; in 
1830, one sixteenth; in 1840, one twelfth; in 1850, one 
eighth; in 1860, one sixth; in 1870, a little over one fifth. 
It is thought that the next census will show a still further 
increase of the population of cities, and that they will con- 


tain fully twelve millions instead of eight millions, which 
was the number in 1870. New York is to-day the largest 
Irish centre in the world. It is more Celtic than Dublin. 
The naturalized voters of New York city outnumber the 
natives by fifty thousand. 

Unrestricted immigration and an almost unqualified fran- 
chise has taken, in some localities, the civil government 
entirely from property-owners, and from the patriotic and 
industrious yeomanry of the country, and placed it in the 
hands of those who have not a single qualification entitling 
them to a voice in the affairs of our republic. The condi- 
tion of New York city has already been alarming. 63 Im- 
provement in the character of its future citizenship can 
hardly be expected. New York, comparatively, is only a 
village. Not far hence she is to be a city of imperial mag- 
nitude. " Put Chicago and New York together," says an 
honored lecturer, "and you have not made a London. Put 
in Brooklyn, and you have not made a London. Even put 
in Boston, and you have not made a London! St. Louis, 
San Francisco, and New Orleans, massed there at the 
mouth of the Hudson, would not make a London. Only a 
little over three million inhabitants that would make, while 
London claims, officially, just under four millions. We 
ultimately shall have a city at the mouth of the Hudson as 
large as the city that lies on the Thames." But London is 
only a village as compared with Nineveh or Babylon. 
When there is a Babylon at the mouth of the Hudson, there 
will speedily be a doom worse than that which befell 
Babylon on the Euphrates. 

There is no escaping the additional painful fact, that the 
population of our cities is to increase in the future but little, 


comparatively, from American births. American ladies 
are, in too many instances, Roman ladies over again. 03 
The increase is to be from births among our foreign popula- 
tion, and from free immigration. Native Americans are 
already crowded out of some localities by men who have 
been reared under monarchical institutions; men who 
appear to have no clear idea of the principles upon which 
our institutions are based; men who seem to have a desire 
to exchange the independence of American citizenship for 
a serfdom, in which the government shall take its citizens, 
feed them from public cribs, and build them houses to live 
in. The men who are filling and controlling not only New 
York, but likewise other great cities of the United States, 
are the men from whom those who have property and fami- 
lies to protect may well start back with alarm, if not with 

In connection with this thought of domination in politics, 
Ave have already spoken of Papal designs. If she can 
keep the masses in ignorance, or, what is nearly the same, 
keep them in her own schools, she will work all the mis- 
chief we can well bear. But if she cannot do this, then 
we are in danger of something which is worse than 

There is said to be :i custom among the robbers of Italy, 
requiring that when a new confederate is brought into a 
gang of thieves he shall load a pistol, hold it before a 
crucifix, and fire it at the figure of our Lord. It is supposed 
that whoever has the audacity to do that, will not hesitate 
to do anything required of the most desperate brigand. A 
Papist who does violence to his convictions in renouncing 
his faith, is as much to be dreaded as the most zealous 


Papal devotee. When a bishop of Paris, in 1871, was 
brought before Raoul Rigault, one of the boldest of the 
Communists, the venerable ecclesiastic, addressing his 
accusers, said, "Children, what do yon wish to do with 
me?" "We are your betters," said Rigault, who was 
hardly thirty years of age. " Speak as if to your superiors. 
Who are you?" The bishop, whose charities had been 
known in Paris for a generation, replied, "I am the servant 
of God." " Where does he live? " asked Rigault. " Every- 
where," was the answer. "Very well," said the Commu- 
nist, " send this bishop to prison, and issue an order for the 
arrest of one God, Avho lives everywhere." 

To smite the Roman Catholic Church without having a 
better religion to offer, is reckless in the extreme, because 
the views of the elder communists will be the substitute 
for no religion in the United States. "In religion they 
were atheist and infidel; in philosophy they were posi- 
tivists; in political economy they were destructionists or 
levellers." The American descendants of French commu- 
nism are entertaining much the same views. They disregard 
the sanctity of the Sabbath, and the rights of others. They 
pervert and overstate notions of liberty — as the mob, 
carrying the heart of a baker on a pole, indignant at the 
protest of Lafayette, exclaimed, " Is this our boasted liberty, 
that we cannot kill whom we please?" They enthrone a 
selfish interest over all society. They are oppressive to the 
individual, dictating what he shall and what he shall not 
do. They are ruinous to every branch of industry, destroy- 
ing all fair competition. They are dangerous to the repub- 
lic, hastening the possibility and necessity of an oligarchy 


or a monarchy, at least some centralized power to keep 
their lawlessness in check. 

Not all who belong to the labor organizations of the 
country entertain these extreme views. Yet there are, in 
many respects, strong bonds of sympathy between them, 
and there are possible combinations among these organiza- 
tions that will, some day, paralyze every industry through- 
out the country. 

Their aggressive movements in 1877 were not well 
matured or organized. Nevertheless, several states were 
greatly agitated. Since the suppression of the riots of 
that summer (1877), the work of forming secret labor or- 
ganizations has been prosecuted with remarkable vigor. 
At present it is estimated that there are one million five 
hundred thousand voters who belong to secret associations 
in the United States, and whose avowed purpose is to 
acquire political power, and govern the country in such a 
way as to cripple capital, and promote the interests of 
manual laborers. This purpose may be seen in the follow- 
ing mottoes, taken from the walls of the rooms where these 
organizations meet, and from banners which they parade 
through public streets: — "Government protection from the 
cradle to the grave. 11 " Nationalization of land, labor, edu- 
cation, and insurance. 1 ' "The interest on money is a direct 
tax to support wealthy paupers. 11 "The government should 
be the superintendent of trade and commerce, and the em- 
ployer of the people." "Hunger knows no law." "Let 
Fall River remember that Moscow was burned to ashes." 
" Labor must be crowned king, even if it wades knee-deep 
in blood." " We stand ready on election day to take the 
life of any man, be he United States supervisor or other 


officer, who attempts to debar voters from exercising the 
right of suffrage." " We, the workingmen, are in the ma- 
jority, and shall install our candidate though the streets 
run with blood." "Gold sharks and Eastern gold bulls 
must be forced to disgorge." "What is the oppressed 
laborer to do now? Let him join with his fellows, and light 
the fires of a glorious revolution that will rid the world of 
so many useless aristocrats, and make America really, as 
well as in name, 'the land of the free.' UP WITH THE 

We repeat, not all in these labor societies are thus 
violent, but there are multitudes who stand ready to prac- 
tise upon the prineijTles embodied in these mottoes. 

"The Socialistic Labor Party of the United States," 
founded by German political refugees some six years ago, 
is now supposed to contain twenty-five thousand members. 
The following is a brief published statement of its aims: 
"The entire overthrow of the present social system; the 
abolition of all personal property in land and other means 
of production, and their cession to the state ; the introduc- 
tion of the co-operative plan in labor, so that every laborer 
may be a partner in every factory or workshop ; the com- 
pulsoiy limitation of the hours of labor to eight hours a day 
or less, according to the requirements of the unemplojed 
workmen ; the regulation of the prices of labor by arbitra- 
tion between the emploj^er and the employed, until the 
co-operative sj T stem is introduced; compulsory education, 
and the opening of all colleges and universities free to all 
classes; the abolition of savings-banks; the abolition of 
direct taxation, and the institution of a scaled income tax; 
and the taxation of all church property." 


Nihilism, too, persecuted in Russia, is seeking the fostering 
atmosphere of the United States. It is taking hold upon 
minds comparatively well educated, and, in some instances, 
of brilliant qualities. More or less pronounced, it has been 
heard from platforms in nearly every state East and West. 
A well-known, popular American -horn lawyer has become 
its unwearied defender and advocate. A concise statement 
of this scourge, Nihilism, as uttered by one of its apostles, 
is the following : " Take the earth and heaven, church and 
state, take kings and Deity, and spit on them — that's our 

Medore Savini says that, "A country does not live behind 
fortified castles ; it lives in the breasts of the citizens." But 
with such a citizenship, where are our defences? 

As might he expected, crime is rapidly on the increase. 
False theories always ultimately lead to false or perilous 
conduct. From statistics recently given, it appears that in 
1872 there were confined in the state prisons of the country, 
for the graver offences, some sixteen thousand criminals; 
in 1878, there were not less than thirty-two thousand — an 
increase in six years unparalleled, perhaps, in the history 
of crime. But if all the convicts and those awaiting trial 
had been counted, the number would have reached sixty 
thousand, — three times larger than that of the effective army 
of the United States. And what makes it still more alarming 
is the fact that the vast majority of these convicts were con- 
siderably under thirty years of age at their first conviction. 

This increase of crime is especially marked in the very 
places where it is most to be dreaded. From 1860 to 1877, 
the population of New York increased fifty per cent., but 
the criminal commitments three hundred per cent. The 


most deplorable feature is that those who are high in office, 
and who manage city affairs, are the worst of criminals, and 
yet often succeed in escaping punishment. Said Judge 
Davis, while commenting on " The Ring Frauds : " " The 
history of these trials develops what, I think, the history of 
no civilized nation, and probably of no barbarous people, 
has so clearly developed — the organization of a body of 
public officers for the sole purpose of robbing and plunder- 
ing those who had put them in power. The worst feature 
of it all is that the whole body of these conspirators go sub- 
stantially unwhipped of justice To my mind, this 

presents a spectacle so abhorrent to my notions of justice, 
that, in disposing of the last of these cases — as I suppose 
this to be — I cannot help taking advantage of the oppor- 
tunity to condemn it as a parody of public justice. It is a 
great public wrong that these men should have escaped 
from all substantial punishment for their crimes." 

Keeping in mind the facts already presented, and ex- 
tending the range of vision so as to take in not merely cities 
here and there, but the country at large, there is found in 
present tendencies not much to inspire encouragement. 
Had the United States England's ratio of inhabitants to the 
square mile, the population would almost equal the present 
population of the globe. But long before that is reached, 
the feebleness of Congress to maintain order will probably 
be apparent. 64 

Lord Macaulay, in letters written in 1858, predicted that 
whenever the United States have a population of two 
hundred to the square mile, the Jeffersonian and Jacksonian 
theories of our civil polity will pi-oduce fatal results. 
Europe has only eighty inhabitants to the square mile. Is 


Macaulay extravagant in saying that when we have two 
hundred to the square mile we shall be obliged to manage 
our polities on some other supposition than that which sup- 
poses that government can be successfully administered 
" by a majority of the citizens, that is to say, by the poorest 
and most ignorant part of society " ? 65 New York, Cincin- 
nati, Chicago, and St. Louis, already have crimsoned pave- 

If, with vast areas of unoccupied land about us; if, 
with the largest possibilities for obtaining wealth at our 
command, we have had occasion for alarm, what will be 
likely to transpire when our multiplied citizenship is pent 
up, and when existing possibilities are cut off or restricted? 
Unless there is a change in the character of immigrants, 
and in the thinking of the laboring masses, the day is 
hastening when men will not talk of a "third term," nor of 
a tenth term, but will submit to any arm for any term 
which can give security to person and property. There can 
be no dictatorship in this country until the majority of our 
leading citizens demand it. Then there can be, and then 
there will be and ought to be. Our danger is not from in- 
dividual usurpation ; for, if it were oppressive, the usurper 
would be killed. Our danger is the mob, both in Congress 
and out of it, which we cannot kill. Patriotic citizens have 
already been heard to say that, sooner than be ruled by 
foreign Papal masses, or bj r foreign infidel hordes, or by 
both in combination under coalitions formed by Jesuits, or 
by ambitious political demagogues, they would rather the 
wrecked republic — such it then would be — should dis- 
appear forever from among the nations of the earth. 



The dividing lino between the real or supposed limits 
of state and national rights under our federal compact is 
an object of contention, and when other differences are 
silenced, will divide the people of the United States into two 
great political parties. The absolute sovereignty of the 
individual state to control its own affairs, civil and judicial, 
without any interference from the General Government, is, 
in a word, the doctrine of State Rights. It involves the 
right to conduct state elections, and decide upon returns, 
without the presence of Federal officers or bayonets. It 
carries with it the right to authorize any social customs 
desired by the majority, such as slavery, polygamy, or ex- 
clusion of Chinese workmen, and even the right of the 
state to secede from the Union when the interests of the 
state would seem thereby to be better promoted. 

In a modi lied form, the doctrine claims that allegiance to 
the State is primary, to the Union, secondary. The state 
flag holds the first place, the stars and stripes the second. 
The opposing party claims that the General Government 
should extend protection to an American citizen any- 
where within her domains — protection in the field or in the 
shop, in courts of justice or at the polls, and that if this 


part iv.] EXISTING PERILS. 231 

protection can be secured in no other way, then the entire 
army and navy should be brought into requisition. Hence, 
on the one hand, the State-rights party logically approves 
the act of the present administration in withdrawing Federal 
troops from the Southern States, though in those states the 
legal voter is no longer safe if he casts or defends a ballot 
which conflicts with the opinions of the so-termed Bourbon 
leaders. But on the other hand, the party which opposes 
these views must logically condemn the withdrawal of 
troops from any state of the Union, south or north, where 
the person or property of a citizen is insecure. A citizen 
of the United States ought, it is claimed, to be as safe in 
Louisiana as in Liberia. 

The State-rights party logically defends also the doctrine 
of secession. The opposing party denies this right. 66 The 
one party asserts that the federal compact is simply a free 
and dissoluble association of states, like the leagues of the 
Grecian commonwealths, or like those of the free cities of 
Germany. The other party claims that the states are a 
nation, and that the nation has no alternative but to ordain 
and execute impartial laws for the protection of the lives 
and the rights of national citizens. 

By the State-rights party it is claimed that our danger is 
from too great centralization in the executive branch of the 
government, with a tendency to merge the presidency into 
a monarchy. The opposing party insists that while at pres- 
ent there is a tendency to centralization, it is not towards 
the executive, but towards Congress. Therefore it is not 
a monarchy which is threatening the nation, but an oli- 

We hope we do no injustice when we say that the leaders 


of the South have never abandoned this dogma of State 
Rights. Hon. Alexander Stephens was its chief defender 
twenty years ago. He is to-day. The theory with the 
South is not, as it is with the North, State rights under the 
Constitution and in the Union; but State rights independent 
of the Union and above the Constitution. The constitution 
of the State of Georgia declares that treason consists in 
levying war against the State of Georgia, and in giving 
aid and comfort to her enemies. A citizen of the United 
States, for speaking or fighting in behalf of the General 
Government, coidd upon the theory of State rights be 
legally hung in Georgia upon the charge of treason. Such 
is the logical outcome of State rights. We thus reach the 
vital issue involved in this controversy, which at present 
perplexes and irritates the nation, namely, Shall the citizen 
be protected in his political rights? A part of the country 
says, Yes; another part just as emphatically says, Xo. 

■ Said General Toombs, upon the floor of the convention 
that framed the present constitution of Georgia: "They 
[the freedmen] are to be governed, as every race of paupers 
is governed, by those who own the property and give them 
bread. . . . No inferior man, no man without civilization, 
has a chance in this race. ... As his friends tried to govern 
him by force and fraud, we will control HIM v.Y FORCE 
and fraud, to prevent him from bringing ruin to us." 

Our purpose is not to increase political irritation in say- 
ing that the force and fraud thus far employed by the 
South in governing the freedmen scarcely have a parallel 
in the world's history. 

The Hon. Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, was employed 
by the Ku-klux of South Carolina to defend their brethren 


in bonds. After listening to the evidence, he concluded the 
presentation of the case in these words : 

" You have pleaded guilty to an indictment which 
charges you . '. . 

"We acknowledge great perplexity in determining what 
punishment shall be meted out to you. We have no words 
strong enough to signify our horror at the means em- 
ployed. . . . 

" You have, as it appears from your statements to the 
court, been brought up in the most deplorable ignorance. 
At the age of manhood, but one or two of you can either 
read or write, and you have lived in a community where 
the evidence seems to establish the fact that the men of 
prominence and education — those who by their superiority 
in these respects establish and control public opinion — 
were for the most part participants in the conspiracy, or so 
much in terror of it, that you could obtain from them neither 
protection nor advice, had you sought it. 

" But what is quite as appalling to the court as the hor- 
rible nature of these offences, is the utter absence on your 
part, and on the part of others who have made confession 
here, of any sense of feeling that you have done anj'thing 
very Avrong. 

" Some of your comrades recite the circumstances of a 
brutal, unprovoked murder, done by themselves, with as 
little apparent abhorrence as they would relate the incidents 
of a picnic, and you yourselves speak of the number of 
blows with a hickory which you inflicted at midnight upon 
the lacerated, bleeding back of a defenceless woman, with- 
out so much as a blush or sigh of regret. None of you 
seem to have the slightest idea of, or respect for, the sacred- 


ness of the human person. Some of you have yourselves 
been beaten by the Klans without feeling a smart but the 
physical pain. There appears to be no "wounding of the 
spirit, no such sense of injury to yourself as a man, as 
would be felt by the humblest of your fellow-citizens in any 
other part of the United States with which I am acquainted." 
These are facts, facts admitting of no denial, which may 
well lead every virtuous citizen, north and west, to say with 
Mark Antony when in presence of the dead Caesar : 

" Oh, pardon me, thou bleeding' piece of earth, 
That I am meek and gentle with these butchers." 

It must be admitted that if the General Government 
allows force and fraud in Georgia, then it must allow the 
same in Maine and in Oregon. 

It must still further be acknowledged that one of the most 
serious matters involved in this controversy is, that the dogma 
of State Rights leads to the view that while treason is a pos- 
sible crime in an individual state, it is not a possible crime 
while acting with a state against the government of the 
United States. All majesty is vested in the individual states, 
none in the federal compact, is the theoiy of our state and 
national governments which has been of late years practi- 
cally carried out. That is, if treason is possible in the United 
States, then the Southern Rebellion was treason, and the 
chief secession leaders were traitors. And if traitors, then 
a heavy indictment ought to have followed their defeat. 
Yet those engaged in the rebellion have not been indicted 
for high crimes and misdemeanors, nor scarcely rebuked. 
Indeed, they have taken the place of special favorites. 
Says Senator Hill, of Georgia: "I do not know what else 


may happen in the future, but this much I do know : come 
what may, the Southern people will never confess them- 
selves traitors." And the North, by the course pursued, 
ought not henceforth to find fault with the senator from 
Georgia. It has been forcibly said, that " a traitor lives 
only to be abhorred, and Ave submit that the appointment 
of Confederate generals to important Federal offices, the 
reception given to them by the people of the North, the 
honors paid in Congress to the vice-president of the Confed- 
eracy, which are only illustrations of Northern sentiment, 
preclude us from denouncing secessionists as traitors." 

Only sixteen years ago the rebellion was crushed. Since 
that time, men who led in that rebellion investigated in 
Congress the title of the present chief Executive. Can 
men exercising such functions any longer be called traitors? 
They are controlling both branches of Congress. Unre- 
buked they have used insolent language against those who 
spilt their blood and poured out their treasures to preserve 
the Union. Can men who are permitted to do this be 
called, with any propriety, traitors? We are allowing the 
country to pass into the hands of men who fought against 
it, and we arc allowing the Treasury keys to pass into hands 
that not long since rilled the Treasury vaults for funds to 
wage war against the Union. Can Ave call such honored 
national favorites, traitors? The people of the North should 
have some respect for the laAA^s of consistency. 

What if an organized army did march against the na- 
tional capital, and aim its shots against a fort upon which 
was flying the national flag? Though these acts Avould 
have been treason if committed against the State of Georgia, 
hoAV can the General Government with any propriety speak 


the word Treason? Treason! that word henceforth must 
not be spoken. The Meridian (Miss.) Mercury asks that 
Jefferson Davis, "the greatest of living American states- 
men," be sent back to the United States senate,' not to add 
to his fame, but that in his declining years he may " do 
noble service for the people of the United States. 1 ' What 
ground of objection can there be, since he never has been 
a traitor? At a memorial-day celebration in Macon, 
Georgia, the following letter from Jefferson Davis was read 
and applauded : 

"Let not any of the survivors impugn their faith by 
offering the penitential plea that they believed they were 
right. Let posterity learn by this monument that you com- 
memorated men who died in a defensive war. These men 
strove for the state sovereignty which their fathei-s left 
them, and which it was their duty, if possible, to transmit 
to their children? Let this monument teach that heroism 
derives its lustre from the justice of the cause in which it is 
displayed, and let it mark the difference between a war 
waged for the purpose of conquest, and one to repel in- 
vasion, to defend a people's hearths and altars, and to 
maintain their laws and liberties. Such was the war in 
which our heroes fell, and theirs is the crown which 
sparkles with the gems of patriotism and righteousness." 

That letter places the Confederate above the Union sol- 
dier. In the name of humanity, we may wish to protest; 
but how can we, since there has been no treason, and since 
there have been no traitors in the United States of America? 

Now the most painful reflection, in all this matter, is the 
helpless condition in which the General Government has 
placed itself. Its hands are tied, its feet are manacled. 


Other nations can protect themselves against treason, and 
defend the political rights of their citizens; our government 
cannot. If, anon, some other arm shall he raised to strike 
down the flag from some other Fort Sumter, it will have 
nothing to fear. A second effort may be successful ; if not, 
judging from the past, the highest emoluments of the 
nation will be given as a reward for raising the arm to 
strike down the flag. Papists may gain control of any 
state in the Union, ostracize all Protestant citizens, and 
defy the General Government. 

The Mormons have a right to take possession of any 
state in the Union, and enact laws in support of their 
peculiar institutions, and the General Government will be 
utterly powerless to prevent it. 

There may be a governor and council of some state in 
the near or remote future, who will have a larger following 
than Governor Garcelon and his council. If so, year after 
year they can continue to " count in " and " count out," and 
the General Government will be powerless to protect the 
citizens from this imposition and outrage. Such is the 
subtle and damaging doctrine which some day is to make 
our Federal compact of so little value as not to deserve the 
drawing of a single sword in its defence. 

The author of this book was an officer in the Federal 
volunteer army during the rebellion. He witli many others 
mourns to-day that so many of the noblest of his genera- 
tion sacrificed their lives. No soldier is satisfied with what 
has been gained. Many of the surviving comrades have 
sworn that though state after state hereafter should rebel, 
they never again would draw the sword or shoulder the 
musket. 67 


Passing to other unpleasant phases of our national poli- 
tics, we call attention, next, to the working of political, or 
rather, party machinery. Theoretically, the United States 
is a democratic representative republic ; practically, it is 
under one of the worst types of oligarchy ever known 
in history. A country ruled hy a few men who have per- 
sonal interest in its welfare, especially if they are good 
and wise, may be wisely governed. A country ruled by 
rings, political or whiskey, will soon be unwisely governed. 
Men dream that they are free, and they cast into ballot- 
boxes bits of paper. But the thoughtful among us blush at 
the kind of slavery to which we are subjected. We would 
not be misunderstood. There are men in public office who 
are patriotic and devout; men who render service for 
which they never have been, and never will be, adequately 
compensated. We ought to honor such men. They are 
conscientiously trying to save our republican institutions. 
But most of this class are helpless. Personally they are 
the embodiment of integrity. But they are caught in the 
whirl, and cannot extricate themselves. They regret a fact 
of which they are fully conscious, that present political 
methods develop trickery and stunt statesmanship. They 
confess in private that it has taken so much time and 
attention to manage party machinery, that no energy is left 
for unfolding broad national and state policies. 

George Washington foresaw this possibility, and in his 
" Farewell," with language quaint and formal, uttered his 
friendly warning: "I have already intimated to you the 
danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to 
the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let 
me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you 


in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of 
the spirit of party generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is 
inseparable from our natures, having its root in the strong- 
est passions of the human mind. It exists under different 
shaj^es in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, 
or repressed ; but in those of the popular form it is seen in 

its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy 

There is an opinion that parties, in free countries, are useful 
checks upon the administration of government, and serve to 
keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, 
is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical 
cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with 
favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular 
character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not 
to be encouraged. From their actual tendency, it is certain 
there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary 
purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the 
effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate 
and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a 
uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, 
instead of warming, it should consume. 1 ' 

At the bottom of the most of the perils against which this 
" Farewell Address " warns us, lies what is termed our sys- 
tem of " party spoils." They are coming to be enormous, 
and. consequently, tempting. The political jirizes in the 
United States are already far greater than in an} T of the 
extinct republics, and are greater than in all existing repub- 
lics combined. In consequence, parties now exist princi- 
pally to gain and hold this wealth of spoils. Party legisla- 
tion is directed, not to secure the highest interests of the 
nation, but to obtain the completest party triumphs. Spoils, 


and not the salvation of the republic, are what parties look 
for. Hence, not those who do most for the country at 
large, but those who do most for the party, are the men 
who are in demand. "The American people," some one 
has said, "care very little about politics, but a great deal 
about politicians." It would be nearer the truth to say that 
the American people care very little about wise statesmen, 
but a great deal about party managers. The trickster in 
politics, if successful, is applauded and crowned. That is, 
tenure of office depends upon carrying the next election. 
Election managers are, therefore, party favorites. If they 
succeed in changing the administration fifty millions of 
dollars in yearly salaries, change hands, and thousands of 
men change places. Washington turned out but eight men, 
Adams only four, Jefferson thirty-nine, but not one of them 
for political reasons, Madison nine, Munroe five, and the 
younger Adams only two, but Jackson six hundred and 

With a democratic President at the next election, it is 
estimated that a hundred thousand men step into office, 
and a hundred thousand step out. 68 The party in power 
must, therefore, retain its ascendancy; the party out of 
power must, therefore, gain ascendancy. To manage party 
interests, to appropriate and distribute spoils, do not require 
statesmanship, hence parties have no need of statesmen. 
They are ignored. The office of statesman is declared 
forever vacant. 

So much, therefore, depends upon carrying "the election," 
that there is no hesitation in resorting to measures the most 
dastardly and corrupt. The maxim of Daniel O'Connell, 
that " nothing can be politically right which is morally 


wrong," is ignored as antiquated nonsense. That this con- 
dition should destroy the manhood of many who remain 
long in political life, need not be thought surprising. In 
his Imagi lary Conversations, Landor makes one of his char- 
acters, while talking of the Italian language, say, " Qover- 
nare means to govern, and to wash the dishes.' 1 ' 1 "This, 
indeed," continues Landor, " is not so absurd at bottom ; for 
there is generally as much dirty work in the one as in the 
other." 69 Therefore, should a member of the House of 
Representatives from the State of Massachusetts, in order 
to gain Southern favor, move to pension rebel soldiers, or 
should a member of the Senate from the State of Maine, in 
order to secure the favor of the Pacific States, offer a tirade 
against the inoffensive Chinese, no one ought to be sur- 
prised. Such are the natural products of our political 
education. To demand a higher order of politicians in a 
republic one hundred years old, might be unreasonable. 

And for the same reason it need not be a matter of sur- 
prise that, upon the eves of an election, national, state, or 
municipal, competing candidates are seen crowding lately- 
arrived foreigners to the naturalizing offices, and to the 
rooms of the tax-collectors; nor that they furnish the needed 
funds ; and then, to gain some petty office, place the sacred 
ballot in the hands of men who have as yet nothing entitling 
them to American citizenship. More than one republic has 
been wrecked upon this rock. Such corruption, in the pro- 
foundest sense, is treason. There is said to be a man now 
in Congress " who bought two hundred and fifty votes, and 
was carried into office by them; and he kept a list of the 
men he bought, and used to show it to his friends' as a 
matter of pride." This is despicable beyond estimate. But 


who are the strict party men with conduct clean enough, or 
courage daring enough, to pronounce the deserved condem- 
nation? Indeed, what is chiefly astonishing, is that the 
mass of our citizens look upon these party transactions with 
either a stupid or jocose indifference. If good men should 
protest, or should argue that the interests of native-born 
citizens are not so divergent as to justify resort to such 
hazardous measures for carrying an election, they would be 
laughed at. 

This degraded and degrading party-work has contami- 
nated nearly the whole body politic. Not only our foreign 
population is bought and sold like heaps of rubbish, but the 
poor of our native citizenship show the effects of this polit- 
ical malaria. Laboring-men, who ought to be far beyond 
the reach of these party crimes and corruptions, put down 
among their yearly assets, receipts from politicians to whom 
they have sold their votes. "I was told by a leading poli- 
tician the other day," says a close student of these matters, 
" that when he put the question to a democratic manager, 
'How many of your day-laborers, minor mechanics, and 
men of small means, refuse to be bought?' he replied, 'Not 
over a third. In a close election we can buy two-thirds of 
all the votes cast by the unfortunate class. 1 " 

What adds to the political misfortunes of our country, is 
the fact that many upright citizens have become despond- 
ent, and arc withdrawing from the field of politics. This 
is a most lamentable type of secession. Men who ought to 
be in our halls of state and national legislation, and met 
who ought to control preliminaiy political meetings, are 
tired of the ingratitude and abuse which attend civic 
services. Daniel Webster, shortly before his death, said to 


a friend: "If I were to live my life over again, with my 
present experience, I would under no circumstances, and 
from no considerations, allow myself to enter public life. 
The public are ungrateful. The man who serves the public 
most faithfully receives no adequate reward. In my own 
history, those acts which have been before God the most 
disinterested and the least stained by selfish considerations, 
have been precisely those for which I have been most 
freely abused. No, no! have nothing to do with politics. 
Sell your iron; eat the bread of independence; support 
your family with the rewards of honest toil; do your duty 
as a private citizen to your country — but let politics alone. 
It is a hard life, a thankless life." 

This political despair and indifference have been under 
quite general condemnation. It was one of the singular 
regulations of Solon, which declared a man dishonored and 
disfranchised who, in civil dispute, stood aloof and took no 
part with either side. When important measures were 
pending in Athens, servants of the state were sent through 
the market-place with a rope chalked red; and whoever 
received a stain on his toga, as that line passed along the 
crowded ways, was pronounced an enemy of the state and 

President Woolsey tells us that in our colonial days there 
were portions of New England in which votes were sent to 
householders; and if they did not use them they wei-e fined. 

Louis Kossuth says that idiot is a word of Greek extrac- 
tion, and meant with the Greeks a man who cared nothing 
for the public interest. 

It is told that when, some years ago, a delegation of 
Spanish students went to present an address to Victor Hugo, 


the great French novelist and poet, they said they honored 
and revered him, but did not come to him as a politician. 
He exclaimed: "As a politician I wish to be known more 
than anything else, for every honest man ought to be a 

Charles Sumner often affirmed that the citizen who neg- 
lects his political duties is a public enemy. 

Says Edmund Burke : " When bad men combine, the 
good must associate; else they will fall, one by one, an 
unpitied sacrifice, in a contemptible struggle." 

In our republic, it is repeatedly urged that clerg3 T men 
and all upright citizens should attend the ward and other 
preliminary meetings, and thus reform the political life of 
the nation. Dr. Dale, when in this country, went so far as 
to say to an audience in New Haven, that any citizen who 
is able to vote and does not vote, ought, if he is a member 
of the church, to be expelled from it. 

The reply to all this is, that before compelling men to 
engage in politics, political traducers should be put under 
arrest, or be forced to keep silent. The American atmos- 
phere is so loaded with indiscriminate abuse, heaped alike 
upon the most unprincipled demagogues and the most 
public-spirited citizens, that sensitive men hesitate to ex- 
pose themselves. No worse things are said of the worst 
criminals than are published respecting some of the mosjt 
patriotic servants of the nation. If the secular press can 
be believed, including the organs of different jjolitical 
parties, there is not an upright public man living. Only 
the dead in our republic are praised. It is this inflamed 
and reckless, this threatening and abusive language of the 
press and the political platform, which gives zest to the 


bar-room and club-room meetings. It furnishes the politi- 
cal venom for the knots at street-corners, and for the secret 
caucus, and excites to communistic and revolutionary utter- 
ances. 70 It was one of the wise provisions of Lycurgus, in 
Sparta, that no evil speaking should be allowed. There is 
needed a public censor in America, who, with " a scourge 
of small cords," shall drive from our civic temple all who, 
for political effect, dare speak against an American citizen 
words that are evil and slanderous. 

Not only do many of our upright citizens shrink from 
being targets for all sorts of abuse the moment they take 
any prominent part, but they have the feeling that their 
efforts in the political arena will be impotent. If one is to 
sacrifice his reputation, there ought to be some compen- 
sation for it. If an upright candidate, who is pledged 
against moral evils, say the rum traffic, is nominated, then 
the party managers of corrupt or selfish aims will bolt at 
pleasure, and aid in the election of some political opponent 
who advocates the rum traffic. That has been repeatedly 
done in one of the leading states of the republic. And what 
is still worse, if corrupt political leaders need votes to cany 
out their schemes in opposition to any moral reform, they 
have all the advantage. They can make votes or buy 
them, while the moral and upright citizen cannot. In a 
word, it is the abusive language employed by professional 
politicians, the wrangling in all political bodies, the dis- 
honest measures resorted to by unprincipled and hungry 
office-seekers, which are causing many men to despair of 
the future triumph of our free institutions, and are leading 
many of our best citizens to quietly withdraw from •political 


contests and antagonisms, and leave the country to its 
threatened fate." 

We may be still more explicit. The republican party 
has been abusive and corrupt, and ought to be punished, 
perhaps overthrown. The State of Pennsylvania, year 
after year, has been carried for the republican party by 
the fraudulent returns of the city of Philadelphia. Some 
of the eastern and western states have records equally 

But let it ever be borne in mind that it will not mend 
matters to have the republican party punished and over- 
thrown by the democracy. The monstrous legislation since 
Congress has been under the control of the democrats, can 
hardly be matched by that of any extinct republic, even in 
its most degenerate days. The sanctimonious professions 
of the democracy are remarkable, indeed can hardly be 
equalled. 7 * 2 

Democratic leaders plead most zealously and magnani- 
mously for "the rights of the people to elective franchise," 
and then, by violence and bloodshed, disfranchise hundreds 
of thousands of our legal voters. They plead for purity in' 
all election matters, and then attempt, by the scandalous 
"counting-out" process, to defraud a New England state 
of her chosen representatives. 

There is no question but it was through fraud that Gov- 
ernor Hayes was placed in the Presidential chair. There 
is no denying the fact that the democratic party lias abun- 
dant ground for complaint that the actual vote cast in the 
late Presidential election, though clearly in their favor, was 
overruled by a partisan republican commission. But on 
the other hand, there can be no question that it would have 


been an infinitely greater fraud, because coupled with tyr- 
anny, had Governor Tilden assumed control of the govern- 
ment. In that case, the republican party would have had 
equally abundant ground for complaint, that her overwhelm- 
ing majorities were denied the rights of franchise by an armed 
and murderous democracy. In view of what has passed, 
republican leaders now appear in readiness to resort to any 
means, however questionable, which shall secure a repub- 
lican President. Democratic leaders now swear that vio- 
lence and revolution shall be resorted to before they will 
again be cheated of the Presidency. Both parties are de- 
termined — equally so. Hence many thoughtful people 
have the feeling that a President henceforth cannot be 
elected in the United States except by a combination of 
violence or fraud. There is a well-nigh universal dread of 
some outbreak at the next Presidential election. At a pub- 
lic reception of a governor of Massachusetts, President 
Seelye quotes a military officer of high position as express- 
ing the opinion, that in the United States we have had our 
last President elected by the people. 

Alexander Hamilton in 1787 wrote to a friend: "You and 
I may not live to see the day, but most assuredly it will 
come, when every vital interest of the state; will be merged 
in the all-absorbing question, ' Who shall be our next 
President ?'" 73 

Chancellor Kent made a prediction, fifty years ago, thai 
the greatest test to the strength of our form of government 
would be connected with a Presidential election. Will it 
be the next? 

The famous Florentine, Machiavelli, says of the Roman 
republic, that its continuance through so many years was 


purely in virtue of this item in her constitution: that when 
affairs were approaching Avreck, a dictator could be elected, 
" armed with autocratic power to strike down any danger- 
ous person or combination of persons promptly and merci- 
lessly." The Constitution of the United States, for the pu- 
rification of her social and political system, has at present 
no such provision. To ask for such an amendment would 
now seem treasonable, but some day may be a necessity. 
For when the mass of our native-born and order-abiding 
citizens feel that their liberties are bartered away ; that 
intrigue and conspiracy have taken the place of honest 
counsel ; that government has passed from patriots to dem- 
agogues, and is little else than " a chaos with ballot-boxes," 
then there need be no surprise should the demand, more 
than once heard in the history of republics, be urgently 
repeated, for some one to seize the reins of government 
until there is restored what are lost — law and order. But 
upon that day will end the glory and the grandeur of the 
American republic. 

Amid all this darkness, the reader asks, Is there no ray 
of light? Certainly there is light, and there are within 
reach the grandest possibilities for the future. Except for 
the evils recounted, ours is the best country and govern- 
ment on the globe. The material resources of the United 
States are well-nigh marvellous, while those of many of 
the old countries are felt to be limited. We have every 
facility for outstripping all other nations. Our civil free- 
dom, our home comforts, our educational advantages, our 
opportunities for professional distinction and for political pre- 


ferment, are beyond estimate; they are immense, immeas- 
urable. But opportunities for national aggrandizement, 
however great, and other possibilities within our scope, 
however grand, unless rightly used, are not of the slightest 
account. To make available these opportunities and possi- 
bilities, there is needed the introduction of something into 
our social and political affairs not yet generally insisted 
upon. It is something which can quiet the conflicts be- 
tween capital and labor, which can make capital more 
benevolent and labor more law-abiding, and in bard times 
more patient. It is something which can educate and de- 
velop the child so that he will become a national defender 
rather than a national destroyer; something which can 
harmonize the naturally conflicting interests between North 
and South, East and West; something which can make 
each party and each territorial section a means of security 
to the common republic, instead of being a threatening 
factor in our national existence. 

What is that something? Has the political press yet 
spoken of it? Has it been heard in any of the political 
speeches of either party? Will it be inserted into the plat- 
forms of either of the political parties during the autumn 
campaigns ? Will it be made an issue before any state or 
national legislature? This something, winch will heal all 
our social and political maladies, is not the redistribution of 
property, nor better wages for the laborer, nor greenbacks 
for currency, nor changes in tariffs and taxation. Not one, 
not all these combined, can save the republic. Nor will 
the ballot given to women be the salvation of this country. 
In one of the leading towns of Massachusetts, within ten 
miles of Boston, in a late election of school committee, the 


women, under the leadership of the wife of a United States 
officer, to secure one lady member on the committee, traded 
off their entire vote to the Irish Roman Catholics of the 

Nor does our safety consist in the triumph of the republi- 
can, nor in the defeat of the democratic party. It is not 
Rutherford B. Hayes retained in the Presidential chair, nor 
General Grant restored to it, nor Ex-Governor Tilden out 
of it, nor any named or unnamed republican candidate 
elected to it, that can save the republic. The only thing 
that can save the United States from the fatality of historic 
republics is Biblical Christianity among the masses of the 
people. Let every man love God with all his heart, and 
his neighbor as himself, and then our national woes will end, 
and our republic will be as enduring as the granite founda- 
tions of our continent. But without Bible knowledge and 
practice among the people — the people who cast the ballot, 
and the people who make and execute the laws — our 
country soon will not be fit to live in, nor our boasted lib- 
erties worth preserving. Except for a stream of healthy 
blood which has been sent into the national arteries by 
devout Christian workers, by men in the pulpit, by men in 
business and professional circles, by the humblest Sunday- 
school worker who meets his class on the Lord's day and 
implants in the mind of some boy religious obligations — 
yes, but for this our doom had already been sealed. 

When the great intelligent head and the great patriotic 
heart of native-born Americans shall honor and cleave to 
Bible faith and practice, then nothing can harm us; all 
the manifest and occult forces of the universe will conspire 
to help. TVe could invite the suffering and overcrowded of 


every nationality on earth to our shores, and still be secure. 
We could almost disband our army and retire our navy, 
and still be secure. We could extend our territories, tak- 
ing in the Canadas, Cuba, Mexico, and Central America. 
We could do and bear much more than all this even, and 
still be secure. Lost confidence would be restored be- 
tween man and man. Capital would become generous and 
the laborer would become faithful. Foreign and native 
elements would be Christianized, and harmonized. The 
tramp, the socialist, and the communist would disappear, 
and every man would be a royal son of God. The New 
Englander, the Westerner, and the Southerner would clasp 
hands, .in a fraternity which has in it no misgiving nor 
deceit. Loyalty would be supreme, — supreme in the 
North, supreme in the West, and supreme in the South; 
and we should be safe — safe against invasions, safe against 
insurrections, safe against usurpations ; nay, with such pro- 
tections and inspirations, our security and prosperity would 
lift this nation into royal heights and into a superb atmos- 
phere, so that people far and near would say, " Behold the 
kingdom of God is established on the earth." 

But the mass of our people will not honor Bible law and 
practice. Men will remain unrighteous. The invisible 
forces of the universe, sometimes called God, which coun- 
tenance nothing but righteousness, will demand a day of 
reckoning. The blow will fall. Nothing human is found 
to be permanent. When the timbers of the republic are 
crashing, good men will look up. The stars overhead will 
be calm and beautiful. 



I. (Page 6.) 

Says Jahn, in his " Biblical Archaeology " : 

" From the circumstance that the people possessed so much influ- 
ence as to render it necessary to submit laws to them for their ratifica- 
tion, and that they even took it upon themselves sometimes to propose 
laws, or to resist those which were- enacted ; from the circumstance, 
also, that the legislature of the nation had not the power of laying 
taxes, and that the civil code was regulated and enforced by God 
himself, independently of the legislature, Lowman and John David 
Michaelis are in favor of considering the Hebrew government a 
democracy. In support of their opinion, such passages are examined 
as the following : Exod. xix. 7, 8 ; xxiv. 3-8. Comp. Deut. xxix. 9-14 ; 
Josh. ix. IS, 19 ; xxiii. 1 et seq. ; xxiv. 2 et seq. ; 1 Sam. x. 24 ; xi. 14, 
15 ; Num. xxvii. 1-8 ; xxxvi. 1-9. The truth seems to lie between 
these two opinions. The Hebrew government, putting out of view its 
theocratical features, was of a mixed form, in some respects approach- 
ing to a democracy, in others assuming more of an aristocrat ical char- 

II. (Page 6.) 

In support of the foregoing statements, compare, Judges iv. 4 ; 
Deut. i. 12-18, xxii. 23; Judges vi. 15; Deut. xxiv. 13; Lev. xix. 9, 
14, 23. 

III. (Page 7.) 

" Moses enacted a law to the effect (Exod. xxii. 25; Lev. xxv. 35- 
38) that interest should not be taken from a poor person, neither for 
borroiced money, nor for articles of consumption — for instance, grain 
— which was borrowed with the expectation of being returned. A 


256 NOTES. 

difficulty arose in determining who was to be considered a poor person 
in a case of this kind ; and the law was accordingly altered in Deut. 
xxiii. 20, 21, and extended in its operation to all the Hebrews, 
whether they had more or less property ; so that interest could be law- 
fully taken only of foreigners. 

" The Hebrews were, therefore, exhorted to lend money, &c, as a 
deed of mercy and brotherly kindness. (Deut. xv. 7-11; xxiv. 13.) 
And hence it happens that we find encomiums everywhere lavished 
upon those who were willing to lend without insisting upon interest 
for the use of the thing lent. (Ps. xv. 15; xxxvii. 21, 26; cxii. 6. 
Prov. xix. 17. Ezek. xviii. 8.)" — Jahn's Archeology. 

IV. (Page 7.) 

In the second year after the Exodus there was an enrolment of all 
males between twenty and fifty years of age, who were able to bear 
arms. Another enrolment was made in the fortieth year after the 

The design of a subsequent enrolment under David appears to have 
been to reduce the whole of the people to military seivitude. 

V. (Page 14.) 

Milton's remarkable description of Athens is found in "Paradise 
Regained " : 

" Look once more, ere we leave this specular mount, 
Westward ; much nearer by southwest behold, 
Where, on the ^Egcan shore, a city stands, 
Built nobly ; pure the air, and light the soil ; 
Athens, the eye of Greece, mother of arts 
And eloquence, native to famous wits, 
Or hospitable, in her sweet recess, 
City or suburban, studious walks and shades. 
See there the olive grove of Academe, 
Plato's retirement, where the Attic bird 
Trills her thick- warbled notes the summer long; 
There flowery hill Hymettus, with the sound 
Of bees' industrious murmur, oft invites 
To studious musing : there Ilissus rolls 
His whispering stream : within the Avails then view 
The schools of ancient sages ; his who bred 
Great Alexander to subdue the world, 
Lyceum there, and painted Stoa next." 

NOTES. 257 

VI. (Page 16.) 

The following; are representative descriptions of the condition of 
Greece in the sixteenth century : 

" Gerbel, in a work published in the middle of the sixteenth cen- 
tury, in speaking of Athens, exclaims : ' O tragic change of human 
power ! a city once surrounded by walls, filled with edifices, powerful 
in arms and wealth and men, now reduced to a miserable village; 
once free and living under its own laws, now subjected by the yoke of 
slavery to the most cruel and brutal masters. Go to Athens, and 
heboid, in place of the most magnificent works, a mass of deplorable 
ruins.' And Pinet, a French writer, at the close of his description, 
exclaims : ' And now, O heavens ! there remains only a little castle, 
and a miserable village, unprotected from foxes and wolves, and other 
wild beasts.' Another writer, a little later, says : ' Greece once was, 
Athens once was ; now there is neither Athens in Greece, nor Greece 
in Greece itself.' And Ortelius, the geographer, says : ' Now only a 
few miserable huts remain; the place at the present clay is called 
Setine.' " — Smith's History of Greece. 

Says a recent visitor : " The amalgamation of races, and the loss of 
national incentives, have rendered the people so shabby and sluggish, 
so careless and aimless, so degraded and squalid, that we wonder how 
their ancestors could have listened to the recital of Homer's poems, or 
fought with Miltiades and Themistocles, or encouraged Pericles, or 
reverenced Socrates and Plato, or have become enraptured by the 
eloquence of Demosthenes." 

VII. (Page 16.) 

Plutarch, in his " Customs of the Lacedaemonians," clearly sets 
forth this thought : 

"For though great riches and large possessions were things they 
hated to death, it beinjj a capital crime and punishment to have any 
gold or silver in their houses, or to amass up together heaps of money 
(which was generally made with them of iron or leather), for which 
reason several had been put to death, according to that law which 
banished covetousness out of the city, on the account of an answer of 
their oracle to Alcamenes and Theopompus, two of their Spartan 
kings, 'that the love of money should be the ruin of Sparta,' yet, 
notwithstanding the severe penalty annexed to the heaping up much 
wealth, and the example of those who had suffered for it, Lysandcr 
was highly honored and rewarded for bringing in a quantity of gold 

258 NOTES. 

and silver to Lacedaemon, after the victory he had gained over the 
Athenians, and the taking of the city of Athens itself, wherein an 
inestimable treasure was found. So that what had been a capital 
crime in others was a meritorious act in him. It is true, indeed, that 
as long as the Spartans did adhere closely to the observation of the 
laws and rules of Lycurgus, and kept their oath religiously to be 
true to their own government, they outstripped all the other cities of 
Greece for prudence and valor, and for the space of five hundred 
years became famous everywhere for the excellency of their laws and 
the wisdom of their policy. But when the honor of these laws began 
to lessen, and their citizens grew luxurious and exorbitant; when cov- 
etousness and too much liberty had softened their minds and almost 
destroyed the wholesome constitution of their state, their former great- 
ness and power began by little and little to decay and dwindle in the 
estimation of men." 

VIII. (Page 17.) 

Aristophanes thus describes the character of one of these degenerate 
Athenian political leaders : 

"The character of popular leader no longer belongs to a man of 
education, nor yet to one good in his morals, but to the ignorant and 

" 'How am I to manage the people ? ' asks the sausage- seller in the 
'Knights.' 'That is very easy,' replied Demosthenes; 'act as you do 
now. Jumble and mince together all state affairs, and always win 
over the people to your side by coaxing them with little, corkish 
words. But the other requisites for a demagogue you possess, — a 
vulgar tongue; you are of mean birth, a low fellow. You have all 
things requisite for statesmanship.' " 

IX. (Page 18.) 

These generals opposed each other with such violent animosity that 
Aristides is reported to have said : " If the Athenians were wise, they 
would cast both of us into the barathrum." 

X. (Page 19.) 

Thirhvald gives the following definition of a Grecian tyrant or 
despot: "The irresponsible dominion of a single person, not founded 
on hereditary right, or on fair election." 

The aggressive and cruel sway of some of the despots is illustrated 
in a story told by Periandcr : 

NOTES. 251 

" Soon after his agression, ho is said to have sent to Thrasybulus, 
despot of Miletus, to ask him for advice as to the best mode of main- 
taining his power. "Without giving an answer in writing, Thrasybulus 
led the messenger through a corn-field, cutting off, as he went, the 
tallest ears of corn. He then dismissed the messenger, telling him to 
inform his master how he had found him employed. The action was 
rightly interpreted by Periander, who proceeded to rid himself of the 
powerful nobles of the state." 

XI. (Page 21.) 

The picture of one of these woful political epochs is thus vividly 
portrayed by the national historian, Thucydides : 

"Discord then reigned throughout the states And they 

changed the customary meaning of words applied to things, according 
to the caprices of the moment ; for reckless audacity was considered 
manly fidelity to party ; prudent delay, fair-seeming cowardice; mod- 
eration, the screen for feebleness. Headlong frenzy was set down on 
the side of manhood. The unrelenting was trusted ; whoever argued 
against him was suspected. He who plotted, if successful, was thought 
sagacious; who counterplotted, still abler. He who forecasted the 
means whereby he should not need these resorts was charged with 
ruining the party and fearing their opponents. In a word, he was 
applauded who got the start of another when intending to do an 
injury, and who induced one to do a wrong that had no thought of 
doing it himself. And what was worse, kin became more alien than 
party, because party was prompter for unscrupulous daring. For such 
combinations aim not for the benefit of the established institutions, but 
in their grasping spirit run counter to the lawful authorities. Their 
pledges to one another were sanctioned, not by divine law, but by their 
having together violated law. The cause of this state of things was 
the lust of power, for purposes of rapacity and ambition, and the hot 
temper of those who were engaged in the conflict. Thus neither party 
held to sacred honor; but those were more highly spoken of who, 
under cover of plausible pretences, succeeded in effecting some pur- 
pose of hatred. The citizens who stood between the extremes, and 
belonged to neither, both parties endeavored to destroy. So every 
species of wickedness became established by these feuds over the Hel- 
lenic world. Simplicity of character, wherein nobleness of nature 
most largely shares, being scoffed at, disappeared ; and mutual oppo- 
sition of feeling, with universal distrust, prevailed. For there was 
neither binding word nor fearful oath to compose the strife. And for 
the most part, those who were meaner in understanding were the more 

260 NOTES. 

successful ; for, fearing their own deficiency and the ability of their 
adversaries, apprehensive that they should be worsted in argument 
and eloquence, and outwitted by the intellectual adroitness on the 
other side, they went audaciously on to deeds of violence; but their 
opponents, contemptuous in the presumption of foreknowledge, and 
not feeling the need of securing by action what could be compassed by 
genius, the more easily perished undefended." 

XII. (Page 27.) 

This is an elegiac fragment of a poem translated by Professor Fel- 
ton, and written by the Grecian lawgiver Solon, seemingly to warn 
the people against the arts of aspiring demagogues. 

XIII. (Page 29.) 

" In the great African republic, bank-notes had their origin. ' In a 
small piece of leather,' says iEschines, the Socratic philosopher, ' is 
wrapped a substance of the size of a piece cf four drachms; but what 
this substance is, no one knows except the maker. After this, it is 
sealed and issued for circulation ; and he who possesses the most of 
this is regarded as having the most money, and as being the wealthiest 
man. But if any one among us had ever so much, he would be no 
richer than if he possessed a quantity of pebbles.' Of course banks 
must have existed for the redemption of these leather promises to pay, 
and the issue and currency of such notes must have been provided for 
by law." — Mann's Ancient and Mediaeval Republics. 

XIV. (Page 34.) 

It was the custom of Hannibal to have with him in his campaigns 
two Greek men of letters for the purpose of recording his exploits. 
But this plan which Hannibal had formed for giving to posterity the 
facts of his campaigns, as Julius Ca?sar did after him, was frustrated ; 
the manuscripts were probably destroyed by the Roman conquerors. 
The solitary relic of Carthaginian literature that the world possesses is 
a work on agriculture by Mago. It was translated into Latin, and in 
that form became the standard Latin classic on agriculture. 

^Emilianus, the commanding general of the Roman army which 
conquered Carthage, was greatly inclined to spare what remained of 
this stately metropolis, after being plundered by the soldiers. He 
therefore wrote to the senate, from which he received the following 
orders : " 1. The city of Carthage, with Byrsa and Mcgalia, shall be 
entirely destroyed, and no traces of them left. 2. All the cities which 

NOTES. 261 

have lent Carthage any assistance shall be dismantled. 3. The terri- 
tories of those cities which have declared for the Romans shall be 
enlarged with the lands taken from the enemy. 4. All the lands 
between Hippo and Carthage shall be divided among the inhabitants 
of Utica. 5. All the Africans of the Carthaginian state, both men and 
women, shall pay an annual tribute to the Romans at so much per 
head. 6. The whole country formerly subject to the Carthaginian 
state shall be reduced into a Roman province, and be governed by a 
praetor, in the same manner as Sicily. Lastly, Rome shall send com- 
missioners into Africa, there to settle jointly with the proconsul the 
state of the new province." 

XV. (Page 37.) 

Montesquieu thought that the greatness of Rome was due to her 
first great leaders, Romulus, Numa, and others. More modern theo- 
rists believed that it was rather owing to her unsurpassed and com- 
manding situation, and to the abundant and admirable building 
materials about her. We may more safely attribute Roman greatness 
to a union of the military spirit, the greatness of her early leaders, 
and to her grand geographical and topographical situation. 

XVI. (Page 38.) 

Of the habits of the people of Rome during the early period of the 
republic, Schmitz says : 

"Rustic pursuits produced and nourished the highest virtues that 
characterized the best of the Romans ; and the greatest praise that a 
censor could bestow upon a man was, that he was a good husbandman 
and father. Their mode of living still continued to be extremely sim- 
ple : their ordinary food consisted of a kind of porridge made of flour, 
and fruit of the fields. Bread was made at home by the women. In 
the time of the Samnite wars, wine was thought so precious that even 
the libations to the gods consisted of mere drops of wine ; and one 
Mecenius was not censured for having killed his wife because she had 
drunk wine without his knowing it." 

XVII. (Page 40.) 

The triumphal processions in honor of a Roman victoiy were among 
the grandest displays of the republic. The historian thus describes 
the triumph of Paulus after the victory of Pydna: 

"First passed the sports of Greece, statues and pictures, in two 
hundred and fifty wagons ; then the arms and accoutrements of the 

262 NOTES. 

Macedonian soldiers ; then three thousand men, each carrying a vase 
of silver coin; then victims for sacrifice, with youths and maidens with 
garlands ; then men bearing vases of gold and precious stones ; then 
the royal chariot of the conquered king, laden with armor and 
trophies; then his wife and children and the fallen monarch on foot; 
then the triumphal car of the victorious general, preceded bv men 
bearing four hundred crowns of gold, the gift of Grecian cities, and 
followed by his two sons on horseback, and the whole army in order." 

XVIII. (Page 40.) 

"At their repasts," says Schmitz, "the most exquisite dishes were 
brought together from all parts of the world ; and in order not to be 
restrained in their extravagant enjoyment of them, they had recourse 
to the disgusting practice of taking emetics both before and after their 

XIX. (Page 41.) 
Says a careful student of Roman affairs : 

"Italian agriculture, which had received its death-blow during the 
latter period of the republic, was completely crushed by the establish- 
ment of numerous villas, which, with their parks and pleasure-grounds, 
baths, ponds, and groves, often equalled large towns in extent; and 
most of the remaining districts were changed into pasture laud. Man- 
ufactures and industry could not thrive at Rome from the want of an 
active and industrious middle class; the Romans being either enor- 
mously wealthy, or living in abject poverty. In the reign of tyrants, the 
populace were never under the necessity of working, or gaining their 
living by honest labor; for the means of subsistence, as oil, bread, 
wine, and meat, were lavishly distributed among them by the rulers, 
either from the public treasury or from their private purse. A coun- 
try which had once become a Roman province gradually fell into 
decay; for a number of wealthy strangers or Roman speculators 
usually settled in it, and purchased the lands at reduced prices. 
Hence the number of land-owners in Sicily was fearfully small in the 
time of Cicero; and those few, who had accumulated all the land, had 
it cultivated by hordes of slaves, while the free inhabitants were 
reduced to abject poverty." 

XX. (Page 42.) 

A volume of testimonies could be compiled, setting forth the 
extreme moral corruption of the closing days of the republic and the 
beginning of the empire. Note the following : 

NOTES. 263 

" The age of our fathers," says Horace, " worse than that of our 
grandsires, has produced us, who are yet baser, aud who are doomed 
to give birth to u still more degraded offspring." 

"Posterity," says Juvenal, "will add nothing to our immorality: 
our descendants can but do and desire the same crimes as ourselves." 

"More crime," says Seneca, "is committed than can be remedied 
by restraint ; wickedness has prevailed so completely in the breast of 
all, that innocence is not rare, hut non-existent." 

XXI. (Page 44.) 

Henry Mann correctly remarks that "the beginning of the decay 
of the Roman commonwealth may be dated from the time when the 
soldier began to be distinct from the citizen. The growth of this dis- 
tinction was gradual. As the area of military operations extended, 
campaigns were more protracted, and the influence of the central 
government over the forces in the field became weaker and weaker. 
Even if a commander started out with no ambitious designs against 
the liberties of his country, he could not but learn, during years of 
supreme authority over legions and over provinces, to love the exer- 
cise of absolute power. His men too, cut off from home communica- 
tions and sympathies, were ready to follow a leader who they knew 
would reward them. They forgot that they were in the service of the 
commonwealth, aud listened only to the chief whom they had been 
accustomed to obey, and on whose gratitude they felt that they could 

XXII. (Page 45.) 

"Previous to the time of Clodius, citizens receiving corn at the 
public charge were required to pay an almost nominal sum for it, but 
that demagogue introduced a law providing that corn should be dis- 
tributed gratis. Many frauds and irregularities resulted, which Julius 
Caesar rectified by requiring the landlords of every square, or island, 
as the Romans termed separate blocks of buildings, to furnish a cor- 
rect list of their tenants. The number fed was thus reduced from 
three hundred and twenty thousand to a hundred and fifty thousand, 
and a great saving was effected to the public treasury." 

XXIII. (Page 45.) 

"The gross brutality and total absence of every feeling of humanity 
in the population of Rome shows itself most strikingly in their passion- 
ate fondness for the bloody scenes of the circus : the sight of murder, 
and of men in the agonies of death, was to them a source of pleasure 

264= NOTES. 

and delight; and their cries for bread were often mixed with cries for 
murderous games. Even Titus was obliged to yield to the clamor of 
the people, and to give gladiatorial games for several days, in which 
thousands of unfortunate gladiators were compelled to destroy one 
another. In like manner, Trajan, after his Dacian victory, had to 
amuse the populace with games which lasted a hundred and three 
days, and which, in the number of gladiators and wild beasts that 
appeared in the circus, surpassed every similar exhibition seen at 
Rome. All imaginable instruments and artifices of sensuality, volup- 
tuousness, and debauchery were carried from the East to Italy ; and 
the city of Rome, which became a place of resort for persons of all 
nations, was at the same time a pool of corruption for all." — Schmitz's 
History of Rome. 

XXIV. (Page 48.) 

"The fearful anarchy into which Rome was plunged after the time 
of Sulla showed itself more particularly in the assemblies of the people ; 
for there the place of the free-born Roman citizen was occupied by 
an idle and hungry populace, which had no desire for anything higher 
than bread and amusements, and was ever ready to attach itself to those 
who had the richest rewards to offer. At the elections of magistrates, 
bribery was carried on in the most open and unscrupulous manner; 
and the dregs of the city, which fed upon bribery, decided upon the 
most important affairs of the state, such as the election of magistrates, 
the enactment of laws, and upon peace and war. The comitia often 
were of the most riotous and tumultuous kind, for the hostile factions 
not unfrcquently attacked each other with arms ; and the forum was 
the scene of civil bloodshed, bands of armed slaves and gladiators 
occupying it, and deciding by the dagger or the sword what ought to 
have been settled by free and rational discussion. The tribunes, who 
had been the representatives of the people and the guardians of their 
rights ever since the time of the Gracchi, either themselves came for- 
ward as the leaders of factions, or sold themselves as supporters to 
those who chose to buy them by bribes." — Ibid. 

XXV. (Page 53.) 

Plutarch, speaking of Caesar's robbery of the treasury of Rome, 
says : 

"As Metullus, the tribune, opposed his taking money out of the 
public treasury, and alleged some laws against it, Caesar said, '. Arms 
and laws do not flourish together. If you are not pleased at what I 
am about, you have nothing to do but withdraw : indeed, war will not 

NOTES. 265 

bear much liberty of speech. When I say this I am departing from 
my own right: for you, and all whom I have found exciting a spirit 
of faction against me, are at my disposal.' Saying this, he approached 
the doors of the treasury, and as the keys were not produced, he sent 
for workmen to break them open. Metullus opposed him again, and 
some praised his firmness ; but Caesar, raising his voice, threatened to 
put him to death if he gave any further trouble. 'And, young man,' 
said he, ' you are not ignorant that this is harder for me to say than to 
do.' Metullus, terrified with his menace, retired, and afterwards 
Caesar was easily and readily supplied with everything necessary for 
the war." 

XXVI. (Page 53.) 

De Quincy thus comments upon the relative rank of Caesar : 
" Was Caesar, upon the whole, the greatest of men ? Dr. Beattie 
once observed, that, if that question were left to be collected from the 
suffrages already expressed in books and scattered throughout the 
literature of all nations, the scale would be found to have turned 
prodigiously in Caesar's favor, as against any single competitor; and 
there is no doubt whatever, that, even amongst his own countrymen 
and his own contemporaries, the same verdict would have been re- 
turned, bad it been collected upon the famous principle of Themisto- 
cles, that he should be reputed the first whom the greatest number 
of rival voices had pronounced the second." 

XXVn. (Page 55.) 

In Ode XIV., Book I., Horace tried to persuade the Romans not to 
allow Augustus to abandon the government of the state, lest it should 
again be subjected to mob rule. 

In Odes V. and XV., Book IV., and in the second book of his 
epistles, Epistle I., the poet suggests how helpless Rome would be if 
deprived of the strong hand of Augustus. 

In Ode XVI. of the "Epodes," Horace shows that the republic was 
wrecked before Augustus came into power. 

There appear to have been but two occasions subsequent to the 
empire of Augustus, when the people seriously thought of regaining 
their liberties. Tacitus, speaking of the condition of affairs after 
Augustus became emperor, says : 

"The character of the government is totally changed; no traces 
were to be found of the spirit of ancient institutions. The system by 
which every citizen shared in the government being thrown aside, ail 
men regarded the orders of the prince as the only rule of conduct and 

266 NOTES. 

obedience ; nor felt the}' any anxiety for the present, while Augustus, 
yet iu the vigor of life, maintained the credit of himself and house, 
and the peace of the state. But when old age had crept over him, and 
he was sinking under bodily infirmities; when his end was at hand, 
and thence a new source of hopes and views was presented, -7- some few 
there were who began to talk idly about the blessings of liberty ; many 
dreaded a civil war, others longed for one; while far the greatest part 
were occupied in circulating various surmises reflecting upon those 
who seemed likely to be their masters." 

The other occasion when a desire for independence showed itself 
was after the murder of Caligula. Gibbon, gathering the facts from 
Josephus, Dion, aud Suetonius, says : 

"There appears, indeed, one memorable occasion in which the 
senate, after seventy years of patience, made an ineffectual attempt to 
reassume its long-forgotten rights. When the throne was vacant by 
the murder of Caligula, the consuls convoked that assembly iu the 
capital, condemned the memory of the Caesars, gave the watchword 
'liberty' to the few cohorts who faintly adhered to their standard, and 
during eight and forty hours acted as the independent chiefs of a free 
commonwealth. But while they deliberated, the praetorian guards 
had resolved. The stupid Claudius, brother of Gcrmanicus, was 
already in their camp, invested with the imperial purple, and prepared 
to support his election by arms. The dream of liberty was at an end; 
and the senate awoke to all the horrors of inevitable servitude. 
Deserted by the people and threatened by a military force, that feeble 
assembly was compelled to ratify the choice of the pra?torians, and to 
embrace the benefit of an amnesty, which Claudius had the prudence 
to offer and the generosity to observe." 

XXVIII. (Page 65.) 

Giovanni de Medici, a man of immense wealth, the banker of the 
pope, is regarded as the founder of the remarkable house of the 
Medici. At his death in 1428, he left two sons, Cosimo and Lorenzo, 
from the latter of whom the dukes of the sixteenth century descended. 
Cosimo acquired great distinction during the council of Florence in 
1439, and his grandson, Lorenzo the Magnificent, added still more to 
the fame of the house. In 1478 the conspiracy of the Pazzi against 
the Medici failed, and in 1492 Pietro succeeded his father Lorenzo as 
gonfaloniere. Pietro subsequently was expelled, and Savonarola 
established a kind of theocracy which ended in 1498. By the victory 
of Alcssandro of Medici (August 12, 1530), the republic was completely 
overthrown, and (July 29, 1531) Alcssandro was declared duke of 
Florence. He was killed in 1539, aud his son succeeded as grand-duke. 

NOTES. 267 

XXIX. (Page 65.) 

" In Italy," sa) - s Signor Pueotti, " the free companies were for two 
centuries the sole military force of the country. In fact, at the very 
moment, as it were, of their appearance, the communal governments 
began to decay, the city military forces became extinct, and vast 
dominions were erected on the ruins caused by partisan zeal. . . . 
Thus in the earliest beginnings of the companies must be sought the 
solution of that most important problem — the cause of the decline of 
the Italian communes." 

" One eifect of the employment of mercenary troops in the duels 
between the Italian states of the mediaeval period was to make the 
wars comparatively bloodless. In this respect, a battle between Italian 
armies in the middle ages resembled an encounter between the forces 
of South American revolutionists at the present time. ' Such coward- 
ice aud disoi'der prevailed in the armies of those times,' says Machia- 
velli, ' that the turning of a horse's head or tail was sufficient to decide 
the fate of an expedition.' The same author relates that in a hardly- 
contested battle (near Anghiari, 1439) between the Florentine forces 
under Michcletto Attendulo, and those of the duke of Milan under 
Niccolo Pieciuino, — both of them famous captains in their day, — 'only 
one man died, and he not from wounds inflicted by hostile weapons, 
or any honorable means, but, having fallen from his horse, was tram- 
pled to death.' This battle lasted two hours. The aim of both parties 
was to gain possession of a bridge, which was repeatedly taken and 
retaken, so that it is difficult to imagine how in a hand-to-hand strug- 
gle in such a narrow place loss of life was avoided, unless, as was 
doubtless the fact, the combatants had no heart in their work, and did 
not wish to kill each other. It is narrated that in another battle 
between the Florentines and Venetians (near Imola, 14G7), the two 
armies 'came to a regular engagement, which continued half a day, 
without either party yielding. Some horses were wounded and pris- 
oners taken, but no death occurred.' " — Mann. 

XXX. (Page 71.) 

" The cells into which prisoners were thrown after being arrested 
were known as the tcells and leads. The wells were dungeons beneath 
the level of the canal, and were so called because there was generally 
about two feet of sea-water in them. The wretched prisoner, if he did 
not care to soak his legs in the salt water, had to remain on the planks 
upon which his mattress was spread, and on which his daily meal of 
bread, soup, aud water was laid. Unless he ate the food without 

268 NOTES. 

delay, enormous rats would devour it before his eyes. The leads wei'e 
situated immediately beneath the leaden roof of the ducal palace. 
Casanova, who was immured in a Venetian dungeon in 1755, thus 
describes his experience : 'The jailer took a great key, and opened a 
door about three feet and a half in height, and plated with iron. In 
the middle of the door was an opening about eight inches square. On 
entering I saw an instrument of iron fastened to the Avail. My guide, 
who noticed my surprise, said, with a smile, "The gentleman is not 
able, probably, to divine the use of that machine. When the illus- 
trious Inquisition ordain that a prisoner be strangled, he is made to 
sit upon a stool, and an iron collar is put half round his neck. 
Then a silken cord is passed around his neck, the ends of which are 
attached to a crank, which is turned until the patient has given up the 
ghost ; but the confessor does not leave him until he is dead." " What 
a contrivance ! " I exclaimed; "probably it is you who have the honor 
to turn the crank." My amiable cicerone did not answer, and we 
passed on. The cells for prisoners of state were situated in the high- 
est story under the top of the ducal palace. The roof is covered 
neither with slate nor tiles, but with sheets of lead about three feet 
square. The rays of the sun, falling directly upon the leaden roof of 
my dungeon, made it as hot as a stove. During the day I kept my- 
self entirely naked, while the bench upon which I sat was wet with the 
streams of sweat that ran from my body. Air was admitted through 
an opening about two feet square, obstructed by six bars of iron, each 
an inch thick, which crossed each other. Innumerable swarms of 
insects caused me intolerable pain, and I dared not utter a word of 
complaint, lest I should be put down in the wells.' " 

XXXI. (Page 73.) 

Pisa is sometimes included in the list of free cities. Its origin and 
development arc thus sketched by its historian : 

" Of the origin of the ancient Pisae, which occupied the same site 
as the modern town, several traditions are given, but little is known 
with certainty : whether founded by Pelasgians, or, as the poets would 
have us to believe, by Greeks from the Elean Pisa; or, according to a 
third account, by Etruscans. It was at one time Etruscan ; but its 
early fightings with the Ligurians, and its exploits in piracy and trade, 
are buried in the dim obscurity of those early times. We do not even 
know how, nor exactly when, Pisae became subject to the growing 
power of Rome. It certainly was a dependent .ally of the republic 
before the second Punic war, and its port was used as a place of 
departure for Spain and Gaul. It was also for a long time the frontier 

NOTES. 269 

city against the Ligurians, and suffered frequently from the invasions 
of these people in their protracted wars with Rome. In 180 B. c, a 
colony was established here, and it soon became one of the most flour- 
ishing places in Etruria; but its history again became obscure in the 
decline of the Roman empire. It passed successively under the 
dominion of the Goths, Lombards, and Franks, when they conquered 
Italy; and subsequently became virtually an independent state, owing 
allegiance nominally to the marquises of Tuscany, who were vassals 
of the emperor. In this condition the city gradually rose to much 
importance, and maintained a fleet of galleys, which was employed 
with much success against the Mohammedan pirates on the coasts of 
the Mediterranean. They even went so far as to conquer, in 1022, the 
island of Sardinia, with the assistance of the Genoese, and afterwards 
that of Corsica, which they received in 1091 as a fief from the Papal 
See. This was the period of their greatest prosperity, when the city 
was decorated by its magnificent ecclesiastical edifices. For about 
four centuries Pisa was one of the most powerful maritime powers in 
the Mediterranean ; but this high rank was lost in the course of the 
long wars with Genoa, which began in 1070, and resulted in the 
destruction of the harbor of Pisa in 1290. Meanwhile the city was 
also engaged in the wars between the Guelphs and Ghibellines in Italy. 
Pisa supported the latter, or imperial party, and was attacked by Flor- 
ence, the head of the opposite side. It was in these contentions that 
Ugolino, Count Gherardesca, whose story has been rendered famous 
bj- Dante, after being for ten years captain-general of Pisa, was dis- 
placed by the Pisans for favoring the Guelph party, and died by star- 
vation, with his sons and grandsons, in the Tower of Famine, which 
is still pointed out in the city. Peace was at last made with Florence 
in 1293, and with Genoa in 1299 ; and the city, now shorn of its naval 
power, afterwards lost by the same unhappy feuds its independence 
too. War soon after broke out anew, and Pisa had to contend single- 
handed against the whole power of Tuscany. In 1326 they lost Sar- 
dinia, after repeated attempts to retain it. But the city itself long 
held out against its foes, and was only reduced by domestic feuds and 
treachery under the power of Florence in 140G, the chief families 
proudly withdrawing to Sardinia and Sicily. On the French invasion 
in 1494, Pisa made a last effort for independence, but was a second 
time conquered by Florence in 1509. Its liberty was now lost forever, 
and it has continued since that time subject to Florence, whose for- 
tunes it has shared." 

XXXn. (Page 76.; 

See M'Culloch's Treatises on Economical Policy. 

270 NOTES. 

XXXni. (Page 78.) 

The present condition of the free cities of Germany, as presented in 
"The Statesman's Year Book for 1880," is, in the main, the following; 

I. Hamburg. — The present constitution of the city was published 
September 28, I860, and came in force January 1, 1801. According 
to the terms of this constitution, the government is intrusted, in com- 
mon, to two chambers of representatives, the senate ami tbe house of 
burgesses. The senate, which exercises chiefly, but not entirely, the 
executive power, is composed of eighteen members, one-half of whom 
must have studied jurisprudence, while seven out of tbe remaining 
nine must belong to the class of merchants. The members of the 
senate are elected for life by the house of burgesses ; but a senator is 
at liberty to retire at the end of six years. A first and second burgo- 
master, chosen annually by secret ballot, preside over the meetings of 
the senate. Xo burgomaster can be in office longer than two years; 
and no member of the senate is allowed to hold any other public office 
Whatever. The house of burgesses consists of one hundred and ninety- 
two members, eighty-four of whom are elected in secret ballot by the 
votes of all tax-paying citizens. Of the remaining one hundred and 
eight members, forty-eight are chosen, also by ballot, by tbe owners 
of house property in the city valued at tbrcc thousand marks over and 
above the amount for which they are taxed; while tbe other sixty 
members are deputed by various guilds, corporations, and courts of 
justice. All the members of the house of burgesses are chosen for six 
years, in such a manner that every three years new elections take 
place for one-half the number. The bouse of burgesses is represented, 
in permanence, by a committee of the house, consisting of twenty 
deputies, of whom no more than five arc allowed to be members of the 
legal profession. It is the special duty of the committee to watch the 
proceedings of the senate, and the general execution of the articles 
of the constitution, including the laws voted by the house of burgesses. 
In all matters of legislation, except taxation, the senate has a veto; 
and in ease of a constitutional conflict, recourse is had to an assembly 
of arbitrators, chosen in equal parts -from the senate and the house 
of burgesses. 

The revenue of the state is mainly derived from direct taxes, 
chief among them an income-tax, the amount of which upon each 
contributor is left to self-assessment. For the privilege of remaining 
a "free port" and exempt from the customs of the Zollvercin, Ham- 
burg has to pay an annual sum, assessed for the year 1879 at two 

NOTES. 271 

million forty-six thousand marks, equal to a charge of thirty-seven 
dollars and fifty cents per head of population. 

The state embraces a territory of one hundred and forty-eight English 
square miles, with a population, according to the census of December 
1, 1876, of three hundred and eighty-eight thousand six hundred and 
eighteen inhabitants. Included in the census returns were two battal- 
ions of Prussian soldiers, forming the garrison of Hamburg. The 
state consists of three divisions, viz., the city proper, with its suburbs, 
the district of Gecst, and the townships of Bergedorf and Ritzebiittel. 

II. Lubeck. — The free city and state of Liibeck is governed 
according to a constitution adopted April 7, 1874. The main features 
of this charter are two representative bodies, — the senate, exercising 
the executive, and the house of burgesses, exercising the legislative 
authority. The senate is composed of fourteen members, elected for 
life, and presided over by two burgomasters, who hold office for two 
years each, and retire in rotation. There are one hundred and twenty 
members in the house of burgesses, chosen by all citizens who are 
members of any of the twelve colleges, or guilds, of the town. A 
committee of thirty burgesses, presided over by a chairman elected for 
two years, has the duty of representing the legislative assembly iu the 
intervals of ordinary sessions, and of carrying on all active business. 
The house of burgesses has the initiative in all measures relative to 
public expenditures, foreign treaties, and general legislation. The 
senate, intrusted chiefly with the executive government, also gives its 
sanction to the enactment of every new law. 

The high court of appeal for the three free cities of Germany is 
established at Liibeck. It is composed of a president nominated by 
the senates of the three free cities, and six councillors, three of whom 
are chosen by Hamburg, two by Bremen, and one by Lubeck. 

Liibeck has an area of one hundred and twenty-seven square miles, 
and a population of fifty-six thousand nine hundred and twelve. 

III. Bremen. — This city, embracing an area of a hundred and six 
square miles, is governed under a constitution proclaimed March 5, 
1849, and revised February 21, 1854. A senate of eighteen members 
forms the executive, and the convent of burgesses, of one hundred and 
fifty members, the legislative branches of the government. The mem- 
bers of the convent are elected by the votes of all the citizens, divided 
into classes. The citizens who have studied at a university return 
sixteen members ; the merchants forty-eight members ; the common 
traders and shopkeepers twenty-four members ; and the other tax- 
paying inhabitants of the free city the rest. The convent elects 

272 NOTES. 

the eighteen members of the senate, ten of whom at least must be 
lawyers. Two burgomasters, the first elected for six years and a half, 
and the second for four years, direct the affairs of the senate, through 
a ministry divided into eight departments, namely, foreign affairs, 
church and education, justice, finance, police, medical and sanitary 
administration, military affairs, and commerce and shipping. All the 
ministers are senators. 

The chief branch of expenditure of Bremen is for interest and 
reduction of the public debt. The whole of the debt, which bears 
interest at three and a half and four and a half per cent., was incurred 
for constructing railways, harbors, and other public works. 

The population of the state amounted, December 1, 1875, to one 
hundred and forty-two thousand two hundred, inclusive of a Prussian 
garrison. The increase of population from 1871 to 1875 was larger 
than in any other state of Germany, amounting to the high rate of 
3.82 per cent, per annum. 

XXXIV. (Page 85.) 

The picture of those disturbed times, and the faithfulness and 
greatness of Orange, as represented by Macaulay, are interesting and 
striking : 

" While Temple was engaged in these pursuits, the great storm 
which had long been brooding over Europe burst with such fury as 
for a moment seemed to threaten ruin to all free governments and all 
Protestant churches. France and England, without seeking for any 
decent pretext, declared war against Holland. The immense armies 
of Lewis poured across the Rhine, and invaded the territory of the 
United Provinces. The Dutch seemed to be paralyzed by tenor. 
Great towns opened their gates to straggling parties. Regiments 
flung dowu their arms without seeing an enemy. Gueldcrland, 
Ovcryssel, Utrecht were overrun by the conquerors. The fires of the 
French camp were seen from the walls of Amsterdam. In the first 
madness of despair, the devoted people turned their rage against the 
most illustrious of their fellow-citizens. De Ruyter was saved with 
difficulty from assassins. De Witt was torn to pieces by an infuriated 
rabble. No hope was left to the commonwealth save in the dauntless, 
the ardent, the indefatigable, the unconquerable spirit which glowed 
under the frigid demeanor of the young prince of Orange. 

"That great man rose at once to the full dignity of Ins part, and 
approved himself a worthy descendant of the line of heroes who had 
vindicated the liberties of Europe against the house of Austria. Noth- 
ing could shake his fidelity to his country; not his close connection 

NOTES. 273 

with the royal family of England, not the most earnest solicitations, 
nor the most tempting offers. The spirit of the nation — that spirit 
which had maintained the great conflict against the gigantic power of 
Philip — revived in all its strength. Counsels, such as are inspired by 
a generous despair, and are almost always followed by a speedy dawn 
of hope, were gravely concerted by the statesmen of Holland. To 
open their dikes, to man their ships, to leave their country, with all 
its miracles of art and industry, its cities, its canals, its villas, its 
pastures, and its tulip gardens buried under the waves of the German 
ocean ; to bear to a distant climate their Calvinistic faith and their old 
Batavian liberties; to fix, perhaps with happier auspices, the new 
stadthouse of their commonwealth, under other stars, and amidst a 
strange vegetation, in the Spice Islands of the Eastern seas, — such 
were the plans which they had the spirit to form ; and it is seldom that 
men who have the spirit to form such plans are reduced to the neces- 
sity of executing them." 

XXXV. (Page 91.) 

Camille Desmoulins thus depicts the condition of France at this 
period : 

" At the present epoch, words became state crimes; and from this 
the transition is easy to simple looks, which, with sadness, compas- 
sion, sighs, nay, even absolute silence itself, are made the ground- 
work of suspicion. Is a citizen popular ? He is a rival of the dictator, 
and might excite commotions. Does he, on the other hand, avoid 
society, and live retired in the bosom of his family ? This secluded 
life makes him remarked, and excites the suspicion that he is meditat- 
ing sinister designs. Are you rich ? There is imminent peril that the 
people may be corrupted by your largesses. Arc you poor ? You 
must be the more closely watched, because there is none so enterpris- 
ing as those who have nothing to lose. Are you of a thoughtful and 
melancholy character, with a neglected exterior ? You are afflicted 
because in your opinion public affairs are not well conducted. Does a 
citizen indulge in dissipation and bring on indigestion? He is con- 
cealing ambition under the mask of pleasure. Is he virtuous and 
austere in his morals ? He has constituted himself the censor of the 
government. Is he a philosopher, an orator, a poet? He will soon 
acquire more consideration than the rulers of the state. Has he 
acquired reputation in war ? His talents only make him the more 
dangerous, and render it indispensable to remove him from the army, 
perhaps to send him to the scaffold. The natural death of a distin- 
guished person, particularly if in place, has become so rare that his- 

271 NOTES. 

torians transmit it as an event worthy of record to future ages. Even 
the death of so many innocent and estimable citizens seems a less 
calamity than the insolence and scandalous fortunes of those who 
have denounced and murdered them. Every day the accuser makes 
his triumphal entry into the palace of death to reap the- harvest of 
some rich succession; and the tribunals, which were once the protec- 
tors of life and property, have become mere slaughter-houses, where 
that which bears the name of punishment and confiscation is nothing 
but robbery and murder." 

XXXVI. (Page 93.) 

Carnot's effort in the following quotation was to show that the gov- 
ernment of a single person was anything rather than a guaranty of 
stability and tranquillity : 

" The duration of the Roman empire was not longer than that of 
the republic would have been ; the intestine disorders were still greater, , 
and crimes more multiplied ; republican highmindedncss, heroism, 
and all the masculine virtues were displaced to make room for the 
most ridiculous pride, the vilest adulation, the most insatiable cupidity, 
and the most complete disregard of national prosperity. "What evil, 
praj', was remedied or obviated by declaring the succession to the 
throne hereditary ? Was not this in fact regarded as the legitimate 
inheritance of the house of Augustus ? "Was not Domitian the son 
of Vespasian, Caligula the son of Germanicus, Commodus the son of 
Marcus Aurclius ? " 

XXXVII. (Page 94.) 

The subsequent history of France down to the present republic is, 
in brief, the following : 

The imperial government of Napoleon lasted exactly one hundred 
days. During that period the emperor expended six hundred million 
francs, and sacrificed sixty thousand lives. Louis XVIII. was called 
by the political leaders to the throne after the fall of Napoleon. The 
people ditl not object, for they were tired of the bloody scenes through 
which they had passed. 

After the reigns of Louis XVIIL, Charles X., and Louis-Philippe 
I. (184S-18o2), a provisional government, at the flight of this last king, 
assumed control of state affairs until the appointment of the constitu- 
tional assembly. This body proclaimed a republic. The bloody times 
of 1848 led to placing General Cavaignac in supreme power. In 
December of the same year, Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte was 

NOTES. 275 

elected president of the republic, and in December, 1852, by vote of a 
plebiscite, the empire of France was re-established, and Napoleon III. 
became emperor. 

XXXVIII. (Page 94.) 

There are other extinct republics of such brief duration as hardly to 
justify extended treatment. Such, for instance, was the republic or 
" commonwealth " which sprang out of the English revolution. It 
lasted but eleven years, and was followed by the restoration of the 
Stuart dynast}-. 

To this class likewise belongs the democratic-republican form of 
government in Spain in 1873, which, however, was merely an " episode 
in a series of revolutions and reactions." 

XXXIX. (Page 101.) 

Facts involved in the history of Switzerland, from 1300 to 1800, may 
be of interest. 

The Swiss confederation of 1308 was founded by the three cantons 
ofUri, Schwyz, and Qnterwald. In 1353 it numbered eight cantons, 
and in 1513 it was composed of thirteen. This old confederation of 
thirteen cantons was increased by the adherence of several subject 
territories, and existed till 1798, when it was replaced by the Helvetic 
republic, which lasted four years. In 1803 Napoleon I., by the addition 
of St. Gall, Graubiindcn, Aargau, Thurgau, Tessin, and Vaud, oi-gan- 
ized a new confederation, composed of nineteen cantons. This con- 
federation was modified in 1815, when the number of cantons was 
increased to twenty-two by the admission of Wallis, Neuchatel, and 
Geneve. Three of the cantons are politically divided, — Basel into 
Stadt and Land, or town and country; Appcnzcll into Ausser Ehodcn 
and Inner Rhoden, or exterior and interior; and Untcrwald into 
Obwald and Nidwald, or upper and lower. Their union is preserved 
by each of the moieties sending one member to the state council, so 
that there are two members to the divided as well as the undivided 

XL. (Page 101.) 

In addition to the schools already mentioned, there are normal 
schools in all the cantons for training schoolmasters. There are four 
universities in .Switzerland. Basel has a university founded in 1160, 
and since 1832 universities have been established in Bern ami Zurich. 
In the summer of 1879, Basel bad fifty-two professors, and one hundred 
and ninety-four students; Bern eighty professors, and four hundred 

276 NOTES. 

and five students; and Zurich seventy-seven professors, and three 
hundred and eight students. These three universities are organized 
on the model of the high schools of Germany, governed by a rector 
and a senate, and are divided into four departments of theology, juris- 
prudence, philosophy, and medicine. There is a polytechnic school at 
Zurich, founded in 1855, which possesses a philosophic faculty and 
forty-six teachers, and a military academy at Thun, both maintained 
by the Federal government. 

XLI. (Page 108.) 
The early history of France will be found upon page 89. 

XLII. (Page 10S.) 

We are indebted to the "Statesman's Year-Book," 1880, for the 
following list of the sovereigns and governments of France from the 
accession of the House of Bourbon : 

House of Bourbon. — Henry IV., 1589-1610; Louis XIII. ("le 
Juste"), 1610-1643; Louis XIV. (" le Grand"), 1643-1715; Louis 
XV., 1715-1774; Louis XVI. (t 1793), 1774-1792. 

First Republic — Convention, 1792-1795; Directoire, 1795-1799 ; 
Consulate, 1799-1804. 

Empire. — Napoleon I. (f 1S21), 1804-1S14. 

House of Bourbon Restored. — Louis XVIII., 1814-1824 ; 
Charles X. (t 1836), 1824-1830. 

House of Bourbon (Orleans) . — Louis Philippe (f 1S50), 1830- 

Second Republic. — Provisional government, February to Decem- 
ber, 1848; Louis Napoleon, president, 1848-1852. 

Empire Restored. — Napoleon III. (t 187;'.), 1852-1870. 

Third Republic — Government of National Defence, 1S70-1S71 ; 
Louis A. Thiers, president, 1S71-1873 ; Marshal MacMahon, president, 
1873-1879 ; F. J. P. Jules Gravy, president, 1879. 

It thus appears that the average duration of the eighteen govern- 
ments of France since the accession of the House of Bourbon is six- 
teen years. 

XLIII. (Page 118.) 

Says Charles Maclaren, F.R.S. : 

" The problem as to the source whence America derived its popula- 
tion presents no difficulty now when the contiguity of the old and the 

NOTES. 277 

new continent at Behring's Straits is known. The breadth of the sea 
here (latitude G0°) is only forty-five English miles ; the transit across 
is facilitated by two islands placed almost exactly midway between 
Asia and America ; and in severe winters, a firm body of ice joins the 
two continents. The climate, though rigorous, does not prevent the 
country on each side from being inhabited. The Aleutian Isles, 
besides, at the latitude of 53°, which run in a line like the piers of an 
immense bridge, from one continent to the other, present such easy 
means of communication, that few savage tribes a little familiar with 
sea-life could be long in Kamtschatka without threading their way 
across the Pacific to the peninsula of Alaska. Indeed, if a doubt could 
exist, we have positive proof that America received part of its popu- 
lation from the northeast extremity of Asia ; for the Esquimaux, living 
on the east side of Behring's Straits, speak a language which is radi- 
cally the same with that of the Tschutskoi on the opposite shores." 

XLIV. (Page 132.) 

Dr. Robert Brown, in his " Countries of the "World," says : 

" There is a nobility in Brazil, but it only dates from 1S22, the year 
of the declaration of independence, and possesses no special privileges, 
either social or legislative. Titles, moreover, can only be held for one 
generation, the rank dying with the father, unless the son can establish 
a claim to the distinction on the same ground as those for which his 
father obtained it. These are the Brazilian ' peers.' But in reality 
there are a great many others who enjoy a sort of brevet rank. These 
are gentlemen who are descended from noble families in Portugal, 
who are very wealthy. Such claims to be admitted into the aris- 
tocracy arc readily acquiesced in by ' society.' There are three degrees 
of nobility — marquis, count, and baron — in addition to the title of 
knight (mocos fulalgos) obtained by admission into any one of the 
six orders of chivalry founded or adopted by the present emperor and 
his father. As usual with such ' distinctions,' a cross is very easily 
obtained, and the emperor's numerous visits to Europe have resulted 
in that of the ' rose ' dangling from the button-holes of some very 
obscure representatives of the equestrian rank, even of Brazil. The 
result is that the aristocracy, being continually recruited from the 
democracy, and liable at any time to return to the rank from which 
they sprang, do not consider themselves a superior race of beings, 
except in so far that they are, for the most part, the pick of the popula- 
tion of the country." 

278 NOTES. 

XLV. (Page 149.) 

The author is indebted for many of the fact9 concerning existing 
republics to "The Statesman's Year-Book," 1880, which is surprisingly 
full of the latest and most reliable information. 

XLVI. (Page 170.) 

If the reader will consult the records of crime in the United States, 
he will be astonished at the number of criminals who are American- 
born, and who have been more or less under the training of our 
public schools. 

XLVII. (Page 173.) 

It would well repay the historical student to read the history of our 
republic with the thought of providential interposition constantly in 
mind. We hope that some one will write a book bearing the title — 
" God in American History." 

XLVIII. (Page 184.) 

At the first election under the present French republic, the bishops, 
though they had but ten days to prepare for elections, were ready. 
They had their lists made out, and sent them to the parish priests. 
The peasants did not know the men they were ordered to vote for, but 
the priest said, " These are gentlemen who are ready for peace ; these 
are the men for whom you must vote." 

XLIX. (Page 191.) 

Late private despatches from Rome complete the information 
regarding the secession of Rev. Arthur Wagner, the Ritualist of 
Brighton. There is no doubt whatever that Wagner, by advice of 
Orby Shipley, has been secretly received. Warner's conversion is 
supposed to mark the beginuing of a long-impending and carefully 
prepared movement which may ere long bring many of the ritualistic 
Anglican clergy over to Roman Catholicism. Meeting ground has 
been found that may unite the timid High-Church Anglicans of the 
Mackonochie, Tooth, and Wagner stamp with the Vatican. 

Wagner's church and several others were never, consecrated ; hence 
they are not within the jurisdiction of the bishop of Chichester. These 
churches arc likely to be gained to Rome, but the conversion of Wag- 
ner and his imitators is conditional. In the first place, those converts 

NOTES. 279 

who are already married are to be rcordained (sub (acita conditione) ; 
second, such converts will be allowed to assist in ministering in Catho- 
lic churches in mass, benediction, preaching, and catechism, but will 
not lie admitted for the present to parochial functions, especially to 
confessions; third, males and females in Anglican religious orders are 
to pass through novitiate under experienced superiors appointed by 
Rome, and at the cud of their novitiate arc to be professed with sim- 
ple vows, and will continue the philanthropic work under the Vatican 
jurisdiction; fourth, special metropolitan — perhaps Cardinal Manning 
— is to be consecrated by the Pope himself for the government of 
reconciled, reordained Anglican clergy; fifth, for the present, parts 
ot service outside the canon of the mass are to be allowed in the ver- 
nacular, the congregation of rites deciding which portions of the old 
Salisbury rite are to be incorporated with the liturgy; sixth, the 
younger clergy arc to take the usual vows of celibacy when ordained 
subdeacons; the converts will be allowed and encouraged, if they 
prefer, to adopt the usual mass of Latin. 

It is sometimes asked, Why do intelligent people turn Romanists ? 
Dr. Storrs answers thus : 

"Romanism appeals to educated Protestants: 1. As offering an 
authoritative teacher, always present, in which the mind of God him- 
self resides and is revealed. 2. As presenting a solid, consistent, 
satisfying theology. 3. As bringing the scriptural world more closely 
to their minds, and making their relations to it more intimate. 4. As 
giving greater security of salvation. 5. As offering a higher and the 
only true sanctity of spirit and of life. 6. As showing a long and 
venerable history. 7. As welcoming and cherishing all the fine arts, 
and making them its constant helpers. 8. As promising to rebuild 
and purify society, and at last to possess and regenerate the world." 

L. (Page 191.) 

In a work which Rev. Mgr. dc Haerne, of the English College of 
Bruges, has just had published, showing the progress of Catholicism 
among people of Anglo-Saxon origin, some highly-interesting sta- 
tistics arc given of the extension of the Roman Catholic Church in 
the United States. According to this authority, when the first Catho- 
lic bishopric was established in this country (1790), there were only 
thirty thousand Catholics in a total population of more than three mil- 
lions. The ratio of Catholics was then as one to one hundred. During 
the next fifty years a great change took place, and the Catholic popu- 
lation, from thirty thousand, advanced to about one million five hun- 
dred thousand, who represented one-eleventh of all the inhabitants. 

280 NOTES. 

Within the period ending 1870, the gain was also very great, though, 
of course, not so rapid proportionately as during the first half-century 
of our national life. The number of American Roman Catholics in 
this last year is set down at six millions five hundred thousand, or 
little less than one sixth of the entire population of the- country. 

The wealth, influence, and dignity of the church, as represented by 
its buildings and lands, and by its priests, have been augmented with 
even greater rapidity than its worshippers. In 1790 there were but 
thirty-four priests, and hardly a score of church-edifices, while in 1876 
there were five thousand three hundred and eighty-eight clergymen, 
who ministered in eight thousand seven hundred and fifty-seven 
churches and mission-stations. It is very easy for those who wish to 
draw the conclusion from these figures that the time is approaching 
when a numerical majority of the inhabitants of this country will be 
Roman Catholics, and when, as a natural result, the observance of that 
religion will be enforced by the state. 

Rev. J. L. Spaulding, bishop-elect of Peoria, 111., said in public, not 
long since, that no country in the world was of such present interest to 
Catholics as the United States. The Catholic Church to-day held the 
mass of the people. He endeavored to trace the relation of present 
Protestants and Republicans to the original Puritan, Dutch, and 
Huguenot settlers, and asserted that in politics the Catholics had gen- 
erally associated themselves with the Democrats, because, when Jeffer- 
son founded the Democratic party, he declared emphatically against 
the connection of Church and State. Lapsing into statistics, the bishop 
stated that in one hundred years the number of priests in the United 
States had increased from twenty-five to five thousand, and the church 
was now the wealthiest in the country, while the number of Catholics 
had increased in the century of the Republic from a ratio of one in one 
hundred to one in eveiy six of the people. 

Father Hecker, in his very ingenious paper entitled, " The Catholic 
Church in the United States : its Rise, Relations with the Republic, 
Growth, and Future Prospects," after presenting the astounding false 
proposition " that the Roman Catholic Church has battled her whole 
lifetime, for those rights of man and for that liberty which confers the 
greatest glory on the American Republic," gives a table of statistics 
which rest probably on a more substantial basis of historic accuracy. 
This table shows that in 1776 the Roman Catholics were 1-120 part 
of the whole population, and in 1790 1-107 part; and these figures 
remind us how very small was their proportion at those dates to the 
American colonists, who, having laid the foundations of civil and 
religious freedom on the Christian morality of the Bible, fought the 
battles of the Revolution and ordained the State and national constitu- 

NOTES. 281 

tions. The tables trace the comparative growth to 1878, when the 
Roman Catholics appear as seven millions to forty, or one-sixth of the 
whole population. Father Hecker attributes 1 1 1 i — : immense growth, not 
simply to immigration, but to the greater number of births, and ([notes 
the fact, which, assuming it to be correct, is sufficiently startling, that 
in Rhode Island the census of 1875 showed that its native American 
population by parentage had increased only 12.89 per cent, in ten 
years past, while the foreign population by parentage had increased 
80.11 per cent, in the same time. Of the seven millions in 1878, one 
million two hundred and thirty-seven thousand are assumed to be Ger- 
mans. Father Hecker further shows that the aggregate wealth of the 
Roman Church in the United States increased from nine millions in 
1850 to twenty-six millions in lfeGO, and to sixty millions in 1870; and 
that, while in the first of these decades the wealth of the whole country 
gained 125 per cent., and that of the Roman Catholic Church 189 per 
cent., in the second decade the wealth of the country gained 86 
per cent., and that of the church 128 per cent. 

It may also be noticed that the Roman Catholics, who had scarcely 
a parochial school in this country twenty-five years ago, have now, 
according to Sadlier's directory, about seventeen hundred, with two 
hundred thousand pupils. 

LI. (Page 193.) 

The views of James Anthony Froude can be studied with profit. 
He says : 

" The first principle of the Republic is that the majority of the whole 
country shall rule. If the Church of Rome can really convert a 
majority of the American people, either the principle will have to be 
set aside, or the church will be within its right in ordering matters as 
it pleases. We know very little of the conditions of intellectual 
energy. In the past history of mankind, it has been intermittent. 
Periods of activity and progress have alternated with periods of rest, 
as if the mind was like the soil, which requires a respite of stagnation 
to recover from an exhausting crop. It is possible, it is even likely, 
that the appetite for change which has characterized the last century 
may be followed by a wave of spititual and political conservatism, that 
science will pause for a while in its discoveries, and that our new 
knowledge may be allowed time to shape itself into a form with some 

humanity in it But that the alarm should have risen among our 

cousins in the United States — that among them, of all peoples, who are 

1 The heirs of all the ages in the foremost files of time,' 

282 NOTES. 

intelligent persons cnn be found who are really afraid of what may lie 
before them — is at least remarkable, and gives us a kind of melan- 
choly satisfaction. The Americans, too, are but mortals after all, 
subject to the same diseases which afflict the worn-out races of the 
Old World, and they may draw closer to us in the common- trial." 

LII. (Page 195.) 

In a pastoral letter, Archbishop Purccll, of Cincinnati, thus calls 
attention to the condition of the freedmen ; 

'As all know, the colored people are not favorably received in the 
midst of the congregations of the whites. The condition ot their 
children is yet worse. Colored children are nowhere admitted into 
the schools of the whites, so that almost necessarily they are sent to 
some sectarian school at the risk of losing their faith, since Protestants 
are evef on the watch for them. Schools should be provided to which 
the children of Catholic colored parents may be sent; but from which, 
at the same time, children of Protestants should not be excluded, that 
thus their salvation may be secured. These schools should also serve 
as churches on Sundays for the adult Catholics, that they, too, may 
comply with their religious duties until a chapel or church can be 
erected for their use." 

The following address of Archbishop Manning, at the consecration 
ot certain missionaries sent to the Southern field, may he interesting : 

" These priests go as the vanguard of others who will soon follow, 
inflamed with the love of souls; souls not lovable for their intelligence 
and virtue, but souls black with ignorance and vice ; lovable only 
because your .Master died for them. You give yourselves forever to be 
the fathers and servants of the negroes, and to labor exclusively for 
them until your death, in the spirit of Peter Clavor, who announced 
himself as forever the slave of the slave." 

Each ot the missionaries kneeled down, and holding in his hand an 
open Bible, took this vow of consecration upon himself. The venerable 
archbishop then arose, prostrated himself before each missionary, 
embraced his feet, and then arising, kissed each upon both cheeks, 
receiving a similar kiss in return. 

The following item is taken from an issue of the Montgomery 
(Ala.) Advertiser : 

" The Catholic Church is making a determined effort to extend 
their educational work in the South. The headquarters of this effort 
are in Baltimore, where the priests, nuns, and sisters from abroad 
report, and are detailed to various parts of the South." 

NOTES. 283 

A Jesuit, in an unguarded moment, recently said : " We seek the 
colored man for his vote." 

Archbishop Spaulding, in his introduction to the "Life of Arch- 
bishop Hughes," lately published, says : 

"He who will do most to form the character of the Catholic youth 
in America will also have done most to mould the future of the Ameri- 
can people." 

LIII. (Page 200.) 

The claim that Popery results in greater moral correctness and 
purity seems preposterous in view of present and historic facts. 

A recent number of El Solfeo, an Italian journal of prominence, 
furnishes the following statistics: In 18T0 — that is, before Rome was 
the capital of the kingdom of Italy — there were in the city (for a 
population of 205,000 inhabitants) 2,469 secular clergy, among cardi- 
nals, bishops, prelates, and curas ; 2,766 monks, and 2,117 nuns; in all, 
7,322 religious of both sexes. The number of births reached in the 
same year to 4,378, of which 1,215 were legitimate, and 3,163 illegiti- 
mate ; the illegitimates, therefore, being in the proportion of 75.25 per 
100 of the total of births. Comparing Rome with other capitals of 
Europe, it results that, for every 100 legitimate births, there are ille- 
gitimate — in London, 4; in Paris, 48; in Brussels, 9; in Rome, 143. 

Nor in regard to capital crime did the Pontifical States occupy a 
favorable position before the)' were annexed to Italy by King Victor 
Emanuel. The statistics corresponding to the latest years of the 
Pontifical government show that there was committed one murder in 
England for every 187,000 inhabitants; in Holland, one for every 
168,000 ; in Russia, one for every 100,000 ; in Austria, one for every 
4,113; in Naples, one for every 2,750; and in the estates of the Pope, 
one for every 750. 

A recent English paper says that the Roman Catholics in Scotland 
are less than one-twelfth of the population, yet this one-twelfth fur- 
nishes one third of the criminals. In England and Wales, the Roman 
Catholics arc one-twentieth of the population ; but the Roman Catho- 
lic prisoners are one-fourth of the prisoners. 

LIV. (Page 201.) 

A distinguished champion of Romanism, Orestes A. Brownson, 
LL.D., thus frankly spoke of the quality of Roman Catholic schoote 
and colleges : 

" They practically fail to recognize human progress As far 

as we have been able to trace the effect of the most approved Catholic 

284 NOTES. 

education of our day, whether at home or abroad, it tends to repress 
rather than quicken the life of the pupil; to unfit rather than prepare 
for the active and zealous discharge either of his religious or his social 
duties. They who are educated in our schools seem misplaced and 
mistimed in the world, as if born and educated for a world that has 
ceased to exist Comparatively few of them (Catholic gradu- 
ates) take their stand as scholars, or as men, on a level with the 
Catholics of non-Catholic colleges, and those who do take that stand 
do it by throwing aside nearly all they learned from their Alma Mater, 
and adopting the ideas and principles, the modes of thought and action, 
they find in the general civilization of the country in which they live. 
.... The cause of the failure of what we call Catholic education is, 
in our judgment, in the fact that we educate, not for the present or the 
future, but for the past." 

The following, taken from Le Pelerin, a French Catholic journal, is 
a sample of the kind of instruction given by Roman Catholic chiefs to 
the common people : 

" Upon entering Paradise, he (Pius IX.) received a crown from the 
hands of the Immaculate Virgin Mary as a reward for the crown he 
had conferred on her while on earth. St. Joseph, whom he had made 
the patron and protector of the church, did not fail to shake him cor- 
dially by the hand, and thank him. On seeing him enter, St. Peter 
instantly gave the pitch, and the heavenly choir struck up, while 
Francis de Sales and Alphonso de Liguori, whom he had proclaimed 
doctors of the church, extolled, each in turn, the exploits and achieve- 
ments of his pontificate ; and fifty-two saints and twenty-six blessed, 
who owe to Pius IX. their existing position, regaled him with melo- 
dious concerts." 

LV. (Page 204.) 

The following is the substance of the latest advices from Rome : 
Leo XIII. has been studying the state papers of Pius IX. He has 
decided to adopt an aggressive policy in France, and to take sides with 
the Jesuits and other unauthorized associations which are to be prose- 
cuted by the government. He discountenances violence, but urges 
resistance in the law courts, wherever there is ground for contest- 
ing the action of the ministry. Now that moderate counsels which 
came so unexpectedly from the Vatican in the Belgian school contro- 
versy have been withheld, the fight between the republicans and cleri- 
calism must go on to the end. There has even been a change in the 
Papal policy in Belgium, for the Liberals are greatly exercised over a 
letter which Leo XIII. has written to the primate. The Echo du 

NOTES. 285 

Parlement, the organ of the government, insists on the necessity of 
demanding explanations from the Pope relative to his recent absolute 
approval of the conduct of the Belgian bishops in the education ques- 
tion, and his not less absolute condemnation of the new school law. 
It says that if the Pope has really acted as it seems he has acted, from 
the declarations of the prelates and the clerical journals, no honest 
government can maintain relations with him in the future. It appears 
now that all the reassuring communications made from the Vatican to 
the Belgian government had no other purpose than to keep the Bel- 
gian envoy at Rome. 

That the principles which are controlling the Papal Church in its 
persistent attacks upon civilization may be clearly seen, we present 
those numbei's from "The Encyclical" which have special bearing 
upon civil government : 

XIX. — The Romish Church has a right to exercise its authority 
without having any limits set to it by the civil power. 

XXIV. — The Romish Church has the right to avail itself of force, 
and to use the temporal power for that purpose. 

XXVI. — The Romish Church has an innate and legitimate right to 
acquire, hold, and use property without limit. 

XXVII. — The Pope and the priests ought to have dominion over 
the temporal affairs. 

XXX. — The Romish Church and her ecclesiastics have a right to 
immunity from civil law. 

XXXI. — The Romish clergy should be tried for civil and criminal 
offences only in ecclesiastical courts. 

XXXIX. — The people are not the source of all civil power. 

XLII. — In case of conflict between the ecclesiastical and civil pow- 
ers, the ecclesiastical powers ought to prevail. 

XLV. — The Romish Church has the right to interfere in the dis- 
cipline of the public schools, and in the arrangement of the studies of 
the public schools, and in the choice of the teachers for these schools. 

XL VII. — Public schools open to all children for the education of 
the young should be under the control of the Romish Church, and 
should not be subject to the civil power, nor made to conform to the 
opinions of the age. 

XLVIII. — While teaching primarily the knowledge of natural 
things, the public schools must not be separated from the faith and 
power of the Romish Church. 

LIII. — The civil power has no right to assist persons to regain 
their freedom who have once adopted a religious life ; that is, become 
priests, monks, or nuns. 

286 NOTES. 

LIV. — The civil power is inferior and subordinate to the ecclesias- 
tical power, and in litigated questions of jurisdiction should yield to it. 

LV. — Church and State should be united. 

LXXVIII. — The Roman Catholic religion should be the only re- 
ligion of the state, and all other modes of worship should he excluded. 

LVI. (Page 205.) 

These cases referred to are very suggestive. They show that 
Popery is the same the world over. That Massachusetts is so much 
like Belgium ought, however, to attract the attention of even the most 
careless observer. In Belgium it will be remembered that a law was 
enacted some time since prohibiting the giving of religious instruction 
in the schools within school hours, but allowing the priests to teach 
such children as might be sent by their parents for that purpose, out 
of school hours. The Belgium bishops thereupon forbade the priests 
to give instruction in them ; and refused the sacraments to teachers, 
scholars, and parents. In St. Mary's Parish, Cambridgeport, Mass., 
over which Father Scully presides, is the same intolerance. For 
attending a public school after the priest had commanded attendance 
at a parochial school, a boy was stretched upon a table, and his back 
lashed till for two weeks the child could not lie down on account of his 
wounds. " That" as Joseph Cook says, " under the shadow of Bunker 
Hill; that within sound of the guns where our Revolutionary history 
began; that under the very towers of our foremost university; that 
within sight of tbese cultured streets of Boston; that above the very 
graves of Cotton Mather and of his associates who planted the free- 
school system in the rocky soil of New England ! " 

The other case is that of Father Dufresne, a parish priest at 
Ilolyokc, Mass., who attempted to ruin the business of a former par- 
ishioner, whom he had excommunicated because of some slight dis- 

LVII. (Page 205.) 

Says the Catholic World : 

"We, of course, deny the competency of the State to educate, to 
say what shall or shall not be taught in the public schools, as we deny 
its competency to say what shall or shall not be the religious belief 
and discipline of its citizens. We, of course, utterly repudiate the 
popular doctrine that so-called secular education is the function of the 
State." Again: "Religious liberty consists in the unrestrained free- 
dom and independence of the church to teach and govern all men 

NOTES. 287 

and nations, princes and peoples, rulers and ruled, in all things en- 
joined by the telcological law of man's existence." Again : " Before 
God, no man has a right to be of any religion but the Catholic, the 
only true religion, the only religion by which men can be raised to 
union with God in the beatific vision." 

In a paper entitled, " The Catholics of the Nineteenth Century," we 
read : 

" The supremacy asserted for the church in matters of education 
implies the additional and cognate functions of the censorship of ideas, 
and the right to examine and approve, or disapprove, all books, pub- 
lications, writings, and utterances intended for public instruction, 
enlightenment, or entertainment, and the supervision of places of 

LVIII. (Page 209.) 

The same spirit is manifested in other countries : 

"Had we still a king," says M. About, "they would thrust a con- 
fessor and ministers upon him. The sovereignty of the people having 
been declared, much to their mortification, they will not acknowledge 
themselves beaten, and they are marching gayly to storm universal 
suffrage. As the leaders of the democracy are, and always will be, 
recruited from the middle classes, among self-made men, the Jesuits 
have resolved to gain possession of the middle classes; what little 
remains of the nobility being already on their side Nine thou- 
sand youths (in French Jesuit schools) are being prepared by them as 
candidates for civil-service appointments, or for the liberal professions. 
They imbue their minds with the purest monarchical spirit ; they teach 
them to treat with contempt the fundamental principles on which 
modern society has been built." 

The French government, therefore, defends its attack upon the 
Jesuits on this impregnable ground, that the Republic has the right to 
protect itself, and that the followers of Loyola infect the people with 

LIX. (Page 212.) 

On the 29th of September, 1876, General Grant, at the reunion of 
the army of the Tennessee, employed these significant words : 

"If we arc to have another national contest, I predict that the 
dividing line will not be Mason and Dixon's, but between Protestan- 
tism and intelligence on the one side, and superstition and ignorance 
on the other." 

288 NOTES. 

LX (Page 220.) 

The terms Socialism and Communism are not exactly synonymous. 
President Woolsey has correctly represented Proud h on as a most pro- 
nounced Socialist, though a sharp critic of communism. Dr. Hitch- 
cock agrees with President Woolsey, remarking that communism is 
related to socialism as species to genus. "All Communists are So- 
cialists; but not all Socialists are Communists." Communism main- 
tains the theory that all right to property should be vested in the 
State. Practically, it would abolish all private property. Socialism, in 
theory, would retain the right to private property, and to a limited 
increase according to the capacity and industry of the individual, 
along with large common possessions on the part of the State ; but it 
would give the State absolute control over the operations of industry 
and commerce, revolutionizing the relations of capital and labor so as 
to secure a larger share of profit to the latter than is obtained at 

Political communism, as now understood, is a movement directed 
by political agitators, with a view of obtaining the power of the 
State, and of putting in force, on a national scale, the radical prin- 
ciples of communism, first in financial and industrial matters, anil next 
in matters of social ethics and religion. Communistic leaders and their 
followers, however sincere in their views and aims, are usually free- 
religionists, or no-religionists. 

The late Dr. Thompson, who for several years has been a thought- 
ful and calm observer of the political and social movements of Europe, 
not long before his death, published a paper entitled, "A Moral Quar- 
antine." In view of the immigration into our communities of tons of 
thousands of German Socialists whom their own country can no longer 
endure, he predicts much trouble. He represents these men as 
inflamed with the fever of license, with hatred to God and all 
established authority; as the open enemies of the Bible, the Sabbath, 
the home, of marriage, and of society itself. Dr. Thompson reasons 
that the law which enables this country to defend itself from infected 
animals and rags will also, upon similar grounds, permit a moral 

Communism has a suggestive history. In one form or another it 
dates a long way back. It has been found among the Hindoos, the 
Egyptians, and the Jews. Plato advocated the theory in his ideal 
republic. lit desired to have all the land owned by the State, and 
common use and common privilege enjoyed in education and in the 
various matters of social life. 

NOTES. 289 

" There were to be neither rich persons nor poor, for the State was 
to provide equally for all ; neither was the exclusiveness of birth nor of 
other fortuitous inequalities to be allowed to break the easy bonds by 
which all citizens, both male and female, could be bound together in 
one harmonious commonwealth." 

Sir Thomas More, in his Utopia, dreamed of a state communistic 
in its organization. The details of government in his happy island 
were carried out by a body of magistrates appointed by popular elec- 
tion. To this governing body was delegated the duty of distributing 
the instruments and apportioning the tasks of productive industry 
among all the people, while the wealth resulting from their united and 
easy labors went to form a public fund, in which all equally partici- 
pated. There was no want nor scarcity, for every citizen must work; 
and yet no fatigue nor weariness, for the daily hours of labor did not 
exceed six. There was no use for money, as food and all necessaries 
were supplied from the common stock. Meals were laid out in public, 
for all to share alike, and they were rendered more enjoyable by the 
accompaniment of sweet strains of music, and the scent of delicate 

The first perhaps to formulate in a distinct manner the modern 
doctrine of communism, in extreme terms, was Babeuf, in his jour- 
nal Le Tribun du Peuple, 1794-1796. His theory was the follow- 
ing: "There shall be no differences other than those of age and 
sex. All men have nearly the same faculties and the same needs; 
they ought, consequently, to have the same education and the same 

Robert Owen, a man of wealth, spent his fortune and life in endeav- 
ors to establish schemes of industry more or less communistic. His 
agricultural community at New Harmony, Ind., though continued for 
a time, entirely disappointed his expectations, and he thus described 
the result: "I wanted," he said, "honesty of purpose, and I got 
dishonesty. I wanted temperance, and instead I was continually trou- 
bled with the intemperate. I wanted industry, and I found idleness. 
I wanted carefulness, and I found waste. I wanted to find a desire 
for knowledge, and I found apathy. I wanted the principles of 
the formation of character understood, and I found them misunder- 

Were all men righteous and equal in ability, then communism, a9 
represented in the ideal republic of Plato and in the Utopia of More, 
and as worked for by modern theorists, would be an admirable system. 
But as men are constituted, communism will never end better than 
Owen's community at New Harmony. 

290 NOTES. 

LXI. (Page 221.) 

A table of wages and the cost of living, with the price of staple 
articles of commerce, going back as far as the year 1200, has been 
lately published. It shows that wages during the thirteenth century 
were .about fifty cents a week. In the next century they advanced 
some fifteen cents, and continued to advance slowly until in the last 
century they reached one dollar and eighty-seven cents per week. 
Wheat in the thirteenth century averaged seventy-one cents, or eight 
and a half days' labor a bushel. 

In the United States, a common day-laborer now receives more 
than a bushel of wheat for a single day's labor. In six centuries, meat 
has not quite trebled in price, while wages have increased more than 

LXII. (Page 222.) 

Some of the representative men who have held office in New York 
within a few years are thus described by the New York World: 

"Thomas Dunlap; a commissioner of jurors, with a salary of fifteen 
thousand dollars a year, began life as a dog-catcher, gained influence 
as a rumseller, and passed from a gin-mill to a position where he prac- 
tically has charge of the jury-system of the city. Four aldermen keep 
one or two saloons each, and two of them keep ' bucket-shops ' and 
'all-night' dens. Richard Crocker, coroner, with twelve thousand 
dollars a year, has been a prize-fighter, and only escaped conviction 
for the crime of murder through his influence in Tammany counsels. 
Richard Flanigan, another coroner at twelve thousand dollars a year, 
has been a prize-fighter, and is a gambler. Jerry Hartigan, another 
member of the committee, has been tried for murder. The list might 
be extended, but a few shining examples suffice to show what a city 
may expect which allows itself to be governed by the Democratic 

LXIII. (Page 223.) 

A striking parallel could be drawn between the fashionable women 
of the United States and those of the Roman republic. (See page 
42.) Most cases of fraud during late years have sprung, it must be 
admitted, from " a hunger for home magnificence or display." 

The Roman republic was compelled once to pass a law forbidding 
the consuls from going in processions with white horses. The empire 
had done enough of that. The people had seen the tax-lists and the 
wars and the bribes that came from splendor, and they ordained by 

NOTES. 291 

law that their republic should make an experiment in simplicity. But 
the law was vain. The barbarian love of display was all through and 
through the people. To gratify their taste they would sack any city, 
and strip the rings from the dying women, or gold from the altars of 
the gods. When Rome died it was full of furniture and tapestry and 
marbles, but empty of soul. No men or women of mind and of virtue 
had trodden its elegant parlors for a hundred years. When high style 
comes in at the door, reason flies out at the window. 

Oonfucius, speaking of the ancients, says : 

" Their families being regulated, their states were rightly governed. 
Their states being rightly governed, the whole empire was made tran- 
quil and happy." 

LXIV. (Page 228.) 

The more history is studied the more will it appear that some men 
cannot be kept safe except by rigor. There are those who do not 
seem to know when they are well used. It is noteworthy that the 
czars whose lives have been oftenest in danger are those who have 
appeared most deserving. Ivan the Terrible and Nicholas I., un- 
questionably the two greatest tyrants in Russian history, were never 
assailed, while the present czar has been aimed at five times, and his- 
liberal and popular uncle, Alexander I., is still believed to have died 
by poison. Even Peter the Great, " the Father of Russia," had no 
fewer than three escapes from assassination. 

Mr. Froude, in his last article in the "North American Review," 
says : 

"The line of human progress is the equation of the compound 
forces of freedom and authority. Freedom runs into anarchy; au- 
thority runs into tyranny. By the endless jar of these two tendencies 
the course of advance is traced out. It pleases us to say that all men 
have a natural right to liberty. But perhaps those only have a right 
to liberty who deserve it, and can use it well. We say that all men 
are equal. We say it to no purpose if nature has made us unequal. 
We say that all men have an equal right to a voice in the state. It 
may be that only the wise and competent have a right to have a voice 
in it at all ; that the majority are as little able to choose their ablest 
statesmen as to choose their ablest artist, philosopher, poet, religious 
teacher. . . . The rights of man are, we know not what. The respon- 
sibilities of men are practical realities, which find us out at every false 
step which we take. ... It is the fashion to say that the modern man 
is free ; that submission to authority is mean and servile. On the con- 
trary, it is precisely as men understand what real freedom means that 

292 NOTES. 

thej' submit to what is better than themselves ; and those who clamor 
loudest for their rights are those who have fewest rights which deserve 
to be respected." 

LXV. (Page 229.) 

Some of the quotations of letters from Macaulay to H. S. Randall, 
author of the "Life of Jeiferson," are of great weight coming from so 
learned an observer. In a letter dated May 23, 1857, we read : 

"You are surprised to learn that I have not a high opinion of Mr. 
Jefferson, and I am surprised at your surprise. 1 am certain that I 
never wrote a line, and I never, in Parliament, in conversation, or 
even on the hustings — a place where it is the fashion to court the 
populace — uttered a word indicating an opinion that the supreme 
authority in a State ought to be intrusted to the majority of citizens; 
in other words, to the poorest and most ignorant part of society. I 
have long been convinced that institutions purely democratic must 
sooner or later destroy liberty or civilization, or both. In Europe, 
where the population is dense, the effect of such institutions would be 

almost instantaneous You may think that your country enjoys 

an exemption from these evils. I will frankly own to you that I am 
of a very different opinion. Your fate I believe to be certain, though 
it is deferred by a physical cause. As long as you have a boundless 
extent of fertile and unoccupied land, your laboring population will be 
far more at ease than the laboring population of the Old World, and 
while that is the case, the Jefferson politics may continue to exist 
without causing any fatal calamity. But the time will come when 
New England will be as thickly peopled as old England. Wages will 
be as low, and will fluctuate as much with you as with us. You will 
have your Manchesters and Birminghams, and in those Manchester's 
and Birminghams hundreds of thousands of artisans will assuredly be 
sometimes out of work. Then your institutions will be fairly brought 

to the test It is quite plain that your Government will never 

be able to restrain a distressed and discontented majority. For with 
you the majority is the Government, and has the rich, who are always 
a minority, absolutely at its mercy. The day will come when in the 
State of New York a multitude of people, none of whom has had more 
than half a breakfast, or expects to have more than half a dinner, will 
choose a legislature. Is it possible to doubt what sort of a legislature 
will be chosen ? On one side is a statesman preaching patience, 
respect for vested rights, strict observance of public faith. On the 
other is a demagogue ranting about the tyranny of capitalists and 
usurers, and asking why anybody should be permitted to drink cham- 

NOTES. 293 

pagne and ride in a carriage while thousands of honest folks arc in 
want of necessaries. Which of the two candidates is likely to he pre- 
ferred by a workingman who hears his children cry for more bread ? 
I seriously apprehend that you will, in some such season of adversity 
as I have described, do things which will prevent prosperity from 
returning; that you will act like people who should in a year of 
scarcity devour all the seed-corn, and thus make the next a year, not 
of scarcity, but of absolute famine. There will be, I fear, spoliation. 
The spoliation will increase the distress. The distress will produce 
fresh spoliation. There is nothing to stop you. Your Constitution is 
all sail and no anchor. As I said before, when a society has entered 
on this downward progress, either civilization or liberty must perish. 
Either some Caesar or Napoleon will seize the reins of government 
with a strong hand, or your republic will be as fearfully plundered and 
laid waste by barbarians in the twentieth century as the Roman empire 
was in the fifth, with this difference, that the Hans and Vandals who 
ravaged the Roman empire came from without, and that your Huns 
and Vandals will have been engendered within your own country by 
your own institutions." 

LXVI. (Page 231.) 

The acknowledgment must be made that the first threat of secession 
came from New England during the first term of Washington's admin- 
istration. The facts were these : The New England members in Con- 
gress had brought forward a proposition for the assumption by the 
General government of certain war debts of the States. The Southern 
States had largely paid their debts, while the debts of the New England 
States had mostly been bought up at a large discount by speculators, 
some of whom, a Northern historian tells us, were then in Congress. 
The proposition was rejected by Southern votes. Great excitement 
followed. New England threatened to secede, and Congress could do 
no business but adjourn from day to day, and its dissolution was immi- 
nent. Through the management of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Hamilton, 
a compromise was brought about, and "the Union was saved;" the 
war debts of New England were paid, and the national capital was 
located on the Potomac instead of farther north. 

The threat of secession now comes from California. Says a leading 
San Francisco paper : 

" Already such a dread possibility as secession from the Union, in 
the event of our failure to obtain the relief we demand from the 
Chinese evil, is broadly talked of in high circles. Leading men say 
that we have pleaded, have exhausted arguments, have cried aloud for 

294 NOTES. 

relief, but our most earnest appeals have been treated with indignity, 
and our sufferings been made a mockery. As a last resort, we will 
take advantage of the geographical lines that surround us, the vast 
extent of soil within our boundaries, the exhaustless resources of 
wealth that are ours, and will set up au Occidental republic, which, 
if it cannot rival the old republic in its glory of the past, will at least 
be a magnificent empire of white freemen, whose heritage shall be 
preserved to their children and their children's children forever." 

Once admit the doctrine of State rights, and the sovereign right of 
New England or of the Pacific States to withdraw from the Federal 
compact would be established. Soon there would not be two govern- 
ments merely, but many. Any group of states, or any great city, on 
the ground of some real or imaginary injustice, or from purely selfish 
interests, under the leadership of ambitious demagogues, would break 
the Federal compact. 

LXVII. (Page 237.) 

This to many persons may seem strong language. But volunteer 
soldiers often wonder what really was gained by all their sacrifices. 
The colored people have received very little benefit. They flee from 
the South overground rather than underground : this appears to be 
the chief difference. Surprisingly few of the " Grand Army of the 
Republic," on account of their military services, are admitted to man- 
agement or emoluments of our civil offices. The honor of having 
been a soldier is recognized in the South, but in the North there is not 
much account taken of it. Facts like these lead many of the men who 
fought most faithfully to say. " Were there another war, we would 
remain at home, run no risks, and make money." 

LXVIII. (Page 240.) 

In answer to the statement that Washington's and Jefferson's ride, 
to appoint the able, promote the worthy, and never remove the worthy 
for merely partisan reasons, will result in an aristocracy of office- 
holders, it has been well said " that such an aristocracy as would not 
be turned out or put in by party patronage, and not be changed with 
the administrations, would serve botli political parties, and so be no 
aristocracy at all." 

LXIX. (Page 241.) 

It is interesting to note how much alike are demagogues in all ages, 
whether royal sons or brutes. Absalom, as described in the Book of 
Samuel, is a type of what is found in every commonwealth of 

NOTES. 295 

the United States. He is represented as addressing those who are 
in trouble, telling them it is the fault of the existing government. 
" See," he says, " thy matters are good and right, but there is no man 
deputed of the king to hear them." He ascribes the sufferings of the 
people, their losses, the hard times, to existing rulers, and persuades 
the people that a change of government will remove every evil. "Oh, 
that I were made judge in the land! that every man which hath any 
suit or cause might come unto me, and I would do him justice." He 
persuaded the Israelites that all they needed was a change ; that David 
had been in power too long; and that a new administration would 
make things right. Absalom is also represented as seeking popu- 
larity by making himself familiar with every one, shaking hands with 
everybody, so that, "when any man came nigh to him to do him 
obeisance, he put forth his hand, and took him and kissed him." So 
Absalom stole the hearts of the men of Israel. These are the common 
arts of the selfish demagogue in all times. They flatter the people, 
pander to their prejudices, encourage their hostility to other classes of 
society, and kiss the hands and feet of the foulest men. 

Another typical demagogue has already been referred to — Cleon 
of Athens. He was fierce in invective, a ready and able speaker, and 
was thoroughly acquainted with all the tricks of the forum. Cleon 
was able to find fault with all in power. He threatened them with 
criminal accusations, and took bribes to let them off. He obtained 
power by inspiring terror, by promising rewards to his friends, and 
threats of punishment to his enemies. 

Shakspeare's Jack Cade is a.third remarkable type of a demagogue. 
He is represented as promising that every man in England shall have 
all he wants; that all the lands of England shall be held in common; 
that all shall have the best to eat and drink and wear. He has the 
usual hatred which demagogues have for knowledge. He decrees 
that all lawyers shall be killed ; that all who can read and write shall 
be hanged ; and that he will spare only those who wear cowhide boots 
and have hard hands. The reader will find no difficulty in meeting 
with the descendants of these three types of demagogism. 

LXX. (Page 245.) 

It is a question whether the modern club and caucus are not doing 
far more mischief than good. 

It was during the later times of the Roman republic that " the 
majority of the people went to the public shops of barbers, and to the 
shops of physicians, which were great places of resort in the morning, 

296 NOTES. 

when numbers of idle loungers assembled there, and talked over the 
news of the day." 

When Cyrus was at Saidis, he was warned not to injure any city of 
Hellas lest the Lacedaemonians should interfere. 

" I was never yet afraid of men," said Cyrus, " who have-a place set 
apart in the middle of this city, where they meet to cheat one another, 
and to forswear themselves." 

LXXI. (Page 246.) 

Carl Schurz, speaking of the condition of our politics, says: 
" Men of the highest character and ability are not unfrequcntly dis- 
carded as 'too good ' to be candidates for public employment, because 
they could not obtain the support of the lower class of politicians : the 
moral tone of politics is becoming so low as to repel many of the best 
citizens from active participation in public life; and political parties, 
especially when they grow old, show a tendency to i-esolve themselves 
into class corporations, to whom the possession of power and ' public 
plunder' is the first, and the promotion of the public interest only a 
secondary object." 

LXXII. (Page 246.) 

Resolutions just adopted by the Democratic party of New York are 
representative : 

"The Democratic party of New York renew their fidelity to the 
principles set forth by the National Democratic Convention at St. 
Louis, and approved by decisive popular majorities in the presidential 
election in 1876. The victory then won was in the name and for the 
sake of reform. The people were defrauded of the fruits of that vic- 
tory by a false count of the electoral votes The Democratic 

party of New York also declare their settled conviction that the suc- 
cess of that conspiracy against the people's constitutional sovereignty, 
which, by perjuries, forgeries, bribes, and violence, in effect disfran- 
chised 4,300,416 voting citizens, and which, by a false count of the 
electoral votes, reversed the result of the last presidential election, 
compels the next to turn upon a single commanding issue. That issue 

precedes and dwarfs every other A government of the people, 

for the people, must be a government by the people. The lawful exer- 
cise and orderly transfer of the people's power through the successive 
administrations of the Government prescribed by the people's choice, 
is the fundamental condition of a representative Democratic republic. 
It is the political object for which constitutions and laws arc framed ; 

NOTES. 297 

it is that for which a republic is anywhere preferred above a mon- 
archy, where the transfer is by hereditary succession as an escape 
from usurped magistracies and civil wars; it is the substance of civil 
liberty; as for democracy (the people's ride), the people's right to 
rule, it is the very breath of its life. This, then, is the momentous 
issue, the right of the people to exercise and enjoy an elective self- 
government without impediment by force or fraud from any quarter, 
least of all by fraud and force from their temporary but discarded 

This sounds very much like injured innocence ! 

LXXIII. (Page 247.) 

Washington, in his memorable " Farewell," employs this language : 
"The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened 
by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which in different 
ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself 
a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and 
permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradu- 
ally incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the abso- 
lute power of an individual, and sooner or later the chief of some 
prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than bis compititors, 
turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins 
of public liberty." 


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