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,'  ■/■,,;  ,- 



VOL.  IV. 
[  I  756-1 763.] 




[/f//   Hghli    r/strvc^.] 




The  present  volume  brings  to  a  conclusion  the  history  of 
French  rule  in  Canada.  An  opinion  may  prevail  in  some  quar- 
ters,  that  occasionally  its  detail  has  been  elaborately  related,  and 
that  undue  importance  has  been  given  to  incidents,  which  might 
have  been  more  summarily  presented.  As  I  was  actuated  by  the 
conviction,  that  it  was  unwise  to  pass  over  any  event  which  had 
any  social  or  political  relation  to  the  early  years  of  the  history  of 
Canada,  I  have  striven  to  embrace  within  my  narrative  all  that 
may  be  said  legitimately  to  belong  to  it.  I  do  not  here  refer  to 
the  dramatic  interest  attached  more  or  less  to  the  several  inci- 
dents, for  the  feeling  thus  appealed  to  must  ever  be  a  relative 
matter,  and  what  may  strike  one  mind  as  entertaining,  may  to 
another  appear  dry  and  jejune.  I  was  myself  impressed  by  the 
thought,  that  the  subject  had  to  be  considered  from  the  higher 
view  of  the  application  of  the  past  to  our  present  condition.  Any 
honestly  written  impartial  narrative  must  throw  light  on  the 
subject  of  which  it  treats ;  and  a  proper  appreciation  of  what 
has  taken  place  from  the  transfer  of  Quebec  to  the  French  in  1632 
by  Charles  I.,  to  the  capitulation  of  Montreal  in  1760,  cannot  fail 
to  aid  in  leading  to  a  just  consideration  of  any  claim,  which  may 
be  put  forward  to-day,  whatever  its  character  and  by  whomsoever 
it  may  be  advanced. 

One  essential  principle  presented  itself  to  my  mind  in  the 
preparation  of  this  work :  that  in  order  to  make  it  plain  and  intel- 
ligible, it  was  indispensable  that  the  events  which  took  place 
synchronously  in  Great  Britain,  France  and  the  then  southern 
British  provinces,  should  be  understood.  I  have  accordingly 
briefly  introduced  the  narrative  of  such  events,  and  in  doing  so  I 
deemed  it  incumbent  upon  me,  to  consider  the  principal  actors  who 
have  appeared  from  time  to  time  in  Europe  and  America,  upon  the 
political  stage.  The  four  volumes  which  have  appeared  may  be 
regarded  as  an  introduction  to  the  history  of  British  rule  in 
Canada,  which  itself  may  be  divided  into  three  periods.    The  first 


period  includes  the  years  succeeding  the  conquest,  to  1791,  when 
the  Canada  act  divided  the  province  into  Upper  and  Lower  Canada. 
This  act  continued  in  operation  for  the  subsequent  iialf- century, 
during  which  the  two  provinces  remained  independently  constituted 
with  separate  legislatures,  until  the  i  ith  of  February,  1841,  when 
they  were  formed  into  the  one  province  of  Canada.  Thus,  this 
portion  of  our  history  extends  over  eighty  years.  It  includes  the 
remarkable  events  of  the  quarrel  with  the  revolted  British  colonies, 
and  the  war  which  led  to  the  independence  of  the  present  United 
States:  the  war  of  1811-14  with  that  republic;  the  rebellions  in 
Upper  and  Lower  Canada,  and  the  development  of  constitutional 
government  in  the  province. 

The  first  of  these  events  is  so  closely  connected  with  Canada, 
that  it  calls  for  a  special  narrative  of  what  took  place  in  connection 
with  the  province.  Moreover  it  was  the  direct  cause  of  the  settle- 
ment of  Upper  Canada  by  a  British  population ;  a  fact  which 
must  be  kept  in  view  in  the^istory  of  Ontario  for  the  following 
seventy  years.  It  created  a  dominant  feeling  in  the  minds  of  the 
first  settlers  and  their  children ;  of  those  who  suffered  to  sustain 
the  United  Empire,  "the  U,  E.  loyalists,"  as  their  descendants 
proudly  call  themselves.  These  men  sacrificed  all  they  had  in  this 
world,  and  left  behind  them  many  of  the  associations  which  make 
life  dear,  to  carve  out  of  the  woods  a  hard,  toilsome  existence,  that 
they  might  live  and  die  under  the  British  flag  ;  and  they  were  not 
unhappy,  for  they  acted  up  to  their  convictions,  and  from  their 
sense  of  duty;  and  they  retained  in  the  greatest  trial  and  privation, 
the  proud  feeling  of  unswerving  self-respect. 

The  second  period  is  constituted  in  the  quarter  of  a  century, 
during  which  the  province  of  Canada,  embracing  the  present 
provinces  of  Ontario  and  Quebec  existed  as  a  unity  until  1867, 
when  confederation  of  the  whole  of  the  British  North  American 
provinces  took  place:  at  which  date  the  third  period  commences 
when  British  America  became  known  as  the  Dominion  of  Canada. 

I  trust,  if  circumstances  permit,  to  continue  the  history  of 
British  rule  in  Canada  to  the  11th  of  February,  1S41,  the  date 
within  half  a  century  of  the  present  time,  when  the  union  of  the 
two  provinces  was  consummated.     Most  of  the  enmities,  political 


and  social,  of  that  day,  have  passed  away  with  the  men  who  figured 
in  them.  The  task  of  describing  the  concluding  years  is  not 
without  difficulty,  for  some  of  the  younger  actors  at  that  date 
still  survive,  and  retain  at  least  the  family  and  party  recollections 
which  were  engendered  by  the  struggle.  If  I  succeed  in  carrying 
out  my  purpose,  I  will  endeavour  to  avoid  in  any  way  awakening 
this  ancient  feeling  of  discord.  I  have  no  desire  to  revive  old 
feuds,  and  I  must  ever  bear  in  mind  that  I  am  "walking  upon 
ashes  under  which  the  fire  is  not  extinguished." 

I  hope  it  will  not  be  considered  that  "  1  protest  too  much,"  if  I 
add  that  I  have  endeavoured  to  fulfil  the  promise  made  in  the 
early  pages  of  this  work,  to  be  fair  and  honest.  So  far  as  I  know 
myself,  I  have  had  no  theory  to  advocate,  no  purpose  to  attain. 
I  have  endeavoured  to  render  a  serviae  to  the  dominion  by  the 
completion  of  a  record  which  it  is  my  hope  may  prove  acceptable 
in  all  quarters.  This  intention  at  least  may  be  remembered  in  my 

I  will  add  that  I  have  neglected  no  source  of  information.  In 
addition  to  the  many  known  authorities,  I  have  consulted  the  MSS. 
at  my  disposal  in  the  parliamentary  library,  and  the  copies  of  the 
imperial  records  in  the  Archives  so  admirably  collected  by  the 
ability  and  untiring  industry  of  Mr.  Brymner.  I  do  not  know  one 
source  of  information  I  have  failed  to  consult.  Whatever  the 
defect  in  my  own  use  of  these  authorities,  I  cannot  accuse  myself 
of  want  of  industry,  or  of  an  absence  of  earnestness  in  my  labours. 
In  conclusion,  I  will  venture  humbly  to  quote  the  words  of  Grote, 
in  the  preface  to  his  immortal  history  of  Greece.  It  is  "only 
within  the  last  .  .  .  years  that  I  have  been  able  to  devote  to 
the  work  that  continuous  and  exclusive  labour,  without  which, 
though  much  may  be  done  to  illustrate  detached  points,  no  entire 
or  complicated  subject  can  ever  be  set  forth  in  a  manner  worthy  to 
meet  the  public  eye." 

I  repeat  my  deeply  felt  thanks  to  those  friends,  who  have  so 
unselfishly  and  generously  aided  me  in  my  undertaking. 

W.  K. 
Ottawa,  Canada, 

8/A  October,  1890. 





MoDtcslm  relums  to  Montreal 
The  Iroquois'  depuUlion 
Meels  de  Vaudreuil 
New  York  aulhorilies  and  the  Six 

Letters  of  sir  William  Johnson 
Indian  discouragement  ■ 
Johnson  retains   tribes  in   British 

Edmund  Aikin  meets  Johnson 
Result  of  Indian  deliberations 
Atuck  of  French  oulposts  aban- 

Major  Robert  Rogers   . 
The  rangers 
^     Montcalm  and  de  Vaudreuil 
~*  Their  unsalisfactor;  cektions 
Rcgere'  scouting    party  north   of 

Ticonden^l  . 
Rogers'  retreat 
His  skirmish  with  the  French 
Risers  praised  for  gallantry  . 
R^ud  de  yaudreuil's  expedition 
His  attack  of  William  Henry 
Major  Eyre   .... 
Alarm  given  to  the  garrison 
Le  Mercier  demands  surrender 
The  demand  refused 
French  aliaclc 
Retreat  of  the  French   . 
Eyre's  gallant  defence   . 
Relieved  by  colonel  Monroe  . 
Destruction  of  British  vessels 
>  Montcalm  b  Montreal  . 

Opposed  to  marriage  of  the  young 

Encourages  marriages  by  men  in 
the  ranks       .... 

High  play  in  Canada    . 

Dearness  of  provisions  , 

Weak  condition  of  the  British 
garrisons        .... 


Lord  Loudoun      ... 
Treasonable  letters  to  the  due  de 

The  letters  sent  to  Dublin 
Geoi^    Croghan,    the    supposed 

Loudoun   recommends   attack    of 

Quebec  .... 
William  Shirley    . 
His  meeting  with  Loudoun   . 
Dithcully  with  the  provincial  offi- 

Winslow's  good  sense   . 
Shirley's  neglect  of  Oswego  . 
Impoilance  of  Oswego 
Loudoun's  feeling  as  to  its  loss 
AtUck  of  fort   Granville  on  th 

Loudoun  on  the  fall  of  Oswego 
Provisions  illegally  eiported  to  the 

Provinces  refuse  quarters  for  the 

British  troops 
Troops  assemble  at  New  York  for 

attack  of  Quebec    . 



Loudoun  sails  from  New  Yotk 
Webb  left  in  command 
Dinwiddie  raises  embargo 
Loudoun  arrives  at  Halifax  . 
The   "cabbage   plaming   expedi' 

Loudoun's  good  sense   . 
The  episode  of  lord  Charles  Hay  . 
The  large  force  at  Louisbourg 
Attack  on  Louisbourg  abandoned  . 
Holbourne  sails  to  the  Totlress 
Fleet  caught  in  >  huiricane   . 
Loss  of  the  "Tilbury" 
Dispersion  of  the  British  fleet 

['757- 1 
De  Machautt,  minister  of  marine  . 
D'Argenson,  secretary  of  war 

Their  dii.missal      .... 

The  Jesuit  parly  in  France  in  the 

ascendant        .... 

The  church  objects  to  be  included 

Colonel  Meserve   .... 
Colonel  Young  sent  with  reinforce- 


De  Uvis  sent  to  Carillon  .    48 

Marin  arrives  with  western  Indians  49 
Expedition  against  fori  Edw: 
Montcalm  arrives  at  Ticonderoga  . 
Skirmishes  .... 
De  Corbiire  ascends  lake  George  50 
Colonel  Parker's  advance 
His  defeat  and  loss 
The  French  force  march  by  w< 

side  of  lake'    . 
De  L^vis  in  command  . 
The  remaining  force  ascends  lake 

Arrival  before  the  fori  . 

De  Livis  establishes  himself  to  the 


Arrogance  of  the  clergy  moderated    40 
DiHerence  of  view  as  to   foreign 

policy    .... 
Alliance  with  Maria  Theresa 
Damien's  attempt  on  the  king's  life 
The  king's  piqui  d'ifingit 
Tlie  dauphin  summoned 
Madame  de  Pompadour  in  di^rac 
Recovery  of  the  king     . 
De  Paulmy,  secretary  of  war 
Attack  of  William  Henry  resolvei 

The  garrison  of  William  IIem7 
Colonel  Monroe  in  command 
Difficulties  of  Webb's  position 

south     . 
Montcalm  sends 

Montcalm's  letter  . 
Monroe's  answer   . 
The  fort  de^iibed 
Strength  of  the  garrison 
Webb  unjustly  blamed  for  1 

lieving  fort 
Without  strength  to  aid  it 
De  L^vis  between  Webb  and  fort 
Webb  applies  to  provincial  gover 

«  for  m 
Advises     Monroe    I 

nake    best 

Montcalm  obtains  letter 
Number  of  French  troops 
Character  of  the  Indians  present    . 
Their  conduct  during  the  siege 
Difficulty  in  managing  them  . 
liatterles  opened    . 
Montcalm  receives  red  ribbon 

Deplorable  condition  of  besieged  . 






Articles  of  capitulalior  . 




Scarcity  of  food  in  Canada    . 


Pitt's  ministry 

Pre»enls   E="ison   being  inarched 

Death  of  Pelham  . 

prisoners  of  war  to  Montreal 


Political  complications  . 


Foi,  first  lord  Holland 

Death  of  the  Prince  of  Wales 

blame    .... 


Newcastle's  influence    . 

The  British  prepared  lo  march  ou 

Secret  service  money    . 

of  the  intrenchment 


Sir  Thomas  Robinson  . 

Attack  of  the  Indians    . 


Fox  deserts  Pitt    . 


Discredit  of  Newcastle's  adroinis 

Indians  attack  column  . 


tralion  .... 


Admiral  Byng       . 

The  priioners  taken  by  Ihem  re 

LossofMinorta   .         . 



Resignation  of  Newcastle      . 

Parties  sent  out  to  protect  fugitive. 


RichacdCrenville,  first  lordTemple 

Indians  return  home      . 


George  II 

De  Bellollre  .... 


The  duke  of  Cumberland 


Causes  of  Pitt's  dismissal 

Depression  in  the  British  province 


The  country  greatly  excited  . 
Formation  of  Pitt's  ministry  . 


Scarcity  of  food  in  Canada     . 

The  greatest  England  has  ever  seen 



Situation  of  the  French 


[1757- '758-1 

Rations  of  troops  reduced      . 


Pitt's  new  ministry        . 

The  regiment  of  Beam 


Early  reverses 

Women  demand  bread 


Convention  of  Clostem  Severn 

Refuse  10  eat  horseflesh 


The  French  overrun  Hesse    . 

liorse-flesh  served  out  to  the  troop- 


Duke  de  Richelieu 

De  Uvis'  Srmness 


Duke  of  Cumberland     . 

His  address  to  the  troops 


Pill's  magnanimity 

HU««a™«W;   .       . 


Dread  of  an  invasion  in  England 

Montcalm's  letter  lo  de  Moras 


Feeling  in  the  country  . 

He  detcribea  his  position 


Expedition  to  France    . 

Increase  in  prices  in  Canada 


-First  menlion  of  Wolfe's  name 

Trial  of  de  Vergor  and  de  Villera 


Attack  directed  against  Rochefon 

Both  exonerated   . 


Failure  of  the  operations 

Civil  officers  desire  lo  leave  Canad 


Mord.tunl  tried  by  court-martial 


Condition  of  the  army  . 

The  war  of  outposts 


The  national  spirit  re-awakened 

R<^r'«  defeat 


Operations  in  America  determined 

HU  escape    .... 


on          .... 


Louisbourg  to  ije  attacked 

De  Liiii  to  attack  Oswego  . 


.  Appointment  of  Wolfe  -        - 


';  Junes  Wolfe 

,His  Mnh 

j  His  diligence  >< 

'  His  affaire  lU  caur  wilh  Clu 

In  command  of  the  icHh 

Visits  France 

Lord   Temple's  Table   concerning 

Wolfe    .... 
Temple,  first  lord  Grenville  . 
His  impeiiincnce  to  George  H. 
His  intrigues 
His  siory  to  be  rejected 

The  barTMks  on  fire     .  .  i 

Attack  persevered  in     .  .  i 

Leforer  takes  ' '  le  Prudent  "  and 

The  whole  French  fleet  destroyed 

(note] I 

j  Desperate  condition  of  ihe  foriress  i 

I  Capitulation  proposed  .  .  I 

I  Terms  refused  .         .  I 

Finally  accepted  .  .  I 

British  lake  possession  of  the  fort' 

News  received  in  England 
Fortifications  demolished 
Safety  of  Itrilish- American  p 
inces  <lne  to  the  mother  c< 

Mde.  de  Dmcour  . 


Louisbourg  . 

The  fortress  and  its  garrison 
The  British  force 
Danger  in  landing 
Captain  Ferguson 
Bosca wen's  determinalion 
Kennington  cove  . 
Bad  weather 
Landing  attempted 
Heavy  fire  of  the  French 
Landing  effected  . 
The  French  picket  repulsed 
The  British  take  up  position 
The  marquis  De^oultes 
Wolfe  opens  bis  batteries 
Ships  sunk  in  the  harliour 
Sortie  of  ihe  French 
British  lines  advance 
L'Arelhuse,  captain  de  Vauclain 
De  la  Houliire  oiganizes  a  sortie 
Burning  of  "le  Cilebre,"  "  I'Ei 
Ireprenant"  and    "  te  Capri- 



After  the  conquest  .  i. 

Thoughts  of  [iroceeding  lo  Quebec  I. 

Lord  Rollo  sent  to  He  Saint  Jean 
(Prince  Edward  island)  . 
'    The  population     . 

Major  Balling  at  Sydney 

Major  Morris  at  Cape  Sable 

Monckion  at  Saint  John 

Ascends  Saint  John  River 

Major  Scott  sent  to  the  Petilcodiac 

Hauen  ascends  river  Saint  Jt^n 

Wolfe  ordered  to  Gasp£ 
\  Wolfe  returns  lo  England       . 

Barrington's  letter  lo  Wolfe  . 

Wolfe's  i^ly 

The  provincial  troops 

General  Abercrombie 

His  character 

His  want  of  artillery 

La  prtite  i^m 

Order  repudiating  capitulation  of 
William  Henry      . 



Abercronibie  descends  lake  George  |i 
Montcalm  at  TiconderogJ,  ■  .  ti 
The  defences  .11 

Landing  of  Abercrambie  ■  |i 

The    advance   of   Abercrombie's 

Death  of  lord  Hone  .  n 

Hit  death  without  influence  on  the 

Howe   not  sent  to  control  Aber- 
crombie  .  v 

'^  Montcalm's  force  .  .11 

Failvre   of  attack   from   want    of 

The  intrenchmcnt  of  a^>i  .  .  t 
Bivoaac    of    British    force    night 

before  attack  .  .  I 

Report  that  de  L^vis  was  expected  I 
Mr.  Clerk,  engineer,  recommends 

French  disposition  for  defence 
Britith  attack  resolved  upon  . 
Storming  parlies  repulsed 
Galluiirj  of  the  attack 
Retreat  withoni  confusion 
British  retire  10  saw  mills 
Bivouac  there  the  night  of  the  Sth 

joir     .... 

British  retreat,  ascending  the  take 

British  losses 

Wisdom  of  the  retreat  . 

Incident  daring  action  . 

Few  iiores   only   left    behind  by 

News  of  disaster  in  England  . 

No  advantage  gained  from  repulse  177 
Behaviour  provincial  troops  .         .  177 
One  colonel  Harl  .178 

His  miscDiHluct    ....  17S 

R^ets'   expedition    to    Wood's 

His  iight  near  fort  Anne 
Losses  on  both  sides  . 
Generals  on  both  sides  perplexed 
Amherst  reaches  Boston 
Arrives  at  fort  Geoi^e  . 
Bradslreet  proposes  the  attack  of 

Ori^nization  of  his  force 
Proceeds  on  the  expedition    . 
Takes  Cataraqui    . 
The  commandant  Payan  de  Nojan 
Importance  of  fort  Frontenac 
Relief  despatched  from  Montreal 
Major  Duplessis    ■ 
Chevalier    Benoit    sent   to   Pron. 

Ilradstreet's  information  concei 

ing  the  Indians 
French  attempts  at  conciliation 
De  Rigaud's  mission      . 
''  Difference  in  treatment  of  Indians 

by  French  and  English 
British  troops  go  •"•'•  —;-•" 

Abercrombie  recalled    . 
French  troops  go  into  » 


Fort  Duquesne 

Devastntion  of  Pennsylvania  1 

Hrigndier  John  Forbes  . 

Difficulties   with    the    provini 

legislatures     . 
Bouquet  second  in  command 
Question  of  route  10  fort  Duquc 
Geoi^e  Washington 
Diflicullies  of  route 
Raestown      .... 
Road  cut  to  Cumberland 


Troops  commence  to  asstmbte      .  196 
Washington    opjiosetl    to    matcb 

through  Pennsylvania 
CompatiKon  of  routes    . 
Washington's  views 
Indians.troublesoineand  unreliable  199 
Work  on  tlie  Kaeslown  road 
Forbes  at  Sliippcnsbuig 
Fires^iii/r/culorlallorLouisbourg  : 
The  same  for  taking  of  Niagira 
Advancing   force  troubled   by  In- 

Arrives  before  fort  Duquesi 
His  altem|]led  attack     . 
His  defeat     . 
His  losses     . 

Reaches  foil  Duquesne  to  \ 

abandoned     . 
Walls  blown  up     . 
British  lake  possession  of  ground  . 
Sile  called  Piltsbur^      . 
De  Ligneris  retreats  to  Venango    . 
Mercer  placed  in  charge  of  fort 
Forbes'  broken  health  . 
Hisdealh     .... 
His  genius  and  patriotism 


[1 759-1 
isidered  unassailable  by 

^  C&nada  looked  upon  as  under  the 
protection  of  the  Virgin  . 



Advises  discontinuance  of  advance 
Forbes  delennines  to  proceed 
The  advance  continued 

Defeated   force  arrives  at    Loyal 

Hannan         .        .         .         ■  205 
Washington  ordered  to  Raestown  205 

de    Ligneris  of   presence    of 

Hiitish  force  ....  206 
Sends   expedition    against    Loyal 

Hannan  ... 

The  Fiench  carry  off  horses  . 
De  Ligneris'  sense  of  bis  danger 
The  Indian  treaty  at   Ea!,ton 
Forbes'  service  in  effecting  it 
The  Indians  on  the  Ohio  abandon 

the  French  alliance 
Washington  arrives  at  Loyal  Han- 

Forbes  at  Raestown 
Suffering   from   dysentery,   ci 

on  hurdle 
\o  faltering  in  liis  purpose    . 


No  danger  anticipated  al 

Montcalm  at  Montreal  . 

Pouchot  seni  to  Point  flU  Ba 

At  Niagara  ■ 

Defence  of  Lake  Champlain 

De    llougainville    arrives    frotn 

Fiance   . 
Accompanied    by  1 


tilings  bievets  of  promotion  . 
Attention  bcsloweil  on  Quebec 
Troops  ))osled  for  its  defence 
Ue  Livis  arrives   . 
Council  of  war 

s  of 

Duquesne    reach 


Wolfe  offers  his  services  .  i 

Is  off,re<i  command  of  enpedition  2 

Hisst:iff a 

Difticully  with  rrgird  to  Carleton  3 
Brigadier  Monckton  .2 

George  Townshend  a 

Townshend's  letter  to  his  irife       .  3 
brigadier  James  Murray  .  2 





British  losies          .          .          .          . 



Death  of  captain  Ochterlony  . 


Admiral  Saunders 



Appoinled  admiml 




Darell  sent  la  ihe  Sninl  Lnwrence 

Projeeled  entteuclimetit  nt  He  aux 

Undsat  tleaiix  Coudres 




Some   young   officers  taken   pris- 

Exiie<lition  to  destroy  French  ships 


ODcrs      .... 


De  Eougainuille    . 


Boals  examine    channel 


Murray's  attempt   at    Pointe  aux 

Wolfe's  forte  at    LouisImiut^ 





Murray  attacks  Uecha.iibeau 


Fleet   sails  liani   Loutsbourg 


Saint    Anloine    and    Ssint    Croix 

The  British  toast  on  sailing  . 


burned  .... 


The  fleet  teaches  Anticosli    . 


French  prisoners  at  Quebec  . 


"Old  Killick"     - 


De  Vaudreuil   adilresses  letter  10 

The  troops  knd  at   ihe  island  o 

Wolfe    .... 




Barry's  reply 


The  scene  of  action 


Surrender  of   known   a 

Failure  of  the  fire  ships 





St,  Luc  de  la  Corne 


Point  LtSvis  allacked     . 


De     Levis     leaves     Quebec     fo 

The  French  Indians 


M.mlreal        .        .        - 


Wolfe  lakes  possession  of  ground 

Abenak is  bring  in  prisoners  . 



Vessels  ascend  above  Quebec 


Acquainted  with  upper  ford 


Provisions   brought    by  old   men 

Indian  attack 


women  and  children 


Deserters  from  the  Hrilish  camp 


Attack  of  the  bay  of  St.  Paul 


Charesi  reconnoitres  Point  Levis 


Attack  of  south  shore    . 


Fruitless  Canadian  attack  of  Iha 

Saint  Joachim  burned  . 


post        ...        . 


L'Ange     Gardien     and     Chalea 


Iticher  burne.1 


British  ships  sail  above  city    . 


Wolfe's  sickness    . 


Poiote  aux  Trembles  attack  eii  b 

Meeting  of  three  brigadiers  . 




Determination  to  carry  on  opera 

British  parties  bring  in  prisoners 


lions  above  the  town      , 


Failure  of  the  fire-raft  . 


Fortification  of  tie  aui  Coudres 


French  prisoners  sent  back     . 


Difficulty  of  landing  troops   . 


Indians    in    amlxish    under    de 

Movement  of  ships 


Repemigny    attack      British 

.  366 

force       .... 


British  abandon   camp  at   Mon 

V  Wolfe's  proclamation     . 



.  266 

Attack  on  French  lines  at  Mon 



Rouge   .... 

.  267 

The  attack  repulsed 


Scarcity  of  provisions   . 

.  268 



Non  co-operalion  of  Amherst 


Hears  that  town  has  surrendered 


Wolfe  again  ill       . 


Want  of  provisions  at  Quebec 


Troops  placed  on  board  fransport 


De  Levis  retreats  to  Jacques  Carlie 


Wolfe's  lasl  despatch    . 


Lord   ColviUe   in    "Norlhumber 

Wolfe's  lasi  order 


land  "  sent  to  Halifax  in  com 

The  landing  at  the  anse  au  Foulo 


mand     .... 


DeVergor   .... 


Saunders  returns  to  England  with 

Strength  of  the  BHtish  force 


fleet       .... 


French  provision  boats  expected 


Murray  placed  in  command  . 


De  liougainville  fll  Cap  Rouge 


Scarcity  of  money  at  Quebec 


The  landing  effected 


News  in  London  . 


The  line  formed    .         .        , 


^  Wolfe's  memory    . 



Snunder's  high  character 


The  French  force  . 


Wolfe's  monument          .         . 


Reasons  for  Montcalm's  attack 


Terms  of  capilulation  of  Qticbec 


;  Wolle-s  tactics      .        .         . 


■  Feeling  of  the  Uritish  troops 


The  action  of  the   13th  of  Sep 


tember  .... 



\  Wolfe  wounded    . 


Amherst's  preparations 


■Wolfe's  death                .        . 


Lake  Champlain  to  be  attacked 



Osviego         .... 
British  force  in  North  America 



La  pfliti  giKire 


Monckton  wounded 


Rogers'  scouts 


Townshend  in  eommanii 


The  Penusylvanian  legisialHre 


Montcalm   and   de   Seneiergue 

Claims  payment  uf  monty  due 


wounded        . 



Montcalm's  death 


dition  against  Niagara    , 




The  Sin  Nation  Indians 


The  capitulation    . 


Situation  on  the  Ohio   . 


De  Rameuiy 


Prideaux  leaves  Schenectady 


His  orders  from  de  Vaudreuil 


Frederick  Haldim.iud    . 


His  position  at  Qtteliec 


His  character 


Memoir  of  citizens        . 


l>eft  in  command  at  Oswego 


Council  of  war      . 


Attacked  by  Saiut  Luc  de  la  Corn 


Stores  at  Beauport  plundered 


Attack  repulsed    . 


De  Ramezay's  surrender 


Pouchot  in  command  at  Niagara 


Terms  of  capitulation   . 


Strength  of  Niagara  gnrrison 


The  cily  occupied  by  the  British 


Arrival  of  British  force 


De    Uvis    hears    of   Montcalm' 

Joncaire  de  Chabert      . 


death     .... 


Prideaux  invests  the  place 


Proceeds  lo  Jacques  Canier  . 


Meeting  of  Indians         .         . 


Attempts  to  relieve  Quebec  . 


Death  of  Prideaux 


Troops     arrive     at     I'ointe     au 

Arrival  of  garrisons  from  the  Ohi 

Trembles       .         .        . 


forts       .... 



surprised  on  the  march  by  Johnson  335 

Their  dereat 325 

Attrmpteil  surprise  of  British  lines  326 
The  conncil  of  war        .  .  326 

Surrender  of  N  Ligara    ■  .   316 

Terms  of  surrender        .  .  .3*7 

Haldimand  summoned  by  Johnson  317 
He  appeals  lo  Amhersl  .  317 

Gage  sent  in  command  .  328 

Effect  of  loss  of  Niagara  .  328 

Fort  Rouillc  at  Toronto  bumed     .  329 

Amhersl  negotiate<:  loans 
Bills    issued    by  New  York    and 

Troops    arrive    al    head    of    lak< 

Strength  of  British  force 
Expedition  starts  . 
Descends  lake  George   . 
landing  made  at  Ticonderoga 
Finds  inlrenchmenis  abandoned 
Activity  of  Indians 
Fort  Carillon  attacked 
Colonel  Townsliend  killed     . 

Force  sent  on  to  Crown  Point 

Crown  Point  abandoned 

Gage  urged  to  descend  (he  Saint 

Champlain  a  British  lake 
Road  opened  towards  the  e 

No.  4  .  - 
Crown  Point  to  be  restored  .  .  336 
Captain  Kennedy  sent  to  Wolfe  .  336 
The  Ahenakis 
They  take  Kennedy  and  his  party 


Risers  sent  to  chastise  Abenakis  .  338 
His  boats  taken     .  .  .338 

His  painful  march 
Anrives  al  village  . 
Deslrofs  it  with  great  skughl 

Provisions    sent    by    Amherst   1 

mouth  of  Amonoosuc 
Taken  by  one  Stephen  . 
His  infamous  conduct    . 
Rogers  without  food 
Descends  Connecticut  . 
Arrives  at  Crown  Point 
Gage's  eiptanations 
Lateness  of  the  season  ■ 
Arrival  ofllulchins  and  Stolio    -..  ; 
Vessels  completed  on  lake  Cham- 

pim  .... 
Attack  of  the  French  vessels 
fitormy  weather    makes    advance 

Troops  go  into  ufinler  quarte 

Major  Skene 

Amherst  arrives  at  Albany    . 


De  Levis  ascends  the  Sainl  Law- 

.  348 

Arrives  at  La  Presentation 
Insensibility    lo    Indian    female 

Orders  island  lo  1>e  forlilied  . 
Returns  lo  Montreal 
Disposition  of  French  troops 
l,e  Mercier  sent  lo  France    . 
Vessels  arrive  before  Quebec 
Caplain  Miller  of  the  "Racehorse' 
Loss  of  Brilish  seamen 
De  Levis'allempt  to  harass  garrisoi 
Proposed  attack  of  British  garrison  35 
Movement  deferred  until  spring 
be  Levis'  projects 
Mgr.  de  Ponibriand 




The  last  French  ' 

'  Te  Deum  "  for 

■  353 




Marray  at  Quebec 
Condition  of  ihe  city    . 
French  priKmeri  seni  to  France 
Fleet  sails  away    . 
Scarcity  Tor  firewood 
Discipline  relaxed 

Marray  hears  of  iiitendeil  attack 
Places  force  at  Point  I  .^vis    . 
Men  suffer  from  frost  bile 
Murray's  ortli  nances 
Hears  of  arrival  of  French  force  s 

Point  L^vis    . 
Sickness  of  the  garrison 
Warn  of  money 
The  assistance  given  by  fjeet  befor 

leaving  .... 
Murray's  difficulties 
Aluck  of  French  outposts     . 
Means  taken  to  resist  attack 
British  vessels  repaireil 
Cap  Rouge  fortified 
Canadian    inhabilants   ordered    U 

leave  Ihe  cily 
Fable  of  the  gunner  on  the  ice 
Murray  marches  five  regiments  tn 

Saint  Foy 
Unable  to  form  camp  on  the  plain: 

of  Abraham  . 
De  Uvis  embarks  his  force  . 
Lands  at  Pointe  aux  Trembles 
Advance  to  Saint  Foy  . 
Murray  hears  of  arrival 
Trying  period  of  year    . 
Murray  marciies  out  ofQuebee 
Battle  ofthezSih  of  April     . 
Strength  of  the  British  force 
The  killed  and  wounded 
The  French  force 
The  siege  commenced    . 
Murray    sends    "Racehorse"    ti 

Colville   leaves  Halifai 
Murray's  letter  to  Amherst    . 

Explains  his  tactics  .  371 

fAGE.  Seven  days  of  siege                        .371 

.  356  Arrival  of  Ihe  "  Lowestoft  "        .  373 

.  356  Arrival  of  Colville's  ships              .  373 

357  French  vessels  attacked                 .  374 

3S7  De  Vauclain  in  "I'Atalante"         .  374 

357  The  French  camp  abandoned  .  375 
35**  De  Levis'  retreat  .  .375 
35^  I,o5s  of  the  "  Lowestoft"  .  376 
35^  Correspondence  between  Amherst 

358  and  de  l.^vis  .  376 

359  Campaign  considered  .  377 

359  De  Uvis'  losses    .  .378 


361  CHAPTER  V, 
="  t.7«.J 

362  Indian  attacks,  lake  Champlain    .  379 

363  Amputation  of  one  hundred  toe-  .  380 
363  The  Penn^yivanian  legislature       .  3S0 

363  Amherst  prepares  his  advance       .  381 

364  Heats  from  Murray  by  Monlresor  3S1 

364  Desertion  of  the  provincial  troops  381 

365  Noix 
365  Planof  Ihecampaign    -                   .  383 

Amherst  at  Oswego 

365  Strength  of  the  British  fort. 
Embarkation         ....  384 

366  Pouchot  at  fort  Livi 
366  Amherst's  attack  . 
366  Pouchot's  surrender 
366  Terms  imposed 

366  Indians  not  allowed  reprisals 

367  Governor  of   New  York  notified 

368  that    the    Mohawk   was  safe 
36S  from  Indian  attack 

369  Amherst  prepares  to  descend  the 
369  Saint  Lawrence      . 

360  His  dread  of  the  rapids 





Mnrray   leaves   Quebec 

Issues  pr[>clainaliDn 

Lord  Rolto  disarm*  populatioi 

De  Levis  at  Berlhier 

Hurray  lands  at  Sorel,  burns  the 

Arrives  at  Contrecoeur  . 
Haviland'x    advance    from     laki 

Cham  plain 
Death  of  de  Langy 
De  Bougainville  in  command 
British  force  lands  on  east  side 
Passes  round  fori  . 
Attacks  shipping  . 
Surrender  of  lie  aux  Noix 
Canadian  militia  desert 
Saint  John's  abnndoi>ed 
Sairender  of  Chambiy  . 
t>o  Levis  appeals  10  Indians 
Hears  of  Amherst's  advance 
Moves  troops  to  Montreal 

Council  of  war 
Memoir  read  by  Bigot  . 
Capitulation  determined  upon 
Negotiations  for  capitulation 
De     Levis    sends    messenger    to 

Amherst's  reply     . 
E>e  L^vis  asks  for  resistance 

French  colours  destroyed 
The  word  of  honour  given  of  the 

French  officers  they  did  not 

Burton     appointed    governer    o 

Three  Rivers 
Elliott  sent  to  the  Resligouche 
His  ship  wrecked  on  Sable  islam 
Gage  appointed  governor  of  Mont 


;  and  Thr 

Arrives  at  Quebec 
Census  furnished  to  AmhersI 
Amherst  returns  to  New  York 
Commodore  Byron's  naval  opera- 
tions,   bay    of    Chaleurs,   in 


Articles  of  capitulation.  Montreal, 
vtrbatioi.     French  text   .  417- 

War  continued  in  Europe 
Death  of  George  n.      . 
His  character 
Her  present  majesty's  influen 

iciety   . 

Constitutional    government    of 

George  II.     . 
His  death  a  loss  to  the  empire 
V  Canada   surrendered    to    Great 

Problem  of  government 
Le  "  r^ne  militaire  "    . 
Misrepresentations  concerning  it 
Jacques  Viger 

Judge  Dominique  Mondelel  . 
Dr.  Labrie   .... 
Kurlon  governor  of  Three  Rivers 
Legal  procedure    . 
Gage  governor  of  Montreal  . 
Disarming  Canadian  militia  . 
Murray  at  Quebec 
Ordinances   .... 


Articles  of  capitulation 

French  regiments  lay  down  arms 

AiientiODE  paid  to  de  Vaudreuil 

Departure  of  French  troops 

Ri^feis  sent  to  Detroit  ■ 

EitaUishmeni  of  British  garrisons  409   .  French  Canadians  before  conquest  44] 

409      Early   legal  proceedings   French 




'^    Gentry  only  could  read  and  write  .  444 
Honesty  of  Amherst's  go*ernment  444 

Local  ion    of   courts    district    of 

Special  court  for  city     . 
Two  e»eculions  Only  reported 
Canadians   put   on   mourning    for 

George  IT. 
Address    to    Gage    ciliiens 


Treaty  of  peace     .         -        -        .  446 
Gage  leaves  Montreal    . 
Captains    of    militia    present    him 

o  Mor 


Location  of  courts  Three  Rivers    ■ 
Ilaldimand's   report   of   French 

Value  New  York  money 

The  king's  approval  of  Amherst's 

Influence  on  the  haiilatils 



Lord  Egremoni's  census  [1760] 

■  45^ 

Montreal  population 

■  452 

Three  Rivers    " 

-  453 

Quebec             -            ,         . 

■  453 

Tabulated  total  of  population 

'  454 

The  fur  trade 

■  455 

Indian  posts. 

-  455 

Gage's  r^ulatlons 




Regulations  regarding  . 


British  jusiir«  to  the  Indian  . 


The  card  money   . 


Calumny    that     British    officials 

unfairly  obtained  it 



Burton's  proclamation  . 


Card  rnoney  out  of  use  in  1760 


Its  con^deration  included  in  treaty 

Final  settlement  regarding  it 
Certificates  given  lo  French  Cana- 

French    Canadian    feeling    as   to 

religion 461 

Necessity  felt  of  obtaining  native 

bom  ecclesiastics 
Moilern  feeling  regarding  religion .  461 
Roman    catholic    church    during 

interregnum  ....  461 
M.  Montgolfier 
Mgr.  Briand  chosen  bishop  .  .  465 
Population  of  Quebec  in 
Merchants  assist  them  ■ 
Soldiers  give  one  day's  provisions 

in  month  for  support  of  needy  464 
Asserted  departures  from  Canada  ■  464 
The  fact  disputed  ....  465 
Consideration  sliewn  lo  Canadians  466 

Events  preceding  treaty  of  peace   .  467 
Administration  George  II.     . 

George  III 

His  personal  character  . 

Formed  by  princess  dowager 

Augusta  of  Saxe  Golha 

Her  arrival  in  Eoj^l.-ind 

John  Stuart,  earl  of  liute       .         .  4; 

First  meeting  with  the  prince  of 

Wales    .... 
Lord  Bute  an  amateur  actor  . 
Accepted  lover  of  princess  royal 
Bute's  character    . 
Caricatures  of  the  day  . 
The  monarch's  constitutional  posi- 

George  the  third's  acce 

Pitt's  objection  to  language  king's 

Bute's  policy  to  discontinue  war 



His  intrigues  with  lord  HoUemess  477 
Attacks  upon  Tilt 
Bribery  bI  ihe  elections 
L^ge  dismissed 
Dlflerences  in  the  ministiy 
Holdetncis'  ivsipiaiioD 

Bute  secretBrjr  of  state  . 
Ministerial  changes 
Pitt    desires  to  grant 

rights  to  Newronndland 
Pitt's  conduct  as  to  the  peace 
De  Choiseul  desirous  of  peace 
Negoltalors  .... 
Offer  of  de  Choiseul 
The  conquest  of  Belle-Isle    . 
Its  effect  upon  France  . 
Vessels  of  war  offered  the  French 

Activity  in  sea  poits 

Terms  from  London  moderated 

French  demands  . 

Silhouette    .         ,        .         , 

Charles  III.  of  Spain  . 

The  "  family  compact  " 

Its  conditions 

K.DOWD  in  London 

De  Bussy's  memoir  on  the  part 

Pill's  leply   .... 
Negotiations  broken  off 
Pilt  desirous  of  declaring  war 
Pitt's  resignation  ■ 
Lord  Carteret,  earl  Granville 


His  interview  with  George  III. 
Bute's  support  of  political  wtilen 
Pensions  granted  by  him  I»   Bit 

of  letters 
Hogarth        .... 
War  declared  against  Spain  . 
IJute    desirous    of   abandoning 

The  duke  of  Bedford's  t 
His  intrigues  with  princ 

479       The  French  attack  of  Newfound 
479  land 

Arrival  of  lord  Colville  with  fleet 
Colonel  Amherst  attacks  by  land 
Escape  of  French  fleet . 
Surren<ier  of  French  troops  . 


ting  money 

News  of  the  atta. 

Bute  accu^  of 
from  French 

Dr.  Mu^rave 

Terms  of  peace 

Bute  willing  to    cede   Havanneh 
without  equivalent 

Treaty  carried  through  parli 

1'he  means  adopted 

Close  of  French  rule    . 

Jacques  Carlier  no  place  i 
history  of  Canada  . 

Population  at  conquest  . 

Population  in  1881 

French    Canadians   have   incorpo- 
rated all  foreign  elements 

Influences  operating  upon  them 

Present  position  of  French  Cana- 

The  harmony  of  the  future 
Treaty  of  Utiecht,  clauses  relating 

to  Canada  and  Newfoundland  505 




',  Attack  of  Montcalm,  i 

1.  Fort  Wri.uAi 
«7S7-    P-5S 

a.    LOUISBOUBG,  SiKGEOF  1758.      p. 

3.  Map  skkwing  Arrhckombie' 

1758.    p  i6z. 

4.  Skeleton   Map,   shkwing   1 

THK  KcvBit  Saint  Lawker 
Champlaik.     p.  1E3. 

5.  Map  shewing  Rout 

Forbes,  from   Hedford,  Pknnsyia'an 
Ohio,  1758.    p.  196. 

6.  Skblrton  Map  shrwikg  the  Ohio  F< 

7.  Quebec.  1759.    p.  243. 

f   Lake   Ontario   and 

TO  Fort  DiiijuBf 




From  the  Close  of  1756,  to  the  Conquest  of 
LouJSBouRG:  1758. 






Montcalm  returned  to  Montreal  from  Oswego,  having 
performed  the  most  brilliant  military  exploit  then  known  in 
the  history  of  Canada,  while  the  destruction  of  the  English 
settlement  was  equally  of  the  highest  political  importance. 
The  Anglo-American  had  been  driven  from  his  footing  on 
lake  Ontario,  for  its  waters  to  become  in  fact,  as  in  name, 
entirely  French  ;  dominated  to  the  east  and  west  by  the  two 
forts  of  Frontenac  and  Niagara.  If  there  had  been  incom- 
pleteness in  Montcalm's  success,  it  had  been  made  more 
certain  by  the  fears  of  colonel  Webb  and  the  unfortunate 
demolition  of  the  forts  at  the  carrying-place  between  the 
Mohawk  and  the  streams  tributary  to  lake  Ontario.  This 
abandonment  of  territory  was  an  acknowledgment  of  power- 
lessness  and  defeat  not  to  be  misrepresented,  and  its 
consequence  was  that  the  Iroquois  faltered  in  their  belief  that 
British  protection  could  hereafter  safeguard  them. 

In  accordance  with  the  sentiment  that  it  was  expedient  to 
take  steps  for  their  own  protection,  a  deputation  descended 
the  Saint  Lawrence  to  Montreal.  It  consisted  of  forty  men, 
with  sixty  women  and  children,  of  the  Onondagas  and 
Cayugas.  The  Senecas  and  Oneidas  had  engaged  to  follow 
them,  therefore  on  their  arrival  a  request  was  made  that  their 
reception  should  be  deferred  for  three  days,  until  the  30th  of 
November."  When  they  met  de  Vaudreuil,  he  assured  them 
of  his  protection,  and  ceremoniously  introducing  Montcalm, 
•  N.Y.  Doc.X.,  p.  556. 


2  THE   HISTORV  OF   CANADA.  [1756 

he  referred  to  those  present  who  had  seen  the  victorious 
general  at  the  ruins  of  Chouaguen.  The  orator  replied,  that 
it  was  they  who  had  first  given  to  the  English  news  of  the 
capture  and  of  the  impossibility  of  resisting  the  French.  The 
ambassadors  of  the  Senecas  and  Oncidas  arrived  on  the  6th 
of  December ;  at  this  date  the  number  of  the  Six  Nations, 
including  women  and  children,  amounted  to  one  hundred  and 
eighty,  and  the  reception  of  the  whole  body  took  place  in  the 
parlour  of  the  seminary  of  Saint  Sulpice. 

A  conference,  with  the  representatives  of  the  tribes  beyond 
Detroit,  was  likewise  being  held  during  this  period.  Montcalm 
described  the  event  as  remarkable  from  the  number  present 
and  the  subjects  discussed,  especially  from  the  conduct  of  the 
Iroquois.  It  appeared  to  him  to  be  a  promise  of  assured 
neutrality  on  their  part.  There  was  even  the  anticipation, 
that  although  the  tribes  as  such  could  not  be  expected  to  take 
an  avowed  part  against  the  British,  there  was  ground  for 
belief  that  many  of  the  younger  men  would  actively  side  with 
the  French.* 

A  similar  course  was  followed  by  the  New  York  authorities ; 
but  while  the  Six  Nations  seemed  to  recognize  the  impossibility 
of  entirely  changing  the  old  relations  with  Albany,  they  were 
careful  in  making  it  understood,  that  they  could  no  longer  b= 
regarded  as  the  allies  they  had  hitherto  been.  They  would 
give  no  definite  promise  of  support,  and  claimed  the  right  to 
remain  neutral.  Belief  in  the  power  of  the  British  colonies 
to  withstand  the  attack  of  the  French,  had  been  so  violently 
shaken,  that  there  was  no  longer  sympathy  with  their  cause, 
or  hope  of  their  success.  We  have  only  to  read  the  letters 
of  sir  William  Johnson,f  to  perceive  the  depression  which 
the  defeat  of  Braddock,  and  the  "  unhappy  news  of  the  loss  " 
of  Oswego  had  created  in  the  Indian  mind.  He  sets  forth 
that  the  possession  "of  a  navigation  on  lake  Ontario  was  not 
only  a  curb  to  the  power  of  the  French  that  way,  but  esteemed 

■  Que.  Doc.,  IV.,  p.  90.     Monlcalm  au  Minislre,  14  aviil,  1757. 
+  N.  Y.  Doc,  VII.,  p.  1*7-     loih  September,  1756.    VII.,  p.  171.    loth 
Nov.,  1756. 


175*5]  INDIAN   SENTIMENT.'  3 

by  the  Six  Nations  whenever  they  Joined  our  arms  as  a  secure 
cover  to  them  and  their  habitations  against  the  resentment  of 
the  French,"  •  •  •  which  left  them  to  act  in  full  security." 
The  demolition  of  the  fortress,  the  seizure  of  the  ships  upon 
the  lake,  and  the  humiliating  spectacle  of  the  garrison  em- 
barked as  prisoners  for  Montreal,  had  destroyed  all  sense  of 
reliance  in  British  protection.*  There  had  been  also  cause  of 
dissatisfaction  in  the  grants  of  land  which  had  lately  been 
made,  and  which  were  bitterly  conaplained  of  by  the  Indians,  as 
an  infringement  of  their  rights  and  a  seizure  of  their  property. 
it  was  the  commencement  of  a  system  which  was  persevered 
in  until  the  revolutionary  "war;  the  active  interference  of  the 
home  government  to  control  the  alienation  of  Indian  land,  so 
that  the  tribes  should  be  protected  from  spoliation,  was  one  of 
the  grievances  brought  forward  by  the  provincials  interested 
in  the  traffic,  in  justification  of  their  dissatisfaction  and  revolt. 

Nothing  had  more  discouraged  the  Indians  than  Webb's  > 
abandonment  of  the  forts  at  the  upper  Mohawk.  It  had  been 
carried  out  in  one  of  those  trying  situations  in  which  the  great 
qualities  of  an  undaunted  nature  are  called  forth,  to  face  with 
calm  determination,  whatever  duty  may  demand  :  but  Webb 
had  only  shewn  his  want  of  faith  in  the  force  at  his  dis- 
posal. The  ability  of  sir  William  Johnson  retained  the  tribes 
as  far  as  it  was  possible  in  the  English  interest ;  but  he  was 
made  to  feel  that  their  zeal  was  passing  away,  that  they  could 
not  be  depended  upon,  and  that  only  those  who  were  liberally 
paid  would  march  by  the  side  of  the  Britishf 

•  "  But  by  our  losing  Oswego,  which  I  nay  call  the  Barrier  of  the  6  Nations, 
■od  thereby  the  possession  of  that  part  of  the  Country,  tbey  were  laid  open  to  t))« 
ResenlmeiitS  of  the  French,  who  might  tx  any  time  Ihey  were  inclined  to  it, 
wilb  ^cillity  (itf)  fall  upon  their  Towns,  and  cut  Ihem  and  their  families  to  pieces, 
especially  iho«e  of  the  upper  Nations."  Sir  William  Johnson  to  Lords  of  Trade, 
loth  Sept.,  1756.    N.Y.  Doc.,  VII..  p.  118. 

t  A  meeting  of  the  OnomJagas,  Oneidas,  aiid  Tuscaroras  look  place  at 
Gemun  Flats  on  the  3rd  Sept.,  1756,  The  orator  addressed  the  interpreter 
present  :  "  We  are  oow  met  and  must  now  tell  you  in  the  name  of  all  ihe  6 
Nations  thai  we  are  quite  surprized  10  find  ourselves  deceived  in  our  opinion  of 
(he  English,  we  look  Ihem  to  be  a  more  stead;  People,  but  we  see  that  this 
Defeat  at  Osw^o  discourages  them  entirely,  and  jou  seem  as  it  were  to  give  up 


4  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [l?56 

So  unsatisfactory  were  the  relations  with  the  Indians 
throughout  the  entire  provinces,  that  Mr.  Edmund  Atkin, 
"  superintendent  of  the  Indian  Department  in  Virginia,  North 
and  South  Carolina  and  in  Georgia,"  arrived  in  Albany  in 
November  to  discuss  with  Johnson  "upon  what  footing  and 
after  what  manner"  trade  with  them  could  be  carried  on.* 
He  found  the  Six  Nations  "weakened  and  depressed."  Atkin 
proposed  an  alliance  in  the  British  interest  of  all  the  tribes  ; 
he  accompanied  Johnson  to  his  home  at  the  Mohawk,  and 
remained  with  him  a  week.  Johnson  was  unable  to  obtain 
an  answer  to  his  question  what  assistance  the  Mohawks  would 
render  in  the  next  campaign.  The  deputies  present  desired  to 
delay  a  reply  until  a  meeting  had  been  held  at  Onondaga,  after 
the  return  of  the  deputation  from  Montreal.  The  Six  Nations, 
however,  shewed  a  favourable  feeling  towards  union  with  the 
southern  tribes,  and  agreed  to  the  establishment  of  signs  and 
tokens,  by  which  friends  could  be  distinguished  from  foes. 
One  result  of  the  meeting  was  the  establishment  of  perfectly 
good  feeling  between  Johnson  and  Atkin. 

The  result  of  these  deliberations  was,  that  the  upper 
nations,  the  Senecas,  Cayugas  and  Onondagas  declared  them- 
selves in  favour  of  neutrality.  The  Tuscaroras  and  Oneidas 
took  no  part  in  the  discussion  ;  but  it  was  evident  they  could 
not  be  depended  upon.-f-  The  Mohawks  alone  remained  firm 
in  their  attachment  to  British  interest.  Thus  the  immediate 
consequences  of  the  fall  of  Oswego  were  by  no  means  of  a 
character  to  assuage  the  depression  that  it  had  induced. 
What  increased  this  feeling  was,  the  pervading  sentiment  that 
there  was  no  one  in  the  first  rank,  capable  of  acting  with 
judgment  and  decision  ;  what  efforts  were  made  were  unwise, 
and  proved  the  cause  of  subsequent  disaster. 

all  hopes.  [ itiis  was  said  upon  accauDt  of  Gen'.  VVebb's  destroying  all  the  Forts, 
abandonine  the  carrfing  Place  and  marching  back  to  the  Gennan  Flalts."] 
N.Y.  Doc,  VII.,  p.  193. 

■  N.Y.  Doc,  VII.,  p.  209. 

+  SirWilliam  Johnson  to  Lords  of  Trade,  25th  June,  1757.  N.Y.  Doc,  VII., 
p.  217.  On  the  Mnd  of  Noyember,  1756,  Loudoun  wrote,  "  We  have  at  present 
no  Indian*,  but  a  handful  of  Mohawks  and  a  few  straggling  Indians  from  different 
Uibes."    [Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.L,  85.1,  p.  6.] 


1756]  ROBERT   ROGERS.  5 

All  thought  of  attacking  the  French  outposts  of  Ticonderoga 
and  Crown  Point  had  to  be  abandoned.  Those  places  had 
indeed  become  established  garrisons,  maintained  by  a  large 
force,  and  could  only  be  attacked  with  any  hope  of  success  by 
a  numerously  constituted  and  well  appointed  expedition.  As 
winter  approached  the  French  removed  the  greater  part  of 
the  force  from  Ticonderoga.  The  difficulty  of  furnishing 
supplies  was  great,  and  for  a  time  their  operations  were 
confined  to  guarding  against  attack,  and  in  watching  the 
movements  of  the  British  at  the  south  of  the  lake.  In  these 
attempts  the  French  Indians  shewed  great  activity,  and  were 
constantly  prowling  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  southern 
fort  in  the  hope  of  seizing  prisoners. 

The  British  shewed  the  same  enterprise  in  their  attempt  to 
penetrate  the  enemy's  designs.  The  duty  was  one  of  danger, 
and  loss  was  experienced  on  both  sides.  In  each  case  the 
adversary's  fort  was  closely  approached,  so  that  an  estimate 
could  be  formed  of  any  probable  hostile  movement,  and 
prisoners  could  be  seized  and  carried  away  with  a  view  to 
obtain  reliable  information. 

Prominent  in  the  scouts  on  the  British  side  was  captain 
Robert  Rogers.  At  the  end  of  the  war  he  published  a  journal 
of  his  operations.  His  hair-breadth  escapes  can  still  be  read, 
and  with  belief,  for  his  narrative  in  the  most  remarkable 
instances  is  corroborated  by  French  reports*  Rogers  relates 
that  he  was  brought  up  in  a  frontier  town  of  New  England, 
and  that  his  manner  of  life  led  to  a  knowledge  of  both  the 
British  and  French  frontier  settlements.  In  1755  he  was  in 
command  of  a  company  of  New  Hampshire  troops,  his  duty 
in  the  first  instance  being  the  escort  of  provisions.  In  March, 
1756,  he  received  an  order  to  form  a  company  of  rangers  of 
sixty  men,  and  in  June  and  July  a  second  company  was  raised. 
They  were  specially  equipped,  and  constantly  engaged  in  the 
attempt   to  obtain   intelligence.     Rogers   possessed   courage 

*  "Journals  of  Major  Robert  Refers,  containing  an  accounl  of  the  several 
Excursions  he  made  under  the  Generals  who  commanded  upon  the  ct 
North  America  during  the  lale  war,  etc.,  etc.     London,  1765." 


6  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1756 

which  never  quailed  in  the  hour  of  danger.  He  cheerfully 
undertook  expeditions,  the  hardships  and  risk  of  which  he 
perfectly  knew,  as  much  from  a  love  of  adventure  as  from  the 
consequence  of  his  position.  He  brought  to  his  duties  cool- 
ness and  soundness  of  Judgment  and  an  unfailing  self-reliance 
which  never  deserted  him.  He  passed  safely  through  all  these 
perils,  suffering  only  from  a  wound  and  an  attack  of  small-pox. 

If  Montcalm  looked  for  recognition  of  his  services  from 
de  Vaudreuil,  he  only  experienced  disappointment.  He  did 
not  long  remain  in  Montreal ;  on  the  loth  of  September  he 
arrived  at  the  camp  at  Carillon  with  the  regiments  of  Guiennc 
and  B6arn,  and  100  men  of  de  la  Sarre.  On  his  arrival,  he 
learned  that  two  days  previously  two  young  officers  had  been 
scalped.*  His  first  step  was  to  send  out  a  strong  party  of 
Indians  and  Canadians;  their  appearance  prevented  the  occu- 
pation of  some  of  the  islands  by  a  British  detachment.  On 
the  27th  of  October  Montcalm,  with  the  main  body  of  the 
force,  left  for  Montreal:  de  L^vis  remained  until  the  15th  of 
November,  when  he  likewise  marched  off  with  the  rear  guard. 
The  stone  fort  of  Carillon  was  then  so  far  finished  that  it 
could  receive  a  garrison  of  350  mcti,  and  it  was  considered 
capable  of  resisting  any  force  which  could  be  brought  against 
it  in  winter.  The  original  intention  had  been  that  de  Levis 
should  proceed  to  Quebec,  but,  owing  to  the  lateness  of  the 
season,  he  remained  in  Montreal ;  and  de  Bourlamaque  was 
placed  in  command  there. 

The  correspondence  of  that  date  shews  the  unsatisfactory 
relations  between  de  Vaudreuil  and  Montcalm.  The  governor 
general  complained  of  Montcalm  and  the  French  officers 
generally,  on  account  of  their  bad  treatment  of  the  Canadian 
troops.+  He  claimed  that  the  victory  at  Oswego  was  wholly 
due  to  the  gallantry  of  the  latter,  and  he  did  not  fail  to  point 
out  that  the  artillery  was  entirely  Canadian.     One  cause  of 

*  TwQ  lieuienants  of  the  regiment  "  de  U  Keine,"  de  Biville  and  de  Torjac. 
Thcj  had  been  kilted  when  hunting  in  contravention  of  the  positive  orders  of  de 
Levis,     Letter  of  MonicaEm,  26th  Sept.,  1756.     Que.  Doc.,  IV.,  p.  74. 

t  I3lh  October,  1756.  De  Vaudreuil  to  de  Macfaaull,  minister  of  Marine. 
Duisieui,  p.  279. 



his  censure  was  that  the  French  officers  objected  to  carry  on 
la  petite  guerre,  and  were  only  willing  to  enter  upon  what  de 
Vaudreuil  called  defensive  warfare.  He  dwelt  upon  their 
insolence  and  exactions ;  indeed  scarcely  any  report  more 
depreciatory  could  be  made. 

Oil  his  side,  Moiltcalm  complained  *  that  de  Ldvis  and 
himself  in  duplicate  received  orders,  which  could  not  be 
carried  out,  so  that  in  case  of  failure  the  blame  could  be 
thrown  upon  them,  De  Vaudreuil,  however,  always  made  the 
best  representation  he  was  able.  In  writing  to  the  minister 
early  in  the  yearf  although  unable  to  report  that  he  had 
gained  any  positive  advantage  on  lake  Champlain,  he  repre- 
sented that  he  had  kept  1900  men  in  check  ;  and  that  the 
scalps,  which  had  been  brought  him,  established  the  serious 
losses  suffered  by  the  enemy. 

In  the  middle  of  January  a  scouting  party  of  some  strength 
was  organized  in  the  British  garrison  of  fort  Edward,  to  feel 
the  country  towards  Crown  Point,  Rogers  was  placed  in 
command,  and  the  force  was  marched  to  William  Henry. 
After  making  the  necessary  preparations,  they  descended 
lake  George  on  the  ice,  as  far  as  "  the  narrows,"  Some  of 
the  party  being  footsore,  were  sent  back ;  the  number  then 
remaining,  including  officers,  was  seventy-four,  among  whom 
were  two  volunteer  officers  from  the  44th  regiment.  On  the 
1 8th  they  marched  twelve  miles;  on  the  following  day  they 
descended  the  lake  three  miles  further,  and  turning  to  the 
shore,  followed  a  north-west  course  to  avoid  Ticonderoga ; 
finally  they  came  within  three  miles  of  lake  Champlain,  midway 
between  Crown  Point  and  Ticonderoga.  On  the  2ist  they 
reached  lake  Champlain,  where  they  saw  a  sleigh  on  the  ice 
proceeding  towards  Ticonderoga.  Rogers  detached  his  h'eu- 
tenant,  Stark,  to  cross  a  point  extending  from  the  shore  to 
reach  the  ice,  and  stop  it.  No  sooner  had  Stark  left  when 
Rogers  saw  that  three  sleighs  were  following.  It  was  too  late 
to  countermand  the  order,  so  the  attempt  was  made  to  take 

•  Qae.  Doc.,  IV.,  p.  79. 

+  I3ih  Jimuarr,  1757.     Que.  Doc.,  IV.,  p.  81. 


8  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1757 

possession  of  the  whole  number.  The  first  sleigh,  however, 
escaped  to  Ticonderc^a,  to  carry  news  of  the  presence  of  the 
British  scouts,  north  of  the  French  garrison.  From  the 
prisoners  Rogers  learned  that  the  fort  at  Carillon  contained 
350  regular  troops,  and  that  they  had  lately  been  reinforced 
by  200  Canadians  and  several  Indians,  destined  to  be  engaged 
in  harassing  the  English  garrison,  and  that  more  Indians  were 

Rogers  felt  the  danger  of  his  situation  :  it  was  plain  to  him 
that  he  must  expect  an  immediate  attack  by  a  large  force,  and 
his  only  safety  lay  in  a  retreat  before  he  could  be  intercepted ; 
in  reachingground  where  there  was  no  chance  of  being  assailed. 
He  went  back  to  his  camp,  where  the  men  dried  their  arms, 
which  were  wet,  and  started  on  their  way  homeward.  They 
had  scarcely  marched  half  a  mile,  and  were  crossing  a  valley  of 
fifteen  rods  breadth,  when  at  close  range  they  received  a  volley 
from  a  large  force  in  ambush,  which  proved  most  telling. 
Kennedy,  one  of  the  officers,  and  one  of  the  volunteers,  were 
killed ;  several  of  the  party  were  wounded,  some  placed  /tors  de 
combat.  The  discharge  was  returned.  Rogers'  men  retreated 
to  the  elevation  which  they  were  descending,  and  here  they 
formed  and  fought  desperately.  The  force  by  which  they 
were  surrounded  amounted,  according  to  Refers'  estimate,  to 
two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  and  had  the  few  rangers  been 
charged  by  the  bayonet  not  one  could  have  escaped. 

There  is  no  reason  to  think  that  Rogers  over  estimated  the 
number.  De  Lusignan  was  then  in  command  at  Ticonderoga  ; 
on  hearing  the  news  he  immediately  detached  one  hundred 
men  of  his  force,  with  "some  Indians  and  Canadians."  They 
were  placed  under  the  command  of  captains  de  Basserade  and 
de  Lagrandville*  De  Basserade  was  dangerously  wounded 
early  in  the  fight.  The  contest  lasted  for  several  hours,  until 
nightfall,  when  the  French  withdrew,  carrying  with  them  their 
wounded.  The  English  effected  their  retreat  to  lake  George. 
Of  the  74  who  went  into  action  only  54  gained  the  lake,  of 

*  "  II  delacha  loa  hommes  .  .  avcc  qudques  Ssuvages  et  CanadJenj. 
Moalcntm,  a4ih  April,  1757.    Que.  Dw;.,  IV.,  p.  91. 


1757]  THE  SKIRMISH.  9 

this  number  48  only  were  effective.  Six  were  wounded,  14 
were  left  dead  on  the  field,  including  two  of  the  officers, 
Kennedy  and  Spekeman,  and  the  two  volunteers  from  the  44th, 
Baker  and  Gardner.     Six  were  taken  prisoners. 

They  were  perfectly  exhausted  on  reaching  lake  George. 
Stark,  a  lieutenant,  afterwards  known  in  the  revolutionary  war, 
started  in  advance  to  fort  William  Henry,  so  that  sleighs 
might  be  sent  forward  for  the  wounded  men.  Finally  the 
whole  retreating  party  reached  the  fort  in  safety.  It  is 
astonishing  that  the  French  from  Carillon  did  not  follow  them. 
There  may  have  been  some  attempt  of  the  kind,  but  it  is  not 

Montcalm,  in  reporting  the  affair,  does  not  conceal  the 
strength  of  Rogers'  force  ;  he  places  it  at  seventy-seven  ;  the 
correct  number  being  seventy-four.  He  describes  the  surviv- 
ors, however,  as  all  perishing  from  cold,  except  three  who 
reached  William  Henry.  The  losses  of  the  French  he  sets 
forth  as  nine  killed  and  eighteen  wounded,  of  whom  some 
died  from  their  wounds," 

There  have  been  few  skirmishes,  fought  under  such  odds, 
where  more  determined  gallantry  was  shewn,  and  in  which  the 
danger  was  escaped  by  courage  and  determination.  On  all 
sides  Rogers  was  highly  praised.  Abercrombie's  nephew 
James,  aide-de-camp  to  his  uncle,  specially  wrote  him  to  say 
how  all  were  pleased  with  the  conduct  of  himself  and  his  men, 
and,  while  regretting  the  losses  which  had  been  experienced, 
pithily  adds  that  it  is  "  impossible  to  play  at  bowls  without 
meeting  with  rubs."  + 

•  The  account  of  the  afFait,  N.  V.  Doc.,  X.,  p.  570,  pives  the  French  dead  at 
eleven,  the  wounded  al  twenty- seven. 

t  There  is  a  passage  in  Rogers'  journal  which  shows  how  constantly  the  spirit 
of  red-tape  has  prevailed,  to  aid  the  indifTerence  felt  loivards  the  honest  claims  for 
service  perrormed,  which  threaten  (o  be  lioublesome  (o  the  official  heads  at  head- 
ijuaners.  Artec  ihe  affair  of  the  21st  of  January,  when  Rogers  had  received  great 
ihanks  for  his  services,  and  the  companies  of  rangers  bad  been  increased,  Rogers 
lays:  "I  again  wrote  to  his  lordship  [lord  Loudoun]  eameally  soliciting  bis 
friendly  interposition  and  assistance  to  obtain  from  the  government  here  an  order 
for  payment  of  what  was  due  to  me  and  my  men  for  our  respective  services  during 
the  winter  of  1755 ;  but  if  thai  could  not  be  oblained,  that  he  would  be  pleased  to 


10  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1757 

Whether  frym  the  desire  of  achieving  a  success,  which  in 
the  public  mind  would  be  a  counterpoise  to  the  triumph  of 
Montcalm,  or  whether  de  Vaudreuil  desired  to  shew  his  faith 
in  la  petite  guerre,  which  the  French  generals  would  not  enter- 
tain, an  expedition  was  organized  against  fort  Wilham  Henry 
in  the  depth  of  winter,  the  season  being  one  of  unusual 
severity.  It  was  placed  under  the  command  of  Rigaud  de 
Vaudreuil,  governor  of  Three  Rivers,  the  governor  general's 
brother,  so  that  any  honour  which  might  be  gained  should 
appertain  to  the  Canadian  branch  of  the  army,  in  contradis- 
tinction to  the  regular  troops  of  France.  When  the  project 
became  known,  Montcalm  offered  to  take  command,  asking 
for  800  men.^  De  L^vis  and  de  Bourlamaque  also  volunteered 
to  lead  it.  De  L^vis  in  writing  to  France  expressed  his  belief 
that  he  could  not  have  done  better,  and  that  the  expedition 
had  all  the  success  that  could  be  expected,f 

Unusual  care  was  bestowed  on  the  organization  of  the 
column.  It  consisted  of  1400  men,  composed  of  50  grenadiers, 
and  200  volunteers  from  the  regular  troops,  under  the  com- 
mand of  M.  de  Poulharies  ;  with  250  colonial  troops ;  600 
Canadians  and  300  Indians.  The  second  in  command  was 
M.  de  Longueuil.  % 

The  object  in  view  was,  if  possible,  to  surprise  and  escalade 
the  fort.  In  the  event  of  such  an  attempt  not  being  feasible, 
the  vessels  and  bateaux  constructed  for  the  carriage  of  troops 
and  men  to  attack  Ticonderoga  were  to  be  burned.  The 
expedition  left  Montreal  in  four  divisions  ;  the  first  marching 
out  on  the  20th,  the  last  on  the  25th  of  February.    In  the  closing 

direct  me  wIiaC  method  tu  lake  Tor  the  recovery  thereof.  Whereto  his  lordship 
replied,  that  u  their  services  were  anlecedent  to  his  command  here,  it  was  not  io 
his  power  lo  reward  them.  General  Amherst,  oti  a  like  appliealion,  gav«  me 
much  Ihe  same  answer,"  The  consequence  was  ihat  Risers  was  engaged  in  law 
suits,  and  had  10  pay  ;£'8j8  3s.  3d.,  for  which  he  never  received  one  penny,     p  $1. 

•  Que.  Doc.,  IV.,  F-9I. 

+  N.V.  Doc.,  X.,  p.  547. 

X  These  figures  are  taken  from  a  leUer  of  Monicalm  lo  the  minister,  24th 
,\pril,  1757.  Que.  Doc,  IV.,  p. 91.  Awriter,  N.Y.  Doe.,  X.,  p.  544,  mentioiu 
the  number  at  1500. 



months  of  autumn  Montcalm  had  caused  the  construction  of 
a  road  from  Laprairie  to  Saint  John's,  14  miles;  the  Richelieu 
accordingly  was  easily  reached.  The  ascent  of  lake  Cham- 
plain  was  made  to  fort  Carillon,  a  distance  of  130  miles,  the 
march  having  been  made  on  snowshoes.  The  season  was 
one  of  such  severity  as  to  cause  mention  in  letters  of  the  period 
of  the  intense  cold.  The  advance  must  have  been  leisurely 
made,  for  it  was  not  until  the  isth  of  March  that  the  column 
left  Carillon,  to  arrive  within  a  league  and  a  half  of  fort 
William  Henry  on  the  17th  instant. 

The  French  account  states  captain  de  Poulharies  was 
detached  to  observe  the  position  of  the  fort,  and  that  it  was 
evident  to  him  that  there  was  no  probability  of  a  surprise : 
he  formed  the  opinion  that  the  march  of  the  French  column 
had  become  known. 

The  garrison  was  under  the  command  of  major  Eyre,  who 
had  relieved  Winslow  on  the  nth  of  November,  when  the 
provincial  forces  returned  to  their  homes.  It  consisted  of  the 
44th  regiment  and  some  rangers.*  Eyre  maybe  rememticred 
as  having  efficiently  directed  the  artillery  at  Dieskau's  attack, 
and  had  personally  pointed  the  gun  which  did  such  execution 
against  the  advance  of  the  French  regulars.  The  preceding 
year  he  had  been  promoted  to  the  majority  of  the  44th,  and  it 
was  he  who  had  constructed  the  fort.  He  had  274  regulars 
and  72  rangers  fit  for  duty ;  128  men,  mostly  suffering  from 
scurvy,  were  on  the  sick  list.  The  total  number  in  the  fort  was 
therefore  474 ;  the  defence  falling  on  the  346  men  who  were 

The  first  alarm  was  given  to  the  garrison  on  Saturday,  the 
19th,  about  one  in  the  morning,  by  the  noise  of  axes,  which 
appeared  to  be  about  three  miles  from  the  fort ;  at  the  same 
time  a  light  was  seen  on  the  east  side  of  the  lake,  extending 

•  We  have  a  full  narrative  of  the  defence  in  the  despatches  of  major  Eyre  to 
lord  Loudoun  [A.  &  W.  I. ;  America  and  West  Indiei,  vol.  85,  part  I.,  pp. 
215-239)  in  the  Canadian  archives.  These  volumes  are  transcripts  from  the  imperial 
colonial  documents.  I  follow  the  dates  ^ven  by  major  Eyre,  his  account  being 
written  a  few  days  after  the  attack  on  the  l6lh  of  March. 


12  THE   HISTOKV  OF   CANADA.  ['757 

some  way  down.  Precautions  were  taken  against  any  attempt 
at  a  surprise  ;  about  two  hours  later  the  march  of  the  troops 
approaching  upon  the  ice  was  heard.  It  was  a  bodj'  of  men 
under  captain  Dumas,  sent  forward  to  reconnoitre,  and  to  avail 
itself  of  any  opportunity  which  offered  for  attack.  From  the 
fire  directed  against  it,  both  from  artillery  and  small  arms,  the 
detachment  was  forced  to  retire.  An  unsuccessful  attempt 
was  made  to  set  fire  to  some  of  the  bateaux.  At  break  of  day 
the  French  withdrew.  Eyre  sent  out  scouts  to  obtain  informa- 
tion, they  picked  up  some  scaling  ladders  and  faggots  prepared 
for  burning  the  vessels.  If  there  had  been  an  intention  to 
storm  the  fort  no  attempt  was  made  to  carry  it  out. 

De  Rigaud  in  his  report  tells  us  that  on  the  19th  he  invested 
the  fort,  and  sent  a  party  of  Indians  on  the  road  to  fort 
Edward  to  cut  ofTthe  communication,  so  that  no  relief  could 
be  sent.  On  the  following  day,  Sunday,  the  20th,  Le  Mercier, 
the  chief  of  the  Canadian  artillery,  was  sent  to  summon  the 
fort.  Accompanied  by  a  small  party  waving  a  red  flag  he 
advanced  on  the  ice.  He  was  met  by  cfti  officer  and  led 
blindfolded  into  the  fort.  Le  Mercier's  demand  was  that  a 
peaceful  surrender  should  be  made.  The  terms  he  offered 
were  that  the  troops  should  march  out  with  the  honours  of 
war,  the  ofllicers  being  permitted  to  carry  off"  their  most  valu- 
able effects.*  The  refusal  of  these  terms,  he  added,  might  be 
attended  with  "circumstances  very  fatal  and  calamitous  to  the 
garrison,"  should  "  the  assault  they  were  preparing  to  put  in 
execution  "  succeed.  .  .  .  Considering  what  sort  of  people 
composed  part  of  their  army     .     .     .     however  much  they 

'  The  words  of  Le  Mercier  deserve  attention  in  relation  to  what  look  place 
after  the  capitulation  of  tliis  fort  to  Montcalm  in  August.  Eyre  reports  the 
su^eslion  of  Le  Mercier  "  that  some  things  might  only  be  left  by  the  officers  to 
please  and  gratify  the  Indians,  and  that  they  (the  garrison)  need  not  be  under  any 
apprehensions  of  Mischief  from  [he  Savages,  for  that  they  had  a  sufficient  number 
of  regulars  to  protect  Ihe  garrison  against  any  sort  of  violence  (hat  might  be  offered 
10  them,  and  (hey  should  be  conducted  lo  any  place  ihey  desired"  [Can.  Arch.,  A.& 
W.I.,  S5.1,  p.  il6]  These  remarks,  in  my  humble  judgment,  also  throw  light  on 
the  murders  reported  to  have  been  committed  by  the  Indians  after  the  capilulatioit 
of  Oswego. 


1757]  DE  ricaud's  attack.  13 

might  be  inclined  to  levity  and  compassion,  the  cruelties  of  the 
savage  could  not  be  altogether  prevented." 

Neither  the  offer  of  favourable  terms  of  surrender,  nor  the 
threat  of  unflinchingly  abandoning  the  garrison  to  the  merci- 
less cruelty  of  the  Indian  weighed  with  the  true  and  good 
soldier  who  was  in  command.  Eyre's  reply  was  his  determina- 
tion to  defend  his  post.  The  fort  had  no  great  strength,  as 
was  proved  in  Montcalm's  attack,  and  there  were  less  than  350 
defenders  ;  but  for  the  threat  to  be  carried  out,  even  with  the 
preponderating  numbers  of  the  attacking  force,  it  was  neces- 
sary that  the  attempt  should  be  made  by  a  resolute  body  of 
men.  Its  strength,  however,  was  such  that  if  the  storming 
parties  had  been  gallantly  led,  and  proper  determination  shewn, 
the  assault,  with  some  loss,  must  have  proved  overpowering. 
From  the  weakness  of  the  garrison  the  sorties  were  unimport- 
ant, and  they  were  principally  made  with  the  view  of  the  pro- 
tection of  property.  Le  Mercier's  demand  suggested  the 
possibility  of  an  assault  in  all  directions,  and  it  kept  the  garrison 
on  the  alert.  The  appearance  of  the  enemy  was  looked  for  by 
night,  and  at  the  period  the  darkness  was  so  great  that  nothing 
could  be  seen  ;  consequently  wherever  the  least  noise  was 
heard,  shells  and  the  fire  of  small  arms  were  directed  towards  it 

On  the  night  of  the  20th  the  French  force  advanced.  It 
may  have  been  only  a  feint,  but  if  the  attack  was  seriously 
designed,  they  were  received  so  warmly  that  it  was  abandoned ; 
the  expedition  ended  in  setting  fire  to  two  store  houses  con- 
taining large  supplies  of  provisions,  to  the  "  provincial "  store 
and  all  the  rangers'  huts.  On  the  21st  snow  began  to  fall 
somewhat  thickly ;  a  thaw  succeeded,  so  the  hulls  of  the  vessels 
became  moist  from  melted  snow, and  little  was  attempted  on  the 
part  of  the  French.  On  the  night  of  the  23rd  they  were  more 
fortunate.  While  the  defenders  were  expecting  at  all  points 
to  be  assailed,  and  were  directing  their  unceasing  watchfulness 
to  the  protection  of  the  fort,  the  French  scouts  stealthily 
advanced,  and  placed  dry  faggots  against  the  hulls  of  the 
vessels.  They  were  soon  seen  to  burst  into  flames.  It  was 
not  possible  to  make  any  attempt  to  save  them.     The  confla- 


14  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [l757 

gratton  included  an  old  building  which  served  as  an  hospital, 
and  a  wooden  structure  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  fort,  by 
the  flames  of  which  the  fort  itself  was  threatened.  But  in 
face  of  the  enemy's  fire  the  roofs  were  cut  away,  so  the  danger 
was  removed.  The  fire  burned  the  whole  night.  A  sharp 
fusillade  was  kept  up  from  the  defenders  to  impede  the 
operations,  but  with  little  effect. 

The  French  account  records  the  destruction  of  four  brigan- 
tines,  one  constructed  to  carry  six  guns ;  two  long  boats  of 
fifty  oars,  three  hundred  and  fifty  transport  bateaux,  much 
building  timber,  and  a  large  supply  of  firewood.  The  report 
of  Eyre  states  that  the  whale  boats  and  scows  escaped. 

As  the  fort  could  not  be  escaladed,  and  all  the  damage  had 
been  done  which  was  possible,  moreover,  according  to  two 
prisoners  who  were  taken,  their  provisions  being  almost  con- 
sumed, and  their  stock  of  powder  exhausted,  the  French  force 
retreated.  On  the  following  morning  the  long  line  of  their 
march  was  seen  descending  the  lake. 

Eyre's  gallant  defence  has  not  received  the  consideration 
to  which  it  is  entitled.  It  is  in  all  respects  noteworthy,  and 
stands  out  in  strong  contrast  to  the  weakness  and  irresolution 
shown  at  Oswego,  where,  after  Mercer's  death,  not  a  show  of 
resistance  was  made.  There  are  few  more  gallant  acts  to 
record  than  this  defence  by  a  handful  of  men  against  a  force 
nearly  five-fold  its  number,  supplied  with  every  requisite  to 
storm  the  fort,  which  only  possessed  imperfect  defence.  The 
threatened  assault  continued  from  the  night  of  the  19th  to 
the  night  of  the  24th  of  March.  It  is  plain  that  only  the 
resolute  attitude  of  Eyre  deterred  de  Rigaud  from  an  attempt 
to  storm  the  place.  The  besieged  had  only  seven  wounded, 
but  those  six  days  of  gloomy  expectation  must  have  taxed 
the  strength  and  the  endurance  of  the  small  garrison,  and  the 
defenders  must  have  gladly  seen  the  retreating  ranks  of  the 
French  in  the  distance. 

It  may  be  safely  said  that  this  successful  resistance  encour- 
aged an  exaggerated  idea  of  the  strength  of  the  place.  It  was 
but  a  few  months  later  that  Montcalm  destroyed  this  illusion. 


1757]  MAJOR  EYRE.  1$ 

The  failure  of  de  Rigaud  must  have  suggested  to  him  that  the 
fort  could  only  be  taken  by  cannon  ;  that  it  had  to  be  beaten 
down  and  made  untenable:  a  fact  which  ought  to  have  been 
appreciated  on  the  British  side  and  should  have  been  provided 

Owing  to  the  number  of  sick  who  were  suffering  from 
scurvy,  it  was  resolved  to  relieve  the  garrison.  On  the  29th 
of  March  following,  Eyre  with  his  gallant  band  marched  out,* 
and  colonel  Monroe,  with  five  companies  of  the  3Sth, occupied 
the  fort.  When  spring  came  it  was  discovered  that  some  bodies 
of  the  French  had  been  thrust  into  a  hole  in  the  ice :  one 
corpse  was  found  stuffed  into  a  pile  of  cord  wood ;  likewise 
the  body  of  an  Indian  was  exposed  r  it  was  covered  with  snow 
and,  strange  to  say,  had  been  scalped  by  the  French  force. 

Although  the  expedition  in  reality  proved  little  more  than 
a.  reconnaissance  \n  force,one  advantage  was  gained:  the  precise 
situation  and  character  of  fort  William  Henry  became  known, 
and  its  capacity  for  defence  estimated.  The  destruction  of  the 
sloops  and  bateaux  was  also  of  some  account  as  it  would  delay 
the  operations  of  the  British  provinces  in  early  spring.  Owing 
to  the  want  of  provisions  no  aggressive  movement  could  be 
made  from  Canada  until  the  arrival  of  the  ships  from  France. 
In  any  circumstance,  owing  to  the  difference  in  climate,  an 
expedition  from  Albany  could  take  the  field  three  weeks 
earlier  than  any  departure  from  Montreal.  Thus  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  vessels  enabled  the  habitants  to  return  to  their 
farms  and  put  their  crops  in  theground.f     Montcalm,  however, 

'  We  first  hear  of  Eyre  as  chief  engineer  and  quarter-master  general  in  New 
York  in  March,  1750  [N.  Y.  Doe.,  VI.,  p.  553].  As  has  been  related,  he  was 
quarter-master  general  at  Dieshau's  attack  [lb.,  VI.,  p.  1000.]  In  1756  he  built 
■  Tori  at  Oswego  &lls  [VII.,  p.  184].  He  was  wounded  in  Abercrombie's  attack 
of  Ticonderc^  on  the  8th  of  July,  1758  [X.,  p.  729].  He  aubsequenlly  became 
colonel  of  the  5Sth.  As  colonel  of  the  44th  he  formed  part  of  Amherst's  force  in 
1759  on  Lake  Champlain)  and  in  1760  he  accompanied  the  force  which  descended 
from  Oivrego  to  the  attack  of  Montreal.  In  1764  he  was  unfortunately  drowned 
on  his  voyage  to  Ireland.    [Knox.]    Vol.  II.,  p.  406, 

+  In  Montcalm's  letter  to  the  minister,  of  the  34th  of  April,  [N,Y.  doc.  X.,  p. 
549]  he  relates  that  men  of  the  detachment  returned  snow  blind.  He  writes  [as 
tnoslated]  "Caiudians,  Indians,  and  our  men,  to  the  number  of  fourteen  score,  had 


l6  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [l757 

did  not  accept  this  view,  for  while  admitting  that  no  expedition 
could  start  from  Canada  until  June,  and  that  the  delay  had 
been  caused  to  the  English  by  the  burning  of  the  vessels,  he 
considered  that  it  would  prove  "  not  so  much  as  M.  de 
Vaudreuil  thinks."* 

During  the  winter  in  Montreal,  Montcalm  felt  himself  called 
upon  to  intervene  in  a  direction  which  has  caused  many  a 
commanding  officer  anxiety,  and  will  doubtless  continue  to  be 
a  source  of  trouble  so  long  as  garrisons  exist :  the  inclination 
of  many  young  officers  to  enter  into  imprudent  marriages. 
In  his  letter  to  the  minister  +  he  represents  this  tendency  to 
form  "  bad  marriages  .  .  which  were  not  any  more  advan- 
tageous for  the  political  interest  of  the  colony  than  to  the 
King."  He  continues  i  "  M.  de  Vaudreuil  appeared  to  me  to 
favour  them  ;  he  is  encompassed  by  relatives  of  mean  extrac- 
tion." Montcalm  wrote  a  memoir  on  the  subject,  which  he 
gave  to  de  Vaudreuil,  "  who  appeared  to  coincide  with  these 
views."  Two  marriages  were  only  allowed  by  Montcalm ;  one 
that  of  a  captain  of  the  regiment  of  Languedoc,  whose  father 
approved  of  the  match  ;  the  second  that  of  a  captain  of  the 
same  regiment.the  objection  apparently  disappearing  before  the 
circumstance  of  "the  bride  being  a  girl  of  respectability, very- 
well  connected  in  the  colony,  having  a  handsome  fortune."  { 

to  be  In)  by  their  comrades,  but  &t  the  end  o!  twice  twenty-foar  hours,  sight  is  re- 
stored with  simple  icmedies."    The  letter  also  appears  Que.  Doc.,  pp.  S9-93.    There 
are  serious  discrepancies  between  the  two  published  letters,  although  claiming  to 
represent  the  same  document. 
•  N.y.  Doc,  X.,  p.  551. 

t  24th  April,  I7S7-     N.Y.  Doc.,  X.,  p.  550.  ' 

t  It  is  worthy  of  attention  that  about  the  same  period  [31st  December,  1754, 
Wright,  p.  2S5]  Wolfe  was  expressing  the  same  opinion.  Writing  home,  he  says: 
"  I  always  encourage  our  young  people  to  frequent  balls  and  assemblies.  It 
softens  their  manners  and  makes  them  civil ;  and  commonly  I  go  along  with  ihem 
lo  see  how  ihey  conduct  themselves.  I  am  only  afraid  they  shall  fall  in  love  and 
marry.  Whenever  I  perceive  the  symptoms,  or  any  body  else  makes  the  discovery, 
we  fall  upon  the  delinquent  without  roeri^  till  he  grows  out  of  conceit  with  hia 
new  passion.  By  this  method  we  have  broke  through  many  an  amorous  alliance, 
and  dissolved  many  ties  of  eternal  love  and  affection.  .  .  Two  or  three  of  the 
most  simple  and  insensible  in  other  respects  have  triumphed  over  my  endeavours, 
but  are  seated  upon  the  stool  of  repentance  for  the  rest  of  their  days." 


1757]  HEAVY  PLAY.  1/ 

If  Montcalm  saw  objections  in  the  marriages  of  officers, 
he  felt  that  he  could  do  nothing  better  for  the  interest  of  the 
colony  and  the  kingdom  than  to  encourage  the  soldiers  in 
obtaining  wives.  The  consequence  was  that,  while  in  1755-6 
there  were  only  seven  such  marriages,  in  1756-7  there  were 
eighty.  He  recommended  that  a  gratuity  should  be  given  to 
soldiers  willing  to  remain  and  settle  in  Canada,  on  the  ground 
that  they  would  make  excellent  colonists,  and  could  easily  be 
brought  in  the  field  during  the  period  of  war,  whereas  on  their 
return  to  France  the  diminution  of  pay,  with  the  increase  of 
discipline,  would  be  insupportable.* 

One  cause  of  anxiety  with  Montcalm  was  the  love  of  play, 
which  was  affecting  officers  of  all  ranks.  Seeing  its  mis- 
chievous tendency,  he  proposed  to  de  Vaudreuil  to  prohibit 
games  of  chance  ;  on  the  principle  enforced  by  the  rules  of 
a  modern,  well  conducted  club.  We  learn  from  Montcalm 
that  there  was  no  play  either  at  Montreal  or  Quebec  until  de 
Vaudreuil  went  to  Quebec  Montcalm  brought  the  matter 
directly  to  the  notice  of  d'Argenson.  "  M.  Bigot  loves  to 
gamble,"  he  wrote.  "  M.  de  Vaudreuil  thought  proper  to  per- 
mit a  bank  at  M.  Bigot's.  I  said  what  I  considered  my  duty, 
but  did  not  wish  to  forbid  our  officers  playing  at  it ;  'twas 
displeasing  to  M.  de  Vaudreuil  and  M.  Bigot ;  the  good  of  the 
service  requires  the  contrary.  Captain  de  Maron,  of  La  Reine, 
has  lost  twelve  thousand  livres,  which  have  been  paid,  his 
lieutenant-colonel  having  lent  them  to  him.  This  partiality 
in  favor  of  M.  Bigot's  house  would  have  caused  gambling  else- 
where had  I  not  placed  the  second  captain  of  one  of  our 
battalions  under  arrest  I  write  to  M.  de  Machault  on  the 
subject  of  marriages  ;  it  concerns  the  colony.  I  do  not  write 
anything  to  him  concerning  gambling  ;  it  would  only  serve  to 
destroy  the  friendship  between  M.  de  Vaudreuil,  M.  Bigot  and 
me.     But   I  owe  my  minister  an  account  of  my  conduct^ 

Provisions  continued  scarce  and  dear.  Officers  of  small 
means  found  it  difficult  to  live  on  their  allowance.  %     From  the 

..    "N.Y.  Dot,  X.,  p.  551.        +  lb.,  p.  SSI-  ^ 

*  M.  le  roirquis  de  Monlcilin  aora  I'honneur  de  voni  furtf  des  reprfsenlaliong 


l8  THE   UISTOEV  OF   CANADA.  [1757 

inability  to  obtain  the  necessary  supplies  four  hundred  men 
only  could  be  sent  to  fort  Duquesne  on  the  Ohio,  although  the 
necessity  of  reinforcing  the  garrison  was  well  understood,  in 
view  of  what  was  heard  of  the  operations  designed  against  it 
There  had  been  little  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  British  to 
replace  the  vessels  and  bateaiu:  destroyed  at  fort  William 
Henry,  accordingly  not  only  all  fear  of  an  expedition  against 
Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point  had  passed  away,  but  aggress- 
ive operations  were  determined  upon.  In  June  de  Vaudreuil 
was  able  to  report  that  at  fort  William  Henry  there  were  only 
three  hundred  men,  many  of  whom  were  sick,  and  that  at  fort 
Edward,  on  the  Hudson,  the  garrison  was  of  the  same  strength 
as  in  winter,  with  three  additional  companies  of  regulars  and 
thirty-six  militia.  It  was  plain  that  no  operation  was  designed 
against  lake  Champlain  and  that  the  English  forts  possessed 
but  indifferent  means  of  defence.  It  was  known  that  the  main 
body  of  regulars  and  militia  had  been  transferred  to  New  York 
to  join  an  expedition  against  Louisbourg.  All  the  force  that 
remained  to  protect  the  frontier  was  800  regulars  and  2,000 
militia.  The  forts,  as  it  were,  invited  attack,  the  garrisons 
being  weak  in  number  and  the  forts  incapable  of  resistance. 

snr  1b  siluation  oil  se  irouvenl  r^duits  les  subalterns  des  iroupes  de  terre.  Comme 
tout  est  au  moins  trois  fois  plus  chei  que  quand  etles  sont  ariivjes  dans  la  colonic, 
il  n'est  pas  possible  que  les  lieulenants  puissent  vivre  avec  leur  paye,  si  vous 
o'avez  la  bont£  d'y  avoir  ^ard  en  les  faisanl  augmenler.  ou  en  leur  faisant  donner 
le  Tin  el  autres  douceurs  qu'ils  out  eu  les  premieres  campagnes. 

Permettez-moi  d'avoir  I'honneur  de  vous  laire  les  mEmes  representations  pour 
mol  La  place  que  j'occupe  m'oblige  de  tenir  un  ^lat  honnSle  pour  m'altirer  la 
consideration  que  je  dois  avoir.  Je  n'ai  cependani  pas  &  me  reprocher  d'avoir  fait 
aucune  djpense  mal  i  propos  et  je  croirois  mSme  avoir  mal  servi  le  Roi,  si  je 
n'avois  pas  re(u  avec  la  d^cence  que  j'ai  observje. 

Ce  qui  n'a  pas  empfkh^  que  je  n'aie  us^  d'une  grande  ^onomie.  Je  me  trouve 
cependani  ceitc  annee  en  arrijrre  de  dix  mille  livres  des  appointemenls  que  le  Roi 
me  donne  ;  cela  ne  pent  qu'augmenter,  puis  qu'il  ne  me  resle  plus  rien  des  provi> 
sions  que  j'avois  apportfes  de  France. 

Je  vols  supplie  d'avoir  la  bonli  d'observer  que  je  n'ai  pour  fortune  que  lea 
bienfaits  du  Roi,  que  je  d^penserai  avec  plaisir  il  son  service  ;  et  tout  ce  que  je 
desire,  du  cdte  de  I'argent,  est  de  ne  rien  devoir  en  pariant  de  ce  pays  ;  il  seroit 
bien  douloureux  pour  moi  de  laiaser  plus  de  delles  que  je  ne  serai  en  iitX  de  payer. 

M,  Uc  h&ni  i  M.  de  Paulmy,  loth  Oct.,  1757.    Letlres,  pp.  177-178. 


1757]  OSWEGO.  19 

It  was  information  too  important  to  be  neglected,  and  in  a 
month  preparations  were  made  to  profit  by  it,  which  were  to 
be  crowned  with  complete  success. 

In  n  previous  voiume  [HI.,  p.  569]  I  meniioned  the  difficulty  of  wdghing  (he 
evidence  with  regard  ta  the  massacres  asserted  to  have  been  commitled  by  the 
Indians  on  the  taking  of  Oswego.  Subsequent  investigation  establishes  that  ihey 
did  take  place,  and  were  unrepressed  by  de  Rigaud  and  a  portion  of  the  French 
force.  With  the  Canadian  troops  the  proceeding  was  only  in  accord  with  the 
policy  which  had  been  followed  for  a  cenlury ;  the  destruction  of  every  inhabitant 
on  disputed  territory,  or  permission  granted  lo  the  Indians  to  carry  away  prisoner! 
to  serve  as  slaves  until  redeemed.  To  the  majority  of  the  French  officers  the 
proceeding  was  in  every  way  repellent.  Nevertheless,  it  was  enforced  by  the 
governor-general  de  Vaudreuil.  Before  his  day  it  had  become  a  recognized 
principle  in  carrying  on  war,  to  use  Le  Mercier's  expression  to  Eyre,  that  the 
Indians  should  be  "  gmilied."  They  formed  so  important  an  adjunct  10  any 
French  expedilionary  force,  that  il  was  important  10  conciliate  Ihem  to  the  fullest 

The  officer  named  de  la  Tour,  reported  as  being  murdered  in  the  hospital, 
belonged  to  the  artillery,  and  by  a  cannon  shot  had  lost  bis  lefs  [Can.  Arch., 
A.  &  W.  I.,  S3.7,  p.  235].  The  fact  is  mentioned  in  "a  statement  of  six 
deserters,  etc."  zist  August,  1756.  It  is  proper  to  state  that  on  the  3id  of 
Ocloher  Loudoun  wrote  to  Henry  Fon  [lb.,  pp.  246-273]  that  he  did  not  give 
credence  to  any  massacres  at  Oswego  ;  but  this  opinion  he  subsequently  changed. 
One  Beuiil.thena  prisonerat  Quebec,  writing  to  governor  Morris  of  Pennsylvania, 
also  records  the  death  of 'one  liculenant  of  the  artLlerie.'  He  adds;  "The 
vrhole  number  of  the  garrison  killed  very  inconsiderable,  not  exceeding  fourteen 
Se^eanis  and  Privates.  Some  were  since  murdered  by  the  Indians  and  their  own 
drunken  misconduct."]  lb.,  83.2,  p.  514.  LieuL  .colonel  Littlehales  also  wrote  10 
Loudoun  [lb.,  S3.Z,  p.  51S]  :  "  Ader  the  capitulation,  some  of  them  having  got 
in  liquor  fell  into  wrangling  with  the  Indians,  and  several  of  them  were  killed ; 
(be  number  was  uncertain."  These  letters  were  written  by  prisoners  hoping  to 
be  exchanged,  and  in  order  to  be  forwarded  had  to  be  read  by  the  French 

In  a  letter  from  Loudoun  to  Iloldemess,  commenced  at  sea  on  the  i8th  of 
Al^ust,  and  Snished  at  New  York  on  the  17th  of  October,  the  news  having  been 
brought  by  a  despatch  boat  of  the  taking  of  William  Henry,  Loudoun  speaks  of 
the  massacres  by  the  Indians,  as  '  The  inhuman  and  villainous  breach  of  the  Capit- 
ulation." He  then  proceeds  to  speak  of  the  taking  of  Oswego  as  being  followed 
by  (be  murder  of  several  of  the  soldiers  in  ihe  fort,  and  the  whole  of  the  sick  in  the 
hospital     [lb.,  85.2,  p.  35B.] 

The  fact  is  officially  substantiated  (hat  in  the  face  of  a  large  French  force  afker 
the  capitulation  of  Oswego  these  Indian  massacres  took  place. 




Lord  Loudoun  arrived  in  New  York  in  July,  1756^  He 
remained  in  America  until  March,  1758.*  Franklin  has 
stated  in  his  autobiographyf-  that  Loudoun  was  recalled 
owing  to  the  fact  that  Pitt  never  heard  from  him  and  could 
not  learn  what  he  was  doing.  Such  was  by  no  means  the 
cause  why  Loudoun  was  ordered  to  return  to  England  :  there 
has  seldom  been  so  voluminous  a  writer  of  dispatches  or  a 
more  patient  and  careful  correspondent  J  with  a  minister. 
The  fault  of  Loudoun's  character  was,  that  he  was  deficient 
in  resources,  and  that  he  looked  upon  as  insuperable  the 
difficulties  which  could  have  been  overcome  by  boldness,  tact, 
and  judgment.  His  letters  shew  that  by  nature  he  was 
desponding,  and  that  he  was  impressed  by  the  gloomy  side  of 
any  event,  foreboding  failure  where  a  more  sanguine  tempera- 
ment would  have  looked  for  success.     He  was  without  the 

*  Ante  vol.  III.,  p.  55S.  He  arrived  on  the  23rd.  Webb  and  Aberctotnbie 
had  preceded  himon  (he  7lh  of  Jiine.     [Can.  Arch.,  vol.Sj.I.p,  II,  A,  &  W.  I.] 

+  [Vol,  I.,  p,  219,  Ed.  1844.]  "  When  in  England  I  understood  that  Mr. 
Pin,  aflerwards  lord  Chalham,  gave  it  as  one  reason  for  removing  Ihe  general, 
and  sending  generals  Amherst  and  Wolfe,  t/ial  the  minister  tuver  htard  of  him, 
and  coiild  net  kti<7W  what  he  was  doing"  (n'l^J,  This  slalement  is  another  proof 
of  the  unreliabilit]'  of  Franklin's  narrative.  In  this  case  he  is  doubly  incorrecl, 
for  Loudoun  was  replaced  by  Abercrombie,  and  not  by  Amherst.  In  his  complaint 
of  his  detention  at  New  York  when  about  sailing  for  England,  be  also  misiepre- 
senls  the  cause  when  attributing  it  lo  Loudoun's  irresolution.  There  was  a 
general  embargo  on  all  vessels  [I^ndon  Magazine,  1757,  p.  256]  so  that  intelli- 
gence of  [he  proposed  cMpedition  should  not  be  carried  to  the  enemy.  No  one 
could  have  chafed  more  from  the  want  of  news  of  Holbourne's  fleet  than  Loudoun 
himself.  It  was  the  want  of  knowledge  concerning  the  naval  force,  with  which  he 
had  10  co-operate,  which  paralyzed  him.  The  fact  at  the  time  Franklin,  from  his 
political  position,  must  have  known.  It  is  charitable  to  suppose  that  Franklin's 
memory  failed  him  when  writing  at  the  age  of  eighty-one.  The  embargo  was 
removed  on  the  departure  of  Loudoun. 

I  The  letters  of  Loudoun  are  10  be  found  in  volumes  Can.  Arch.,  S3-86, 
A.  &  W,  I.,  seven  in  number ;  some  of  the  years  consisting  of  two  parts. 


I7S6]  FILIUS   GALIC^.  21 

elastic  moral  courage  which  rebounds  from  "  fortune's  blows  " 
with  renewed  strength,  and  in  no  way  possessed  the  states- 
manship which  discovers  the  means  to  an  end.  Consequently 
he  failed  to  form  a  just  opinion  of  the  condition  of  the  British 
provinces,  and  his  whole  career  was  one  of  failure.  He  was 
conscientious  in  the  performance  of  his  duties,  was  painstaking 
and  industrious.  There  is  no  accusation  against  him  of 
corruption.  Being  surrounded  by  advisers  of  the  same  mental 
calibre  as  himself,  the  defects  of  his  character  had  full  sway. 

An  event  happened  as  Loudoun  was  leaving  England  which 
to  this  day  remains  unexplained.  It  was  not  publicly  made 
known,  consequently  no  allusion  is  found  to  it,  even  by  modem 
writers.  At  the  time  it  caused  serious  anxiety  in  London,  and 
active  efforts  were  quietly  made  to  discover  the  writer.  Early 
in  March,  1756,  some  letters  received  by  vessels  which  had 
sailed  from  New  York,  for  some  cause  attracted  the  attention 
of  the  authorities,  and  they  were  opened.  They  were  found  to 
contain  communications  addressed  to  the  due  de  Mirepoix, 
signed  "  Filius  Galicie,"  with  a  request  that  the  answer  was  to 
be  left  at  a  coffee-house  in  New  York,  directed  to  "  Mr.  Pierre 
Fidel  until  asked  for."  The  writer  stated  that  he  was  French 
by  birth,  and  secretly  a  Roman  catholic  ;  he  offered  his  ser- 
vices to  aid  in  enlisting  men  to  join  the  French,  among  the 
Germans  and  the  Irish  catholics  in  Pennsylvania.  He  speaks 
of  himself  as  occupying  a  high  position,  and  makes  allusion  to 
his  aide-de-camp,  as  if  a  general  officer.  In  the  first  letters 
he  affirms  that  three  officers  were  acting  with  him,  subsequently 
that  ten  had  accepted  his  views.  With  great  professions  of 
devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  king  of  France,  he  asked  that 
money  should  be  sent  him  to  carry  out  his  plans.  A  small 
sum  was  by  no  means  embraced,  for  he  undertook  to  assure  to 
the  French  the  territory  west  of  Vii^inia  and  Pennsylvania, 
asserting  that  he  was  in  a  position  of  trust  and  importance, 
and  had  the  power  to  fulfil  his  engagements.     He  wrote"  that 

•  This  correspondence  is  contained  in  Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I.,  vol.  81, 
marked  "Secret  and  Miscellaneous."  The  letter  alluded  lo  is  dated  the  ist  of 
March,  1756,  and  is  10  be  found  on  pp.  48-53. 


22  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1756 

he  had  levied  10,000  men,  nominally  for  the  service  of  the 
firitish,  on  whom  he  could  depend  ;  that  at  his  bidding  they 
would  all  take  the  other  side  ;  he  trusted  to  raise  the  number 
to  15,000  "  I  am  not  now,"  he  continues,  "under  the  least 
concern  in  case  any  of  my  letters  to  yr.  gr.  [your  grace]  should 
be  inspected  that  it  could  be  a  prejudice  to  me,  for  I  am  from 
my  behaviour  among  ye  English  here,  in  that  Vc^e  among 
them  that  I  should  not  in  ye  Least  be  suspected  ...  I 
could  deny  them."  He  dwelt  upon  the  fact  that  the  Irish 
Roman  catholics  were  dissatisfied ;  and  many  of  the  Germans 
of  the  Roman  catholic  faith  would  by  preference  serve  the 
king  of  France ;  as  for  the  heretics  he  lived  among,  they 
minded  no  other  religion  than  that  of  getting  money,  and  they 
were  indifferent  as  to  the  government  they  lived  under  if  they 
could  retain  their  property. 

What  was  of  importance  was  the  correct  and  even  able 
narrative  given  of  public  affairs  ;  it  was  plain  that  it  could  only 
have  been  written  by  one  well  informed,  and  a  keen  observer. 
Some  steps  taken  by  Shirley  which  had  not  been  reported  in 
England  were  described  ;  on  inquiry  the  statement  was  found 
to  be  correct.  Two  of  the  letters  were  enclosed  to  a  Mr. 
Gamble,  of  Londonderry,  by  one  signing  himself  "James 
Allen,"  asking  that  they  might  be  forwarded  to  France ;  an 
ordinary  reason  for  writing  them  being  assigned.  Gamble's 
suspicions  must  have  been  awakened  for  he  opened  the  first 
letter,  and  through  his  brother  in  Dublin,  sent  it  to  the  duke 
of  Devonshire,  then  lord-lieutenant,  and  by  the  latter  it  was 
submitted  to  lord  Halifax. 

Although  the  writer  represented  that  he  was  of  French 
descent,  there  was  no  trace  of  any  French  idiom  in  his  language, 
and  from  some  peculiarity  of  expression  the  belief  was  enter- 
tained that  he  was  an  Irishman.  Even  if  the  object  was  alone 
to  obtain  money,  and  the  power  of  fulfilling  his  disloyal 
promises  was  limited,  the  offer  of  his  service  as  a  spy  and  a 
partizan  still  remained,  and  the  presence  of  a  person  possessing 
ability  exercising  this  infamous  calling,  in  a  position  where 
information  could  be  obtained  and  where  no  suspicion  was 



felt,  was  fraught  with  danger.  Inquiry  must  early  have  estab- 
lished that  the  account  given  by  the  writer  of  his  position  and 
influence  was  not  only  exaggerated  but  unwarrantable. 
There  was  no  such  person  as  he  claimed  to  be.  On  the  other 
hand  he  had  misrepresented  the  sentiments  of  the  population, 
which  for  his  own  purpose  he  described  as  disloyal.  As  the 
letters  are  read  at  this  date  it  is  not  difficult  to  conclude  that 
they  were  written  to  obtain  money  for  the  writer's  benefit : 
a  systematic  fraud.  At  the  time  this  opinion  could  not  be  so 
easily  formed.  It  was  plain  that  no  one  could  have  communi- 
cated the  information,  startling  from  its  correctness,  without 
holding  some  prominent  office.  One  curious  circumstance  is 
that  no  attempt  was  made  to  send  the  letters  through  Canada. 
It  suggests  that  the  writer  knew  no  one  he  could  trust,  and  that 
he  felt  the  danger  of  so  acting.  His  cunning  enabled  him  to 
defy  detection.  In  spite  of  the  caution  with  which  the  inquiry 
was  made,  no  proof  was  obtained  to  establish  his  identity.  No 
person  of  the  name  of  "James  Allen"  was  known  in 
Philadelphia  :  but  strong  suspicions  were  entertained  as  to  the 
authorship.  Fox  wrote  to  the  duke  of  Devonshire.  "  One 
captain  George  Croghan,  an  intriguing,  disaffected  person  and 
Indian  trader  was  very  much  suspected."*  Thus  the  matter 
ended.  In  1756  Crt^han  was  employed  by  the  province  of 
Pennsylvania  in  raising  men  for  the  protection  of  the  western 
frontier.  In  July  he  threw  up  his  commission  ;  the  reason 
has  been  given  that  he  was  dissatisfied  with  the  treatment  he 
received.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  suspicions  entertained 
with  regard  to  him  were  in  some  way  made  apparent.  For 
several  months  the  intercepted  communication  caused  per- 
plexity in  London,  and  to  the  officers  charged  in  investigating 
their  character.  Loudoun,  Webb  and  sir  Charles  Hardy 
received  instructions  on  the  subject ;  and  however  cautiously 
their  inquiries  were  made  it  is  probable  that  they  could  not 
be  kept  entirely  secret.  It  must,  however,  have  been  soon 
apparent  that  no  such  disaffection  existed,  as  described,  and 

*  Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  1.,  81,  p.  54, 


24  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA..  [l7S6 

'      / 
that  the  writer,  except  in  his  individual  character,  was  power- 
less for  evil.* 

Loudoun  ej.rly  formed  the  conviction  that  it  was  not  pos- 
sible to  resist  the  sudden  inroads  into  British  territory  of 
Canadian  and  Indian  parties.  In  his  view  the  true  policy  was 
to  assail  Quebec  with  an  irresistible  force,  as  its  loss  would 
paralyze  the  whole  province.  It  was  the  coufte  fecoWirtnended 
in  his  despatches,  and  it  obtained  support  in  London.  In 
consequence  the  troops  were  kept  inVreadiness  to  be  moved  to 
New  York  for  embarkation  on  the  arrival  of  the  fleet.  The 
garrisons  of  forts  Edward  and  William  Henry  were  reduced  in 
strength,  and  there  were  no  reinforcements  in  the  field  avail- 
able to  sustain  them.  The  fort  at  lake  George  was  therefore 
at  the  mercy  of  a  powerful  expedition  from  Ticonderoga,  and 
the  extent  to  which  the  frontier  had  been  left  was  only  too 
well  known  in  Montreal.f 

Loudoun  had  succeeded  Shirley  in  command,  and  in  his 
reports  to  the  home  government  he  cast  the  blame  of  the  bad 
condition  of  the  province  on  his  predecessor.  Shirley  is  one 
of  those  characters,  concerning  which  there  has  been  difference 
of  opinion  ;  but  the  fact  is  incontrovertible  that  he  undertook 
executive  duties  for  which  he  was  unfit,  and  disordei*was  the 
consequence  of  his  leadership.  The  success  of  the  expedition 
against  Louisbourg  has  obtained  for  him  great  consideration  ; 
but  in  the  narrative  of  that  event  the  prominent  part  taken 
by  the  British  navy  is  generally  put  out  of  view,  and  success 
always  covers   many  faults.     Fortunately  on  that  occasion, 

*  Cn^lian,  onairiving  from  Ireland,  sell  led  on  the  Susquehanna,  and  eventually 
became  an  Indian  trader  in  ihe  neighborhood  of  the  wesiem  part  of  lake  lirie.  I 
have  alluded  to  his  presence  in  ihe  Ohio,  at  the  period  of  de  C^loron's  expedition. 
{Vol.  Ill,,  p.  447.]  On  leaving  the  service  of  Pennsylvania  he  joined  ait  William 
Johnson  on  the  Mohawk,  and  worked  under  hi;  orders.  Eventually  he  was 
appointed  by  Johnson  deputy  agent  in  charge  of  the  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania  Indians. 
Cri^han  lived  until  1 783.  In  the  revolutionary  war  he  seems,  in  the  lirsl  instance, 
to  have  adhered  to  the  royalist  cause  ;  subsequently  he  appears  as  a  supporter  of 
ihc  revolutionary  party. 

+  The  French  minister  as  early  as  the  28th  of  February  notified  de  Vaudreuil 
of  the  proposed  attack  against  Louisbourg,  The  letter  was  acknowledged  fron 
Canada  on  the  12th  of  July.     N.Y,  Doc.,  X.,  p.  584. 


1756]  WILLIAM   SHIRLEY.  2$ 

Shirley  had  the  co-operation  of  a  man  of  judgment  and  sense, 
admiral  Warren,  The  honours  he  gained,  unhappily  for 
himself,  led  him  to  accept  obligations  which  he  imperfectly 
comprehended,  and  therefore  inefficiently  fulfilled.  What 
preser\-es  his  name  in  respect,  is  the  enlarged  view  he  took  of 
the  situation  in  which  the  provinces  were  placed,  and  the  states- 
manlike measures  he  proposed.  In  this  respect  he  rose  high 
above  most  of  his  contemporaries.  Had  he  confined  himself 
to  the  enunciation  of  a  policy,  and  left  to  others  all  executive 
responsibility,  few  names  would  be  held  in  higher  estimation. 
To  Shirley's  mora)  fearlessness  was  added  high  physical 
courage,  and  he  was  ambitious  of  possessing  the  reputation  of 
a  military  leader.  The  mishaps  of  Shirley  in  this  respect  are 
attributable  to  his  want  of  knowledge  of  the  art  of  war ;  the 
absence  of  all  prevision  on  his  part ;  his  weakness  of  combi- 
nation ;  his  neglect  of  ordinary  precaution ;  his  ignorance  in 
Jetting  things  take  their  course,  when  the  remedy  was  simple 
and  attainable.  Although  much  is  disclosed  to  shew  the  want 
of  honesty  during  Shirley's  government,  he  cannot  be  accused 
of  being  personally  implicated  :  but  from  his  political  position 
he  was  thrown  under  the  influence  of  men  by  whom  the  public 
interest  was  sacrificed.  Loudoun's  statements  on  this  point  are 
plain  ;  but  Shirley  himself  remained  poor,  and  the  inference 
must  be  drawn  that  he  recognized  these  combinations,  more 
with  the  view  of  sustaining  his  popularity  and  position  than 
from  greed. 

Shirley's  first  interview  with  Loudoun  is  recorded  by  the 
latter  with  the  depression  of  tone  habitual  to  him.  Shirley 
told  him  while  handing  over  "  a  few  papers  of  very  little  use," 
that  he  had  communicated  everything  to  general  Abercrombie, 
and  Loudoun  had  nothing  to  do  "  but  pull  laurels."  •  There 
was  not  a  shilling  in  the  paymaster's  hands,  and  large  sums 
were  owing.  A  few  days  after  his  arrival,  Loudoun  reported 
that  Oswego  was  defenceless.  The  men  had  had  no  pay  for 
eight  months,  and  Abercrombie  had  to  pledge  his  personal 
credit   to  obtain   money  for  supplies.     There  had  been    no 

•  Ciui.  Areh.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I.,  83.1.  p.  11. 


26  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [l7S6 

provision  for  the  wants  of  the  service :  neither  camp  equipage 
nor  magazines,  nor  waggons  to  send  forward  the  food.  The 
vehicles  required  had  to  be  pressed  in  the  middle  of  the 
harvest.  Everything  was  in  confusion.  The  returns  set  forth 
that  there  were  6,900  provincial  troops  in  the  field  ;  but  the 
belief  was  that  their  number  did  not  exceed  4,000  fit  for  duty. 
Some  of  the  officers  commanding  these  regiments  desired  to 
undertake  expeditions,  the  magnitude  and  danger  of  which 
they  in  no  way  understood.  "  I  think,"  added  Loudoun, 
"that  1  shall  be  able  to  prevent  them  doing  anything  very 
rash,  without  their  having  it  in  their  power  to  talk  the  language 
of  this  country,  that  they  could  have  taken  all  Canada  if  they 
had  not  been  prevented  by  the  king's  servants.'" 

The  provincial  officers  entertained  the  belief  that  the  troops 
they  commanded  had  been  raised  for  the  specific  purpose  of 
an  expedition  against  Crown  Point,  and  that  they  could  not 
be  diverted  to  any  other  purpose.  That  French  post  was  as 
much  a  threat  to  New  England  as  against  New  York. 
Abercrombie  early  reported  to  Loudoun  that  the  Massachu- 
setts troops  had  received  instructions  not  to  march  southwest 
of  Albany,  or  west  of  Schenectady.  There  had  also  grown  up 
a  feeling  of  disinclination  to  co-operate  with  the  king's  troops. 
In  an  interview  with  Winslow,  the  latter  objected  to  any 
junction:  his  regiment  desired  to  serve  alone;  he,  however, 
asked  to  take  the  opinion  of  the  principal  officers.  When 
Shirley  was  spoken  to  on  the  subject,  he  had  answered  that 
they  would  serve  under  him.f 

A  council  of  war  had  been  held  at  Albany  on  the  i6th  of 
July.  Winslow  showed  his  u.sual  good  sense,  and  expressed 
himself  personally  desirous  that  the  junction  should  be  made, 
but  he  apprehended,  if  attempted,  that  there  would  be  almost 
universal  desertion.  His  own  officers  considered  that  they 
were  strong  enough  to  reduce  Crown  Point.  They  looked  for 
reinforcements,  which  would  not  be  sent  if  they  acted  with  the 

•  Can.  Arch..  Series  A.  &  W.  I..  83.1,  p.  z6. 

+  This  word  irirHuen  in  Abercrotnbie's  letter  to  Loodoan  [3rd  .August,  1756. 
A.  &  W.  1.,  83.1,  p.  3il  in  capital  lellers.     {tie)  "  HIM." 


.    I7S6]  MERCER'S   LETTER.  2? 

King's  trOops.  It  was  agreed  that  a  meeting  of  the  field 
officers  should  be  convened.  The  debate  lasted  five  days,  wheiii 
it  was  determined  that  if  the  field  officers  would  lose  their 
rank  no  junction  should  be  made. 

The  same  objections  were  entertained  by  the  Rhode  Island 
troops.  A  notice  was  sent  to  the  colonel  that  he  was  to  serve 
under  Winslow ;  indeed  so  strong  was  the  feeling  that  the  junc- 
tion was  not  considered  advisable,  and  the  regulars  remained 
apart  at  fort  Edward,  Saratoga  and  Half  Moon. 

It  is  not  possible  to  absolve  Shirley  from  blame  for  his 
neglect  of  Oswego.  It  is  to  him  that  the  responsibility  must 
be  affiliated,  that  the  place  was  so  ill  supplied  with  provisions 
during  winter,  that  the  troops  suffered  from  sickness,  and  there 
was  in  all  quarters  great  discontent  that  no  pay  had  been 
given  them.  What  was  even  more  a  matter  of  blame,  the  fort 
was  defenceless  from  its  imperfect  construction,  and  no  efficient 
steps  had  been  taken  to  make  it  defensible.  It  was  also  of 
paramount  necessity  that  the  British  provinces  should  retain 
naval  supremacy  on  lake  Ontario,  for  with  this  advantage  no 
landing  could  have  been  made  by  the  French.  In  common 
with  all  that  was  required,  this  self-evident  duty  had  been 
neglected  and  one  of  the  vessels  had  been  taken  almost  in 
sight  of  Oswego. 

A  letter  is  extant  to  Shirley,  from  Mercer,  who  was  killed  at 
the  siege,  written  a  few  days  previous  to  the  attack.  With 
some  despondency  it  sets  forth  the  neglect  of  every  precaution. 
Pepperell's  regiment  had  had  no  pay  for  eight  months.  The 
price  of  labour  in  completing  the  fortifications  had  been 
injudiciously  reduced.  The  allowance  of  rum  to  the  soldiers 
had  been  stopped,  for  there  was  none  to  give  them.  The  French 
had  agents  constantly  tempting  the  men  to  desert  by  promise 
of  great  rewards  :  he  himself  was  receiving  "  anonymous 
threatenings  to  desert  if  regard  is  not  paid  to  what  they  (the 
troops)  call  their  just  complaints."  From  want  of  money  it  was 
thought  impracticable  to  carry  on  the  public  works  longer  than 
the  17th.  There  was  no  authority  to  draw  bills,  except  by  the 
verbal  orders  of  Shirley's  secretary,  Mr.  Alexander,  and  Lewis, 



the  paymaster,  was  afraid  to  act  upon  such  instructions  from 
the  fear  of  future  embarrassments.  Eleven  men  had  just 
deserted  from  the  soth  and  fourteen  from  the  5  isL  An  Indian 
had  brought  notice  that  the  French  were  numerous  at 
Cataraqui,  and  that  they  designed  an  attack  at  the  next  new 
moon  ;  moreover,  that  a  French  camp  had  been  formed  four 
days'  march  to  the  eastward* 

There  could  be  no  doubt  in  the  minds  of  public  men  in 
provincial  life  of  the  value  of  Oswego,  if  the  future  sovereignty 
of  the  southern  shores  of  lake  Ontario  was  to  be  maintained 
as  British  territory.  If  held  of  little  account,  why  place  a 
garrison  there?  It  was  impossible  not  to  have  foreseen  that 
the  establishment  of  this  northern  port  would  eventually  lead 
to  hostilities,  and  that  it  could  only  be  held  by  its  strength 
and  the  valour  of  its  defenders :  nevertheless,  the  place  was 
left  imperfectly  fortified,  and  during  the  winter  insufficiently 
provided,  and  with  a  garrison  unpaid  and  discontented. 

One  of  the  charges  against  Shirley  is,  that  a  quantity  of  the 
provisions  sent  to  Oswego  arrived  in  a  valueless  condition, 
and  that  a  portion  became  bad  from  exposure.  The  building, 
in  which  the  supplies  should  have  been  protected,  was  filled 
with  goods  for  trade  with  the  Indians.f  From  want  of  proper 
storage  the  provisions  had  been  left  exposed  to  the  sun  and 
weather,  and  hence  their  deterioration  to  such  an  extent,  that 
a  large  quantity  was  left  behind  by  the  French,  on  their 
departure,  as  unfit  for  use.  The  goods  for  the  Indian  trade, 
according  to  Loudoun,  were  sent  up  by  Shirley  and  his  friends 
at  the  king's  expense.  On  three  occasions  fourteen,  twelve 
and  eight  bateatix  were  so  employed,  with  smaller  convoys  at 
other  dates. 

Whatever  Loudoun's  faults,  he  cannot  be  held  responsible 
for  the  loss  of  Oswego.  Shortly  after  his  arrival  he  gave 
Webb  the  local  rank  of  major  general,  so  that  he  should  be 
supreme   in   his   command.     The    attack   on    Oswego   took 

•  Metcer  lo  Shirley,  Can.  Arch.,  A.  &  W.  1.,  83.1,  pp.  10I-6,  and  July,  22nd 
July,  1756. 

+  Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I.,  83.1,  p.  246. 



place  the  eighteenth  day  after  his  arrival  in  New  York.  He 
described  the  loss  of  Oswego  as  "  this  very  fatal  event,"  and 
he  instructed  Webb  not  to  quit  his  post  if  it  could  possibly  be 
held.  In  his  letters  to  England  he  spoke  of  the  disaster  as 
"  a  lai^e  Pill  to  swallow." 

Accompanying  the  news  of  Oswego,  came  the  intelligence 
that  a  number  of  Indians  under  a  French  officer  had  attacked 
fort  Granville  on  the  Junita  in  Pennsylvania,  constructed  at  a 
point  commanding  the  navigation.  A  lieutenant  and  twenty- 
four  men  were  in  the  fort ;  the  remainder  of  the  garrison  had 
been  ordered  out  to  assist  the  settlers  in  getting  in  their 
harvest.  The  lieutenant  and  some  of  the  men  were  killed  ; 
the  rest  were  carried  off  prisoners.  After  demolishing  the 
fort  the  assailants  set  up  a  French  flag,  which  they  left  there. 
So  great  was  the  depression  in  this  district  of  Pennsylvania, 
that  the  country  was  abandoned  by  the  inhabitants  who  had 
settled  there,  from  the  feeling  that  the  government  was  unable 
to  protect  them. 

Judging  that  there  was  no  chance  of  success,  Loudoun 
directed  Winslow  not  to  advance  against  Crown  Point,  and 
this  exercise  of  control  does  not  appear  to  have  caused  dis- 
satisfaction. De  L^vis  records  in  his  journal,  how  constantly 
he  sent  out  parties  to  occupy  the  attention  of  the  William 
Henry  garrison,  in  order  that  a  large  force  should  be  con- 
sidered necessary  to  its  defence,  and  that  no  reinforcements 
should  be  sent  to  Oswego.  He  takes  credit  for  the  success  of 
his  efforts,  but  a  knowledge,  of  the  condition  of  affairs  at 
Albany,  shews  that  no  such  design  was  entertained. 

After  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Oswego  was  confirmed 
Loudoun  addressed  a  circular  to  all  the  provinces  as  far  as 
Georgia.  He  called  for  their  assistance  in  completing  their 
quota  of  men,  and  asked  that  instructions  should  be  given  to 
these  levies  to  act  in  connection  with  the  king's  troops,  In- 
July,  New  Hampshire  had  refused  this  request,  or,  as  it  was 
euphemistically  voted,  "  this  Paragraph  to  Lye  for  the  present 
under  consideration,"  He  now  told  the  legislatures  "  that  the 
colonies  would  have  the  whole  Indian  power  on  their  back," 


30  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l756 

and  he  called  upon  them  to  put  their  frontier  in  safety,  and 
that  all  he  could  undertake  was  to  defend  the  country.  At  this 
date  he  looked  forward  to  an  invasion  of  the  British  territory 
by  lake  Champlain,  and  his  circular  was  not  worded  so  as  to 
restore  confidence,  or  awaken  course.  In  his  letters  to  the 
home  government  he  dwelt  on  the  difficuhies  of  his  position, 
and  he  saw  little  in  the  attitude  of  the  provinces  which  he  could 
satisfactorily  report  It  is  not  improbable,  that  the  expression 
of  this  opinion  suggested  to  Chatham  his  unfitness  for 
command.  By  his  own  admission  he  could  awaken  no 
enthusiasm,  and  could  scarcely  hope  for  even  decent  co-opera- 
tion. To  use  his  own  words,  he  experienced  not  only  "a 
general  backwardness  in  every  colony,  but  even  almost  in 
every  individual  on  this  continent  to  aid  in  carrying  on  the 
public  service,  and  every  expense  raised  as  high  as  possible  to 
the  crown."* 

It  is  evident  from  the  frequent  mention  of  the  fact,  that 
food  and  provisions  were  exported  to  the  French  from  the 
British  provinces.  The  provincial  assemblies  were  called 
upon  to  forbid  this  proceeding.  Loudoun  wrote  to  England 
that  he  had  strong  reasons  for  belief  that  the  trade  was  car- 
ried on.  One  Wheelwright,  of  Boston,  is  named  as  actively 
participating  in  it,  and  the  Dutch  of  New  York  are  particu- 
larly mentioned  as  furnishing  provisions :  as  the  trade  was 
profitable  many  were  engaged  in  it. 

It  is  a  strange  record  to  make  that  the  provinces  in  the 
first  instance  declined  to  find  quarters  for  the  imperial  troops, 
sent  by  the  mother-country  to  fight  in  their  defence.  Shirley 
in  his  day  had  found  for  them  the  meanest  of  accommodation. 
He  placed  the  troops  with  double  rows  of  beds  in  such 
buildings  as  he  could  obtain  ;  an  arrangement  carried  out  at 
the  expense  of  the  comfort  and  health  of  the  soldier.  Officers 
•were  allowed  what  was  called  "slaaf  gelt,"  a  small  sum  as 
lodging  money,  utterly  insufficient  to  meet  the  expense. 
Loudoun  was  at  this  time  engaged  in  recruiting  for  the  four 

•  Loudoun  to  Fox,  3rd  Oct,  1756.    [Can.  Arch.,  Series  A  .&  W.  I.,  83.1, 

p.  84,1 



battalions  of  the  "  Royal  Americans,"*  He  heard  that  the 
intention  was  to  establish  the  troops  in  some  block-houses 
and  temporary  barracks,  insufficient  in  themselves,  and  that 
no  preparations  were  to  be  made  for  the  recruits  he  was 
enlisting.  No  provision  was  to  be  made  for  the  reception 
of  officers.  He  strongly  protested  against  these  arrangements, 
pointing  out  the  difference  between  peace  and  war  ;  he  con- 
tended that  it  was  incumbent  upon  the  citizens  to  furnish  fit 
quarters  for  the  troops.  He  was  the  more  firm  in  his  demands 
as  the  remaining  provinces  were  waiting  to  see  the  result  of 
the  pretensions  of  New  York.  Should  the  province  succeed 
in  avoiding  the  obligation,  Loudoun  might  expect  on  all  sides 
the  same  refusal  to  receive  the  regiments,  without  some 
special  payment.  Loudoun  prevailed,  but  not  without  diffi- 
culty ;  the  troops  were  found  quarters  and  the  officers  decently 
provided  for, 

Loudoun's  representations  of  the  policy  of  attacking  Quebec 
so  far  obtained  support  in  London  that  he  was  informed  that 
a  force  of  8,000  men  was  to  be  embarked,  with  a  strong  fleet 
to  co-operate.  He  was  ordered,  with  the  troops  he  could 
dispose  of  in  the  British  provinces,  to  rendezvous  at  Halifax. 
As  late  as  the  25th  of  April  no  plan  of  operations  had  been 
communicated  to  him.  The  troops  were  assembled  at  New 
York  for  the  purpose  of  being  embarked.  The  arrival  at 
Louisbourg  of  a  French  fleet  was  known,  and  it  was  feared 
that,  without  a  convoy  sufficiently  strong  to  encounter  it,  the 
transports  would  run  the  risk  of  being  attacked  by  a  superior 
force.  An  embargo  was  placed  upon  the  shipping  to  prevent 
the  intelligence  of  the  sailing  of  the  expedition  being  carried 
to  the  enemy.  It  was  this  order  which  caused  the  delay  of 
which  Franklin  complains  in  his  autobiography,  and  which 
he  misrepresents  as  being  attributable  to  the  irresolution  of 

A  fleet  had  been  manned  in  England  under  admiral 
Holboume,  consisting  of  fifteen  ships  of  the  line  and  some 
frigates,  with  fifty  transports   containing  6,200  troops,  com- 

*  The  present  impeiial  regiment,  the  60th,    "The  King'i  Rajii  RiHe  Corps." 


32  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [1757 

manded  by  general  Hopson,  who  constituted  the  land  force 
taking  part  in  the  expedition.  Owing  to  want  of  proper  effort, 
and  several  delays  having  arisen,  the  ships  did  not  leave 
England  until  the  Jth  of  May,  Sir  Charles  Hardy  was  in 
command  of  the  vessels  at  New  York,  having  lately  resigned 
the  governorship  of  that  province  to  return  to  his  naval  duties- 
Early  in  May  Loudoun  received  orders  to  embark,  and  to 
sail  for  Halifax,  where  the  object  of  the  expedition  would  be 
made  known.  There  had  been  many  desertions  from  the  ships 
of  war  in  order  to  join  privateers,  owing  to  the  large  amount  of 
money  made  by  following  that  career.  Several  vessels  were 
therefore  wanting  in  strength.  Loudoun  caused  the  town  to 
be  surrounded  by  his  troops,  and  as  the  cordon  advanced  the 
deserters  were  arrested,  and  placed  on  shipboard.  The  fear, 
however,  remained  of  sailing  with  an  insufficient  convoy. 
Loudoun  reported  the  danger  of  his  position  at  the  end  of 
May,*  adding,  in  his  gloomy  way  :  "  If  they  meet  us  there  is 
an  end  of  the  troops  that  go  from  thence."  Nothing  was  to 
be  heard  of  Holbourne's  ships,  and  he  was  paralyzed  by  their 
n  on  -  a  ppearance. 

After  some  hesitation  Loudoun  determined  to  sail,  and 
run  the  risk  of  the  attack  by  which  he  felt  that  he  was 
threatened.  The  troops  were  embarked  on  the  5th  of 
June,  and  were  to  be  escorted  by  the  few  vessels  of  sir  Charles 
Hardy.  Had  the  French  but  known  of  the'departure  of  the 
transports  and  their  weakness  against  attack  by  vessels  in 
force,  they  might  have  annihilated  the  expedition,  or  have 
made  prisoners  of  the  whole.  All  the  precaution  that  was 
possible  was  taken  ;  vessels  were  sent  out  to  cruise  to  learn  if 
there  was  any  sign  of  the  French  fleet,  and  on  the  report  that 
no  enemy's  flag  was  visible  the  vessels  sailed  on  the  20th  to 
cross  to  Halifax. 

Webb  was  left  in  command.  On  leaving  New  York 
Loudoun  had  written  that  he  hoped  Crown  Point  and 
Ticonderoga  might  be  taken  :  a  view  of  the  situation  which 
shows  how  Loudoun  failed  to  comprehend  the  extent  of  the 

"  Loudoun  10  Pitt,  30ih  May,  1757.   Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I.,  8S-I,  p.  iSo. 



French  force  which  Webb  would  have  had  opposed  to  him, 
and  how  ignorant  he  was  of  the  consummate  ability  of  the 
generals  at  their  head.  One  matter  justly  caused  him  vexation : 
Loudoun  was  governor  of  Virginia,  the  executive  duties  of  the 
office  being  performed  by  Dinwiddie,  as  lieutenant-governor. 
The  latter,  without  authority,  raised  the  embargo  which  had 
been  enforced  along  the  sea-board,while  it  was  being  continued 
at  New  York.  The  step  was  mortifying  to  Loudoun,  as  it 
placed  him  in  a  false  position,  for  it  appeared  as  if  he  was 
favouring  his  own  government  at  the  expense  of  the  remaining 
provinces.  The  jealousy  of  the  provincial  was  always  easily 
excited,  and  men  were  never  wanting,  who,  for  purposes  of 
their  own,  were  ready  to  appeal  to  this  sensitiveness.  It  does 
not  appear  that  any  unpleasant  consequences  resulted. 
Indeed,  the  events  of  the  succeeding  fortnight  were  all  power- 
ful to  command  attention,  for  on  the  8th  of  July  Montcalm 
commenced  his  advance  on  fort  William  Henry. 

The  French  fleet,  not  knowing  the  prize  which  was  escapin^g 
them,  remained  quietly  at  anchor  at  Louisbourg,  themselves 
looking  for  the  attack  which  spies  in  London  had  positively 
reported  would  be  made.  Loudoun  arrived  safely  in  Halifax 
on  the  30th  of  June.  On  the  9th  of  July  Holboume  with  his 
ships  were  in  front  of  Halifax,  but  so  thick  and  continuous  was 
the  fog,  that  it  took  five  days  to  enter  port,  although  sir 
Charles  Hardy  sent  out  thirteen  sloops  of  war  with  pilots  to 
assist  the  incoming  ships. 

Much  historical  ridicule  has  been  thrown  upon  Loudoun 
for  the  "  impotent  conclusion "  of  the  year's  operations. 
Writers  speak  of  these  operations  as  the  "cabbage-planting 
expedition;"  but  really  this  lampoon  has  preserved  the 
recollection  of  the  prudence  and  foresight  shown  by  Loudoun. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  he  only  remained  in  Halifax 
forty-seven  days,  for  he  sailed  away  on  the  16th  of  August. 
In  this  time,  in  order  to  obtain  fresh  vegetables  for  the  troops 
as  a  preventive  to  the  scoui^e  of  scurvy  so  often  experienced, 
and  to  keep  the  troops  in  health,  he  employed  them  in  plant- 
ing pot  herbs  and  cabbages.     It  was,  at  least,  a  healthy 


34  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['757 

employment  of  the  time  of  the  troops,  and  it  was  hoped  would 
be  a  set-off  against  the  tendency  to  drinking  then  so  common 
with  soldiers  on  service.  The  men's  health,  indeed,  suffered 
from  the  bad  rum  they  obtained  by  means  of  the  peddling, 
unlicensed  rabble  which  follow  every  corps  d'armh,  pests 
against  which  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  guard.  Owing  to  the 
sickness  which  affected  the  troops  from  this  cause,  an  order 
was  given  to  secure  all  the  liquor  in  the  place,  and  to  lock  it  up 
in  the  king's  stores.  This  occupation  of  planting  vegetables, 
with  field  days  and  drilling,  occupied  the  time  of  the  men. 
It  was  during  this  period  that  the  episode  in  which  lord 
Charles  Hay  figured  took  place.  Hay  had  seen  some  service, 
and  chafing  under  the  inactivity,  he  made  himself  promi- 
nent by  his  insubordination,  publicly  attacking  Loudoun's 
generalship,  stating  that  the  public  money  was  wasted  in 
cabbage  planting  and  sham  fights.*  Loudoun,  in  reporting 
the  fact,  asked  that  Hay  might  be  instructed  to  remain  at 
New  York  until  further  orders.  On  a  second  occasion  he 
stated  that  "  he  had  been  forced  to  rougher  measures." 
Finally,  on  Forbes,  the  adjutant-general,  reporting  that  Hay, 
on  being  refused  leave,  had  stated  he  would  take  it,  Loudoun 
placed  him  under  arrestf 

*  Can.  AtcK.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I.,  S5.3,  Loudoun  (o  Holdeniefit,  5lh  and  6th 
August,  pp.  341,  343,  and  Fforbes,  p-  344. 

+  Lord  Charles  Hajr  was  the  third  son  of  the  marquis  of  Tweeddale,  and  was 
present  with  ihc  guards  al  Fontenof,  in  1745.  He  is  generalljr  accredited  as 
b:ing  the  utierer  of  the  speech  calling  upon  the  French  guards  to  fire  fint.  When 
placed  under  arrest  for  his  contumacy  he  was  third  in  command  (O  Loudoun  and 
Hopson.  He  was  sent  to  England  to  be  brought  before  a  court-martial.  The 
court  did  not  assemble  until  Febniarj,  1760,  lord  Charles  died  the  first  of  May 
following,  before  the  sentence  was  promulgated.  Boswell  quotes  Johnson  as 
saying,  "  I  wrote  something  for  lord  Charles,  and  I  thought  that  he  had  nothing 
to  fear  from  a  court-martial.  1  suffered  a  great  loss  when  be  died,  he  was  b 
mighty  pleasing  man  in  conversation,  and  a  reading  man.  [Croker's  Boswell, 
in.,  p.  375.]  Croker  adds  that  he  consulted  the  minutes  of  the  coalt-martial,  but 
be  could  find  nothing  he  could  attribute  to  Johnson.  Langton  gives  the  more 
probable  account.  Owing  to  Langton's  frequent  praise  of  Johnson,  Hay  requested 
to  be  introduced  to  him.  The;  met  several  limes  ;  on  one  occasion  lord  Charlei 
read  the  MS.  he  had  prepared,  upon  which  Johnson  said,  "it  was  a  good  soldierly 
defence."    Jobnson,  however,  pointed  out  that   it  was  in  vain  to  contend  with 



Intelligence  had  reached  Halifax  of  the  presence  of  a  large 
force  at  Louisbourg.  In  the  first  instance  its  strength  had 
been  understated  ;  but  the  capture  of  a  vessel  disclosed  the 
fact  that  fifteen  ships  of  the  line  and  three  frigates  were  in  the 
harbour,  and  that  6,000  troops,  3,000  militia  and  1,300  Indians 
were  present  A  council  of  war  was  held  on  the  5th  of 
August,  and  it  was  resolved  "  to  lay  aside  all  thoughts  of 
attacking  Louisboiirg."  Loudoun  accordingly  embarked  a 
portion  of  his  troops  for  New  York  on  the  i6th  of  August, 
leaving  the  ist  battalion  Royal  Americans,  the  27th,  28th,  43rd 
and  46th  regiments  to  defend  Nova  Scotia,  the  force  of  which 
had  previously  consisted  of  three  regiments.  He  proceeded 
to  New  York  with  the  17th,  22nd,  42nd,  44th,  48th  and  55th 
regiments,  and  the  2nd  and  4th  battalions  of  the  Royal 
Americans,  with  the  rangers. 

Holbourne  sailed  the  same  day  as  Loudoun,  and  parted 
company  with  him  to  arrive  off  Louisbourg,  Learning  that 
the  French  fleet  had  received  an  accession  of  strength,  he 
deemed  it  unwise  to  risk  a  battle,  and  returned  to  Halifax. 
Having  been  joined  by  two  ships  of  the  line,  one  of  70  and 
one  of  60  guns,  on  the  I  Ith  of  September  he  again  sailed  to 
Louisbourg,  in  the  hope  that  the  French  would  come  out  to 
attack  him.  The  challenge  was  not  accepted,  the  duty  of  the 
French  admiral  being  to  protect  the  fortress.  While  cruising 
in  the  neighbourhood,  about  ten  leagues  to  the  south  of  the 
fort,  the  fleet  was  caught  in  a  hurricane  of  great  violence, 
which  lasted  for  several  hours.  The  vessels  were  carried 
towards  the  coast,  and  had  the  wind  continued  in  the  same 
direction  the  whole  fleet  must  have  been  driven  on  the  rocky 
shore  of  Cape  Breton.  Eleven  ships  lost  their  masts  ;  many 
had  to  throw  their  cannon  overboard.  The  "  Tilbury,"  with  a 
crew  of  280  men,  was  wrecked,  and  many  perished.  On  the 
4th  of  October  eight  ships,  greatly  damaged,  reached  Halifax, 

those  who  were  in  possesion  of  power ;  if  ihejr  would  offer  him  ihe  rank  of 
lieuteiuuil-feDenl  and  >  government  it  would  be  better  (o  de»il  from  urging  his 
complunu."  [lb.,  IV.,  p.  355.]  It  accordiagljr  may  be  inferred  thit  Hay  himself 
"  d  the  inqnii7. 



while  Others  found  refuge  at  New  York.  Some  ships  of  war 
were  left  for  the  protection  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  the  remainder 
sailed  for  England.  The  French  fleet  remained  at  Louis- 
bourg  until  the  end  of  October,  when  it  sailed  homeward  ; 
leaving  two  ships  of  the  line  and  one  frigate  for  the  defence 
of  the  harbour. 

The  disastrous  close  of  the  expedition  from  which  so  much 
had  been  expected  caused  general  dissatisfaction  and  dis- 
appointment. Contemporary  writers  in  the  mother  country 
did  not  fail  to  attribute  the  failure  to  the  dreary  government 
under  which  England  groaned.*  The  one  theory  of  the 
ministers  in  power  was  the  advancement  of  their  own  political 
fortunes,  and  the  assurance  of  support  from  the  obsequious 
followers  who  unfalteringly  sustained  them.  In  a  country 
possessing  free  institutions,  men  obtain  the  government  they 
deserve.  It  is  on  the  constituencies  that  the  choice  of  their 
rulers  depends  ;  it  is  they  who,  for  good  or  for  evil  confer  the 
executive  authority,  and  it  is  their  prerogative  to  banish  an 
incompetent  minister  into  obscurity.  If  through  corruption, 
or  motives  of  interest,  or  indifference,  or  indolence,  they  fail 
to  act  wisely  in  exercising  this  privilege,  they  must  pay  the 
penalty  of  their  neglect  of  public  duty,  by  suffering  the 
calamities  of  misrule.  The  truth  nevertheless  remains  that 
when  the  government  falls  into  bad  hands,  there  always  lies 
the  remedy  in  the  expression  of  opinion  by  honest  men  to 

*  "  In  this  manner  ended  the  eipediijon  ici  Louisbokirg,  more  unfortunate  to 
the  mKion  than  the  preceding  designs  on  Rochefort ;  less  disgiaccrul  10  ihe 
commandeis,  but  equally  the  occasion  of  ridicule  and  tnumph  to  our  enemies  ; 
indeed,  the  unhappj'  consequences  of  the  poliiical  disputes  at  home,  the  inslabilily 
of  the  administration,  and  the  frcqucnl  revolutions  in  our  councils,  were  sirongljr 
nunirested  by  that  languor  infused  into  all  our  militaty  operations,  and  general 
onsleadiness  in  out  pursuits  ;  faclion  in  the  mother-country  produced  divisions 
and  mLsconducI  in  the  colonies  ;  no  ambition  to  signalize  themselves  appeared 
among  the  oflicen,  from  the  uncertainly  whether  their  services  were  lo  be 
rewarded  or  condemned  ;  their  attachment  (o  parlicuUr  persons  weakened  the 
love  they  ought  to  have  entertained  for  their  country  in  general,  and  destroyed 
that  spiril  of  enterprise,  that  linnness  and  resolution,  which  constitutes  (he  com- 
mander, and  without  which,  the  best  capacity,  joined  to  the  most  uncorruptible 
inl^rity,  can  effect  nothing."    SmoUelt,  chap.  XXVIl.,  20. 


1757]  KEPORT   OF   CAPTURE.  37 

confer  power  on  those  from  whom  a  faithful  execution  of  the 
public  trust  may  be  anticipated. 

It  was  on  his  way  to  New  York,  on  the  i8th  of  August,  by 
a  despatch  boat,  that  Loudoun  heard  of  the  capture  of  fort 
William  Henry,  accompanied  by  a  demand  that  he  should 
take  steps  for  the  protection  of  Albany. 




On  the  evening  of  the  5th  of  January,  1757,  an  event  took 
place  at  Versailles  which  indirectly  influenced  the  war  in 
Canada,  for  it  led  to  the  removal  of  de  Machault,  the  minister 
of  marine,  and  of  d'Argenson,  secretary  of  state  for  war :  the 
ministers  hitherto  charged  with  conducting  the  operations  of 
the  campaign.  Their  replacement  at  this  time  by  inferior 
men  injuriously  interfered  with  the  despatch  to  Canada  of  the 
reinforcements  and  the  material  of  war  so  urgently  required. 
De  Machault  had  originally  owed  his  favour  to  the  influence 
of  Madame  de  Pompadour.  The  Jesuit  party  were  now  again 
supreme,  including  as  supporters  the  new  archbishop  of  Paris 
de  Beaumont,  and  bishop  Boyer,  whose  duties  included  the 
recommendation  to  benefices  ;  an  office  giving  him  great 
power.  •  Both  were  strong  supporters  of  the  doctrines  laid 
down  by  the  bull  Unigenitus,  and  were  firm  advocates  of  the 
supremacy  of  the  church  above  the  state.  This  party  had 
obtained  thorough  control  of  the  mind  of  the  dauphin  :•  they 
looked  upon  his  future  accession  as  a  certain  assurance  of  its 
unlimited  ascendancy.  Regarding  Madame  de  Pompadour  as 
unfriendly  to  them,  the  higher  clergy  had  attacked  her  by 
refusing  the  sacraments  equally  to  herself  and  the  king. 

The  crisis  was  one  of  threatened  national  bankruptcy  ;  it 
was  in  this  emergency  they  determined  to  affirm  the  power  of 
the  church  that  as  a  divine  institution  it  should  be  freed  from 
the  general  taxation.     De  Machault,  as  minister  of  finance, 

*  Owing  10  the  jealousy  of  the  king,  the  dauphin  was  denied  1.II  pariicipalion 
in  state  affairs  ;  his  naturally  melancholy  mind,  unappealed  to  by  duty  and 
occupation,  found  resource  in  the  acceptance  of  the  extreme  ultramontane  doctiines. 
He  is  reporletl  to  have  said,  "  Si  je  suis  appeli  au  Irdne,  el  que  I'^Iise  me  com- 
mando d'en  descendte  j'en  descendrai."  He  died  the  30(h  of  December,  1765. 
Three  of  his  sons  sat  upon  the  throne  of  France,  the  unfortunate  Louis  XVI.,  the 
Mcond  son,  LouU  XVIIL,  and  Charles  X. 



opposed  all  such  exemption,  he  was  unfriendly  to  the  political 
pretensions  of  the  clergy.  D'Argenson,  on  the  other  hand, 
was  an  antagonist  of  the  self-assertion  of  parliaments,  and  in 
the  disputes  with  the  clergy  he  took  the  ecclesiastical  side. 

De  Machault  had  shewn  considerable  ability  in  finding  funds 
to  carry  on  the  war  ;  after  the  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  he  saw 
plainly  that  the  condition  of  France  would  not  admit  any 
reduction  of  her  marine,  and  that  a  large  expenditure  was  in- 
dispensable for  the  repayment  of  the  debt  and  the  equipment 
of  the  navy.  Accordingly,  he  undertook  the  task  of  reforming 
the  system  of  taxation,  by  which  the  debt  could  be  gradually 
extinguished  and  provision  made  for  the  national  necessities. 
In  1749,  he  proposed  the  continuance  of  the  dixihne,  which  had 
been  established  in  1741,  with  the  understanding  that  it  was 
to  be  suppressed  at  the  peace.  He  desired  to  retain  the  tax 
in  the  modified  form  of  the  twentieth  part  of  all  revenues, 
without  power  of  immunity  by  gifts  or  redemption,  extending 
over  the  whole  population,  including  the  incomes  of  the  clergy. 
An  outcry  was  at  once  raised  against  the  so-called  sacrilege; 
the  clergy  determined  to  resist  the  tax,  on  the  ground  that  it 
was  their  duty  to  obey  God  rather  than  man,  and  as  a  corol- 
lary avoid  all  obligation  to  the  state. 

A  revival  of  the  assertion  of  the  power  of  the  church 
followed  :  one  form  it  took  was  the  rigid  enforcement  of  the 
edict  of  Nantes,  so  that  every  opposing  influence  should  be 
strangled  in  its  cradle.  The  direct  consequence  was  the 
persecution  of  the  Protestants.  The  old  infamous  tyranny 
was  renewed  wherever  the  provincial  governors  could  be  led 
to  take  part  in  it.  Children  christened  out  of  the  church 
were  taken  from  their  parents ;  Protestants  assembled  for 
worship  were  shot  down  or  taken  prisoners.  In  1752, 
B^nezet,  a  Protestant  minister,  was  hanged  at  Montpetlier  for 
performing  the  ceremonies  of  his  church.  In  1754,  Lafage,  a 
preacher,  was  seized  in  Lower  Languedoc,  and  in  twenty-four 
hours  hanged  by  authority  of  the  intendant.  The  bishops 
were  called  upon  to  instruct  their  clergy  to  refuse  the 
sacraments  of  the  church  to  all  who  could  not  produce  billets 


40  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l7S7 

de  confession*  In  modern  times  we  cannot  appreciate  the 
consequence  of  this  assumption  of  power.  In  our  generation 
a  cur^  in  any  civilized  country  refusing  to  perform  the  burial 
service  over  a  corpse,  it  would  be  carried  to  the  first  protestant 
burial  ground  and  be  decently  interred.  At  that  date  the 
denial  of  the  customary  ceremony  at  the  grave,  was  in  itself 
typical  of  disgrace,  and  shocked  every  social  and  religious 
feeling.  The  proceeding  gave  immense  power  to  the  priest- 
hood, for  ecclesiastics  of  moderate  views  were  forced  by  their 
superiors  to  act  with  severity.  The  more  capable  of  the  laity 
indignantly  condemned  the  arrogance  of  the  clei^y,  whether 
the  dictate  of  a  calculated  prudence  or  springing  from  behef 
in  the  policy  of  persecution,  and  eventually  France  became 
awakened  to  its  mischief:  public  feeling  became  so  strong 
that  restraint  was  placed  upon  it.  In  1755  Beyer  died,  de 
Beaumont  was  exiled  from  Paris,  and  Pope  Benoit  XIV. 
intervened  to  obtain  peace.  A  compromise  was  made :  the 
biilets  de  confession  were  withdrawn,  and  the  right  of  taxation 
of  the  clergy  was  waved.  +  De  Machault,  however,  was  not 
sacrificed,  but  he  was  removed  from  the  finance  to  the  marine, 
in  which  office  he  shewed  great  ability  and  energy,  his  efforts 
being  successfully  given  to  the  creation  of  the  French  navy. 

As  the  continental  complications  attained  force  the  French 
ministry  became  divided  into  two  parties:  one  desirous 
of  forming  a  confederacy  with  Prussia,  Sweden  and  Poland, 
thus     forming    a    powerful     coalition     against     any    union 

*  A  certificale  that  confession  has  been  made. 

+  Numerous  pamphlets  appeared  on  both  sides  of  the  controversy,  in  which  the 
privileges  and  morals  of  the  upper  clergy  were  vigorously  attacked,  Voltaire 
published  anonymously  "  Vffix  du  sage  el  du  peuplt"  He  contended  that  there 
were  not  two  powers  in  the  state  ;  that  the  prince  was  absolute  master  of  all  regula- 
tions affecting  ecclesiastics  in  relation  to  public  order.  He  advised  the  king  to  give 
back  10  the  "laws  of  nature  the  imprudent  men  and  the  imprudent  women  who 
have  made  vows  hurtful  to  society  at  an  age  when  il  is  not  permitted  of  any  one  to 
dispose  of  property."  and  Imsled  of  the  services  of  philosophy  in  destroying 
superstition,  always  the  enemy  of  princes.  [Henry  Martin,  XV.,  p.  410,]  On 
one  occasion  complaint  was  mnde  against  a  book,  and  its  suppression  obtained. 
In  the  published  notice  of  its  condemnation  the  book  was  described  as  making  the 
clergy  appear  as  the  body  the  least  useful  to  society. 


1757]  DAMlENa  41 

between  Russia  and  Austria.  Such  had  been  the  ancient 
policy  of  Richelieu,  which  constantly  had  opposed  all  increase 
of  the  power  of  Austria.  In  opposition  to  these  views  there 
were  those  who  favoured  an  abandonment  of  the  ancient 
alliances  in  order  to  accept  the  offer  of  Maria  Theresa  and  to 
follow  a  policy  in  common  with  the  empress.  The  latter  had 
really  in  view  the  partition  of  Prussia ;  the  inducement  offered 
to  France  to  co-operate,  being  a  cession  of  a  portion  of 
Flanders,  to  widen  the  French  eastern  frontier,  while  Maria 
Theresa  would  herself  regain  Silesia 

It  was  impossible  not  to  foresee  that  the  latter  alliance 
would  lead  to  war  on  the  European  continent,  which  would 
embrace  a  wide  area:  while  with  Prussia  on  the  side  of  France 
the  hostilities  could  be  kept  within  narrow  limits,  and  the  efforts 
of  France  could  then  be  directed  principally  against  the  naval 
supremacy  of  England.  De  Machault  and  d'Argenson  were 
alike  in  favour  of  the  former.  I  must  content  myself  in 
stating  that  the  conclusion  of  these  negotiations  was  the 
acceptance  of  the  offer  of  Maria  Theresa,  based  on  the  policy 
■of  threatening  the  Hanoverian  dominions  of  George  II.,  and 
by  awakening  his  fears  of  losing  his  electorate,  deter  him  from 
active  opposition  to  the  designs  of  France. 

It  was  in  the  ferment  of  this  dispute  between  the  state  and 
the  church  that  Damiens'  attempt  took  place.  The  night  was 
dark  ;  imperfectly  lighted  by  a  few  lanterns,  the  king  was 
about  entering  a  carriage  to  proceed  with  the  dauphin  to  the 
Trianon.  As  he  approached  the  doorstep  he  felt  a  blow  in 
the  breast,  and  on  raising  his  hand  to  the  place  found  it  cov- 
ered with  blood.  Owing  to  Damiens  being  the  only  person 
having  his  head  covered,  he  was  recognized  as  the  assailant. 
He  was  seized  and  searched.  All  that  was  found  on  him  was 
a  prayer-book,  thirty  pieces  of  gold,  and  a  two-bladed  knife: 
it  was  with  the  small  blade  that  the  wound  had  been  inflicted.* 

*  It  will  ever  remain  ■  problem  difficult  to  detctmine  under  what  influence 
Damiens  scted.  Writers  of  authority  have  described  him  as  a  man  o(  weak 
intellect  carried  away  b;  mononisnia.  His  own  explanation  wat  that  he  only 
desired  to  give  a  warning  to  the  king,  and  lead  him  to  punish  the  archbishop,  (be 


42  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  ['757 

The  injury  was  slight :  Voltaire  called  it  a  "pique  d'^ingU" 
The  king,  however,  caused  himself  to  be  carried  to  bed,  as  if 
dying ;  it  was  subsequently  explained  that  he  believed  the 
knife  was  poisoned.  He  caused  absoiution  to  be  given  to  him 
five  or  six  times  ;  summoned  the  dauphin,  directed  him  to 
preside  at  the  councils,  and  acted  as  if  he  had  but  a  few  hours 
to  live.  As  always  happens  in  such  cases,  the  favourite  was 
deserted,  while  the  whole  court  crowded  round  the  supposed 
newly-ascended  king.    The  clergy  saw  their  opportunity,  and 

cause  of  >1I  the  trouble.  Other  wrilere  trace  (he  attempt  to  the  inspiration  of  the 
Jesuits.  In  1761  Mr.  Hans  Stanley  was  sent  to  France  to  cany  on  negotiations 
for  peace.  When  there  he  wrote  confidential  letters  as  to  the  condition  of  the 
country.  On  the  9th  of  June,  1761,  he  wrote  to  Pitt:  "Since  the  affair  of 
Damien)  the  king  has  never  been  easy  in  bis  mind.  If,  when  he  b  hunting,  or  on 
any  occasion  he  meets  a  person  whom  he  is  not  used  to  see,  he  starts  and  is 
extremely  agitated.  The  Jesuits  are  charged  by  the  vulgar  as  promoters  of  that 
attempt.  The  Dauphin  is  esteemed  much  attached  to  that  society,  which  does  not 
malte  him  beloved,  as  they  are  generally  hated."  [Lord  Mahon's  History  of 
England,  vol.  IV.,  p.  211.] 

Damiens  was  twenty-two  years  of  age,  the  son  of  a  fartner  in  the  north  of 
France,  near  Arras.  He  had  received  but  little  education  owing  to  his  father 
having  lieen  unfoituaale.  He  commenced  life  at  the  Jesuit  college  at  Arras  as 
cook  ;  he  left  that  position  to  take  a  situation  as  a  servant,  and  he  is  accused  of 
having  been  guilty  of  theft.  He  again  obtained  a  sitaalion  as  cook  in  the  Jesuit 
college  at  Paris.     A  few  weeks  before  the  attempt  he  had  again  obtained  a  place 

Damiens  was  subjected  to  cruel  torture  to  obtain  a  confession  from  hiin.  An 
inslrun:ient  which  had  been  invented  by  the  ponliiical  inquisitors  at  Avignon  was 
Specially  obtained  to  increase  his  sufferings.  Damiens  went  through  this  horrible 
ordeal  with  great  forlitudc.  To  the  last  he  denied  that  he  had  any  accomplices 
of  any  kind.  He  admitted,  however,  that  lie  had  confessed  his  intention  eight 
days  previously  to  a  Jesuit  father,  and  had  received  absolution. 

At  his  trial,  presided  over  by  Maopeou,  it  was  laid  down  that  it  was  not 
necessary  10  enter  inio  minor  details.  Damiens  was  simply  found  guilty.  He 
suffered  death  on  the  l8th  of  March  on  the  Place  de  Grive,  under  conditions  of 
infamous  and  revolting  cruelty.  What  was  additionally  disgraceful,  women  of  the 
hautt  nebltiit  and  the  wealthy  baurgeeisit  at  great  cost  hired  the  windows  from 
which  they  could  look  on  the  butchery.  Damiens,  stripped  naked,  was  bound 
with  iron  chains  to  a  stake ;  his  right  hand,  bound  in  sulphur,  was  held  over  a  lire 
until  it  was  consumed  to  charcoal ;  pieces  from  his  body  were  pulled  forth  with 
red-hot  longs,  and  boiling  oil  and  melted  pilch  and  lead  poured  into  his  wounds. 
Finally  four  horses  were  yoked  to  his  arms  and  legs,  and  he  was  torn  asunder  1 
horrible  suffering  which  he  endured  for  three  hours. 


1757]  MACHAULT'S   dismissal.  4J 

obtained  an  order  that  Madame  de  Pompadour  should  be 
exiled  from  the  court.  It  was  conveyed  to  her  by  de 
Machault.  Madame  de  Pompadour  contrived  to  delay  her 
departure.  After  some  days  passed  in  bed,  the  king  rose,  and, 
as  was  his  custom,  found  his  way  to  the  house  of  his  mistress. 
She  saw  herself  re-established  in  power;  favour  she  had  never 
lost.*  One  of  her  first  efforts  was  to  obtain  the  dismissal  of 
de  Machault,  who,  she  felt,  had  abandoned  her  in  the  hour  of 
peril.  D'Argenson  fell  into  disgrace,  owing  to  a  letter  being 
intercepted,  in  which  he  had  made  disrespectful  allusions  to 
the  king,  and  he  had  been  prominent  in  his  homage  to  the 
dauphin.  Advances  of  friendship  were  made  to  him  on  the 
part  of  Madame  de  Pompadour  ;  they  were  repelled  by  him. 
On  the  2nd  of  February,  1757,  he  was  exiled  and  replaced  by 
his  nephew,  the  marquis  de  Paulmy,  The  removal  of  these 
ministers  at  this  particular  period  exercised  an  unfortunate 
influence  on  the  conduct  of  the  war  in  America.  Their 
successors  were  without  ability,  and  have  long  been  forgotten. 

The  news  of  the  change  reached  Canada  in  June,  when  de 
Livis  at  once  wrote  to  the  new  minister,  M.  de  Paulmy,  con- 
gratulating him  on  his  appointment-t 

The  proposed  attack  of  fort  William  Henry  was  now 
resolved  upon  :  the  hinderance  had  hitherto  been  the  want  of 
provisions.  The  supplies  sent  from  France  for  the  colony 
had  failed  to  furnish  what  was  required  ;  for  even  with 
this  assistance  there  were  scarcely  provisions  for  two  months. 
The  imperfectly  defended  frontier  of  New  York  was  known  to 
the  French.  The  preparations  for  the  expedition  by  Loudoun 
could  not  be  concealed,  and  on  the  arrival  of  the  ships  in  spring, 
at  Quebec,  its  destination  against  Louisbourg  became  known 
from  the  information  obtained  by  spies  in  London. 

*  Mde.  de  Pompadoui  died  15Tb  or  April,  1764 :  her  relations  with  the  king 
had  lasted  nineteen  years.     Her  death  in  no  way  affected  bis  callous  nalure, 

t  De  Levis'  last  letter  la  d'Argenson  was  dated  the  I5tb  o(  April :  his  first 
letter  to  de  Paulmy  the  soih  of  June.  The  latter  was  the  nepbew  ord'Argenson, 
to  whom  de  Livis  expressed  his  regret  at  the  exile  of  bis  uncle.  "JenepeuK 
qn'ftre  tres  fach^  de  sa  di^race."  At  the  same  time  be  enclosed  a  letter  for 
d'Ai^naon.     [Leltres  du  Cbevalier  de  Levis,  p.  iii.] 


44  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [l757 

The  British  commander  could  in  no  way  have  foreseen  the 
consequences  of  the  withdrawal  of  the  regular  troops  from  the 
upper  Hudson,  leaving  behind  as  the  only  force  the  garrisons 
of  forts  Edward  and  William  Henry,  with  the  few  troops  to 
maintain  communication  with  Albany,  There  were  about 
2,600  men  at  fort  Edward,  mostly  provincials,  called  out  for 
service,  without  discipline,  including  200  of  the  Royal 
Americans,  lately  enlisted  recruits.  William  Henry  was 
garrisoned  by  six  companies  of  the  35th,  under  lieut-colonel 
Monroe.  The  preparations  which  were  being  made  by  the 
French  did  not  augur  quiet  times  for  the  British  garrisons. 
Early  in  July  intelligence  had  been  brought  that  troops  were 
being  massed  at  Ticonderoga.  It  was  indeed  impossible  to 
conceal  the  movements  on  either  side,  the  operations  were 
carried  on  in  so  narrow  a  limit, that  the  scouts  could  scarcely  err 
in  obtaining  tidings  of  what  was  doing.  The  advanced  French 
lines  of  Ticonderoga  were  only  thirty  miles  distant  by  the  lake 
from  the  British  fort.  The  lake  was  enclosed  by  a  high  range 
of  mountains  on  both  sides  to  make  attack  impracticable  by 
any  route  but  by  water.  The  French,  however,  were  con- 
stantly sending  parties  up  the  narrow  part  of  lake  Champlain, 
called  by  them  the  river  Chicot,  to  threaten  fort  Edward. 
They  landed  at  the  head  of  the  small  bay,  and  made  their  way 
across  to  the  road  between  the  two  forts ;  there  being  but 
twenty-four  miles  or  so  from  their  canoes  to  the  Hudson.  The 
fact  is  important  in  judging  the  subsequent  conduct  of  Webb. 

Webb  appears  to  have  fully  understood  the  difficulties  of 
his  position.  The  French  were  always  able  in  a  few  hours  to 
become  masters  of  lake  George,  by  means  of  the  short  portage 
from  lake  Champlain,  although  a  work  of  labour  from  its 
height  There  had  been  little  attempt  to  replace  the  British 
vessels  destroyed  by  de  Rigaud  in  March,  although  some  few 
barges  had  been  constructed.  One  of  the  first  conditions  of 
the  defence  of  the  fort  was  that  an  attack  by  water  could  be 
resisted.  But  the  whole  strength  of  the  country  had  been 
diverted  to  the  naval  expedition  proceeding  to  Halifax. 
There  was  every  facility  to  complete  a  flotilla  on  lake  George. 


1757]  COLONEL  MESERVE.  45 

Loudoun  mentions  colonel  Meserve,  of  the  New  Hampshire 
troops,  a  ship-builder  of  great  ability  and  energy,*  who  could, 
if  properly  sustained, have  furnished  vessels  in  sufficient  force 
even  to  have  been  aggressive.  But  the  opportunity  was  neg- 
lected amid  the  preparations  for  what  was  considered  the  more 
important  enterprise. 

As  it  was  evident  some  movement  was  designed  by  the 
French,  Webb  proceeded  to  fort  William  Henry  to  examine 
into  its  defences.  The  troops  which  the  fort  could  not  accom- 
modate had  been  established  on  the  north-western  side,  in  an 
imperfectly  protected  camp,  as  the  situation  was  considered 
too  exposedj  they  were  removed  to  a  rocky  eminence  on  the 
southeastern  side,  and  the  place  was  well  intrenched.  Colonel 
Young  was  sent  with  a  reinforcement  of  200  of  the  Royal 
Americans  and  800  provincials,  with  two  brass  12  prs.  and  two 
6-prs.  The  detachment  of  artillery  was  under  the  command 
of  captain  McCloud.  The  reinforcement  leftWebbwith  i,6oo 
provincial  troops  to  defend  fort  Edward  and  the  entire  frontier.f 

*  Loudoun  speaks  highly  of  Meserve.  [Can.  Aich.,  Series  A.  &  W.I.,  85.I, 
pp-  7-8.]  "The  must  useful  person  I  have  found  among  the  provincials  is  a 
colonel  Meserve,  vrho  commands  ihe  regiment  from  New  Hampshire.  He  is  a 
shipliuilder  and  is  an  active,  sensible  man,  that  has  no  scruples,  but  is  ready  to  do 
whatever  you  desire  of  him.  He  has  built  us  n.  bridge  fiom  fort  Edward  to  the 
island  ;  he  has  built  us  large  flat  boltom'd  boats  for  passing  rivers,  and  carrying 
great  loads  ;  he  has  greatly  assisted  in  carrying  on  the  fortifications  ;  and  now  at 
last  has  got  his  people  to  engage  by  the  piece,  to  finish  some  of  the  tnrracks  and 
to  raise  one  whole  face  of  the  fort  five  feet  much  cheaper  than  we  could  have 
done  it.  And  by  him  I  have  got  a  large  quantity  of  timber  cut  10  be  floated 
down  here,  for  making  carriages  for  the  cannon,  which  alinoEt  all  I  have  seen  iik 
this  country,  stand  much  in  need  of;  and  there  is  very  little  to  be  got  and  that 
very  dear ;  by  this  means  I  shall  have  a  very  large  slock  provided  at  no  other 
e;<pense  but  the  cutting  and  floating  down,  and  in  a  little  time  have  seasoned 
wood,  which  is  a  thing  not  to  be  found  in  this  country  at  present.  Ashe  has 
received  nothing  for  his  labours  and  pains  (for  the  colonel  doe*  not  scruple  (o 
work  with  an  axe,  when  he  sees  other  people  do  not  do  it  to  his  liking)  I  propose 
to  make  him  a  present  of  a  piece  of  plate  of  the  value  of  twenty-live  or  thirty 
pounds,  which  will  make  him  happy,  and,  I  hope,  raise  an  emulation  among  the 
others.    This  is  the  only  gratuity  I  have  proposed  to  give." 

Meierve  rendered  equally  good  service  at  Lonlsbourg  :  during  the  siege  he 
unhappily  fell  a  victim  to  the  small-pox. 

f  Webb  to  Loudoun,  Fort  Edvard,  5th  of  August,  1757.  [Can.  Arch., 
Series  A.  4  W.  I.,  85.3,  p.  389.] 



In  addition  to  the  weakness  of  the  force  opposed  to  the 
French,  their  own  narrow  stock  of  provisions  enforced  upon 
them  the  necessity  of  at  once  taking  the  field.  De  Rigaud's 
expedition  in  March  had  consumed  a  great  quantity  of  the 
supplies  collected  in  early  winter.  What  additional  food 
could  be  purchased  from  the  habitants  had  been  obtained  ; 
but  even  with  what  had  been  received  from  France  the  total 
quantity  would  barely  furnish  subsistence  to  the  troops  to  the 
end  of  August ;  *  thus  no  time  could  be  lost  if  the  campaign 
was  to  be  undertaken. 

The  relations  between  Montcalm  and  de  Vaudreuil  were 
greatly  strained.  In  a  letter  to  the  minister  of  marinef 
Montcalm  described  de  Vaudreuil  as  one  who  had  no  character 
of  his  own,  and  was  surrounded  by  men  who  praised  Montcalm 
to  him  in  order  to  excite  his  jealousy  and  foster  Canadian 
prejudice.  There  had  been  some  feeling,  owing  to  a  serious 
illness  of  the  governor-general  during  the  winter,  when  his 
death  appeared  probable,  and  it  had  been  a  matter  of  doubt 
whether  Montcalm  or  de  Rigaud  would  be  called  upon  to 
assume  the  government  Bigot  desired  that  Montcalm  should 
obtain  precedence. 

Independently  of  his  lower  rank  M.  de  Rigaud,  from  his 
"  incapacity "  commanded  little  public  respect.  Montcalm 
described  him  as  "  this  short  sighted  man,  always  led  by  the 
first  comer,  and  as  one  who  would  have  embarrassed  matters." 
From  the  absence  of  any  defined  regulation  Montcalm  asked 
that  a  sealed  letter  should  be  sent  to  Canada,  so  that  in  the 
event  of  the  governor's  death  he  would  assume  authority. 

Even  when  engaged  in  organizing  the  expedition  against 
William  Henry,  Montcalm  asked  for  his  recall  at  the  earliest 
possible  moment.  He  was  wasting  his  health,  he  wrote,  to  no 
purpose,  where  he  could  not  act  in  the  King's  service  as  he 
desired,  and  where  the  governor  was  occupied  in  depreciating 

■  N.Y.  Doc.,  X.,  p.  631. 

t  nth  July,  1757.    N.V.  Doc.,  X.,  p.576. 


1757]  MONTCALM.  47 

the  service  performed  by  him  and  the  land  troops,*  at  the  same 
time  making  them  responsible  for  any  failure  that  might 
happen  .f 

*  De  Vaudreail  belonged  to  the  marine  Torce  ;  [Vide  Ante.  III.,  551-3.]  there 
was  occasionally  jealousy  between  tbese  two  branches  of  the  service. 

t  The  heavy  expenses  to  which  Montcalm  was  subjected  as  general  in  com- 
mand, with  [he  inadequacy  of  the  allowance  to  meet  them,  weie  a  source  of  such 
dissatisfaction  that  he  wrote  complaints  on  ibe  subject  to  France.  It  will  be  seen 
when  the  career  of  Wolfe  has  to  be  narrated,  that  although  the  general  in  com- 
mand of  the  expedition  at  Quebec,  he  leceived  no  allowances  commensurate  with 
his  obligations  :  another  of  the  strange  coincidences  in  the  career  of  the  two 
men.  We  cannot  read  without  pain  the  representations  made  by  Montcalm  of 
the  necessity  to  which  he  was  subjected  of  expending  bis  private  fortune,  to  meet 
his  official  expenses.  1(  will  be  my  duty  to  shew  how  the  unworthy  treatment  of 
Wolfe  was  continued  after  his  death.  There  is  no  ground  to  suppose  that  the 
children  of  Montcalm  received  greater  consideration.  Whatever  may  be  dreaded 
by  those  who  oppose  the  extension  of  liberal  institutions,  it  is  certain  (bat  no  such 
meanness  and  wrong  can  be  anticipated  :  it  may  be  looked  for  that  any  indis- 
cretion would  lie  on  the  side  of  excessive  liberality.  Monlcalm  thus  explains  his 
position  as  commander  of  the  forces  :  "  My  pay  is  only  twenty-five  thoutand  livies. 
I  have  none  of  the  perquisites  of  the  governors  or  intendants  of  Canada  ;  I  must 
tupport  a  stafT;  I  do  nothing  beyond,  neither  do  I  anything  beneath,  my  station. 

I  am  obliged  to  give  myself  importance,  single  handed ;  no  person  seeks  to 
g:ive  me  any  here.  They  would  fain  try  to  deprive  me  of  it,  but  they  will  not 
succeed.  M,  de  Machault  admitted  thai  I  was  not  adequately  paid  ;  he  promised 
10  make  it  up  to  me  and  to  attend  10  it.  I  did  not  come  here  to  carry  home 
money,  but  should  be  sorry  to  make  a  hole  here  in  the  little  patrimony  of  six 

I  have,  nevertheless,  expended  ten  thousand  francs  beyond  my  allowance,  and 
shall  continue,  since  (he  expense  I  incur  is  necessary.  I  flatter  myself  you  will 
assist  me  to  pay  my  debts."    [As  translated,  N.V.  Doc.,  X.,  p.  578.] 




On  the  arrival  of  supplies  by  the  ships  from  France  de 
Bourlamaque  was  despatched  to  Carillon  with  the  regiments, 
Royal-Rousillon  and  B^arn,  to  commence  the  work  necessary 
to  complete  the  portage.  On  the  3rd  of  July  de  L^vis  left 
Montreal  for  St  John's,  on  the  Richelieu,  where  the  troops 
were  assembled.  On  the  7th  he  arrived  at  Carillon,  with  four 
battalions,  and  took  command  of  the  frontier.  The  troops 
were  encamped  near  the  falls  \  de  Bourlamaque  remained  at  the 
fort  to  perfect  the  arrangement  for  the  passage  of  the  artillery 
and  ammunition.  De  Levis'  first  duty  was  to  complete  the 
road  from  lake  Champlain  over  the  portage  so  that  the  boats 
and  artillery  could  be  moved  up  from  lake  Champlain  to  lake 
George,  The  road  was  rapidly  completed.  The  boats  which 
contained  the  troops,  as  they  arrived,  were  carried  across  by 
night ;  the  day  time  was  given  to  the  passage  of  the  artillery 
and  stores,  so  no  time  should  be  lost* 

Detachments  were  sent  up  the  lake  to  examine  the  northern 
side  f  to  observe  the  character  of  the  ground,  whether  feasible 
for  an  advance  by  land.  One  of  these  parties,  under  de  Langy, 
consisting  of  100  Canadians  with  some  Indians,  came  upon 
a  small  party  of  scouts  from  the  British  fort,  of  which  eighteen 
were  killed  and  eight  taken  prisoners  ;  four  only  escaped. 

On  the  1 2th  of  July  Marin  arrived  with  400  Indians,  gath- 
ered from  the  tribes  west  of  Detroit ;  they  were  to  play  a 
prominent  part  after  the  capitulation,  and  it  was  their  excesses 

*  On  the  19th  of  July  de  Levis  wrote  to  de  Vaudreuil  :  "  Sans  une  pluie  de 
trois  jouTS  qui  a  arrclj  notre  portage,  Jl  [Montcalm]  I'aurail  trouvf  presque  fini. 
Nous  avons  cent  cinquante  bateaux  et  quinze  pieces  de  canon  passes  au  lac  Saint- 
Sacrement."  (Letires  de  deLfvis,  p.  125.)  At  that  date  de  Urishad  only  been 
twelve  days  at  the  camp. 

f  "  Suivant  la  cotj  du  nord."    The  proper  description  would  be  ihe  western 


I7S7]  MARIN.  49 

and  cruelty  which  were  the  cause  of  the  one  stain  on  Mont- 
calm's good  fame.  They  were  men  who  knew  civilization 
only  by  their  antagonism  to  it,  and  by  no  means  could  safely 
be  kept  in  idleness  about  encampments.  On  the  third  day 
after  their  arrival  Marin  started  with  300  Indians  and  150 
Canadians  to  ascend  the  narrows  of  lake  Champlain,  the  river 
Chicot ;  the  design  was  to  harass  parties  from  fort  Edward. 
There  was  a  double  object  in  these  expeditions  :  that  of  con- 
cealing the  design  against  fort  William  Henry  and  assuming 
a  threatening  attitude  against  fort  Edward.  Marin  reported 
that  he  had  arrived  close  to  the  fort,  where  he  met  a  detach- 
ment of  one  hundred  men,  which  he  defeated  and  put  to  flight, 
killing  several  and  bringing  away  four  prisoners.  He  returned 
to  his  canoes  unmolested. 

On  the  l8th  Montcalm  arrived  at  Ticonderoga  with  de 
Rigaud  :  he  found  that  the /lortag-e  of  the  guns  and  boats  was 
nearly  complete.  There  remained  only  some  stores  and 
ammunition  to  pass  to  lake  George.  Parties  were  continually 
sent  out  to  harass  the  British  garrisons,  to  create  uncertainty 
which  of  the  two  would  be  the  first  attacked.  Webb,  fully 
sensible  of  his  difficult  position,  applied  to  the  governors  of 
the  different  provinces  for  reinforcements.  There  was  not  time 
to  obtain  them  before  the  attack  would  be  made,  and  could 
they  have  been  sent,  the  raw  troops,  placed  in  the  field  with- 
out discipline,  would  have  been  of  little  value  in  the  crisis. 

On  the  23rd  of  the  month  a  party  penetrated  as  far  as  fort 
Edward.  On  this  occasion  they  met  a  strong  force  which  was 
scouting.  Webb,  in  his  account  to  Loudoun,  states  that  the 
covering  party  when  attacked,  as  usual,  gave  way.  They  lost 
fourteen  men  and  six  or  seven  wounded,  provincial  troops; 
among  the  killed  were  a  sergeant  and  a  corporal  of  the  35th. 
The  dead  were  scalped.*  On  the  British  side  a  party  of  scouts 
and  Indians  surprised  a  patrol  of  fifteen  grenadiers  near  the 
falls,  of  whom  two  were  killed,  two  were  wounded,  the  rest  fled. 
The  noise  of  the  firing  attracted  the  attention  of  de  Levis, 

■  Webb  to  Loudoun,  fort  Edward,  1st  August,  1757,  Can.  Arch.,  Series 
A.  4  W.I.,vol.8s.a,  p.  381. 


50  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['757 

who  started  parties  in  pursuit,  but  the  assailants  made  good 
their  retreat.  De  Rigaud,  who  was  in  command  at  the  head 
of  the  portage,  with  several  Indians,  sent  out  two  strong 
parties :  one  under  de  Villiers  on  the  path  leading  to  the 
Mohawk  country,  with  orders  to  place  himself  in  ambush  :  the 
second  under  de  Corbi^re,  of  the  colonial  force,  who  followed 
the  west  side  of  lake  George,  His  instructions  were  to  conceal 
himself,  and,  if  possible,  cut  oft  the  retreat  of  any  parties 
descending  the  lake. 

As  night  came  on  the  scouts  reported  that  there  were  several 
boats  on  the  water.  De  Corbiere  immediately  despatched 
some  of  the  swiftest  of  the  Indians  to  de  Rigaud,  at  the  portage 
camp,  for  assistance.  From  four  to  five  hundred  Indians 
immediately  answered  the  appeal.  The  canoes  were  drawn  up 
and  concealed,  and  the  men  remained  in  the  bush  so  that  the 
British  boats  should  be  allowed  to  pass  and  then  be  taken  in 

The  party  which  was  thus  falling  into  almost  certain 
destruction  was  a  force  of  300  men,  principally  of  the  New 
Hampshire  and  New  jersey  regiments,  which,  on  the  evening 
of  the  23rd,  had  left  fort  Edward  in  twenty-seven  whale 
boats.  Webb,  in  relating  the  misadventure,  gives  this  date, 
and  speaks  of  the  impossibility  of  understanding  on  what 
principle  the  expedition  was  undertaken.  De  L^vis  explains 
that  it  was  with  the  intention  of  seizing  prisoners,  in  order  to 
learn  the  movements  of  the  French.  On  the  afternoon  of  the 
2Sth  they  proceeded  some  distance  up  the  lake,  where  they 
established  themselves  for  the  night  It  was  at  this  time  they 
were  seen  by  de  Corbifere's  scouts.  At  daybreak,  without  send- 
ing out  parties  to  feel  their  way,  the  boats  again  started. 
The  orders  given  by  de  Corbiere  were  to  allow  them  to  pass 
Sabbath  day  point,*  about  twenty-six  miles  from  the  fort  by 
water,  where  the  French  Indians  lay  in  ambush.  The 
impatience  of  the  Indians  precipitated  the  attack  ;  they  issued 

*  Some  writers  slate  (hat  this  (erm  took  iti  rise  at  the  time  of  Amherst,  who 
refreshed  bis  troops  there.  It  is  used  by  Webb  two  yean  previotuly.  [Can. 
Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  1.,  85.2,  p.  381.] 


1757]  PARKER'S   DEFEAT.  51 

from  their  concealment  before  the  boats  had  passed,  advancing 
rapidly  from  the  shore  in  their  canoes  upon  the  unfortunate 
detachment.*  The  British  force,  moving  forward  without 
order,  taken  by  surprise,  outnumbered  more  than  two  to  one, 
confused  by  the  Indian  war-whoop  and  cries,  thus  suddenly 
attacked  by  an  army  of  canoes,  made  but  little  resistance. 
The  Indians  attempted  to  board  and  capsize  the  boats.  The 
only  effort  on  the  part  of  the  British  force  was  to  escape.  Of 
the  three  hundred  men,  colonel  Parker,  with  four  whale  boats 
only,  containing  fifty  men,  re-ascended  the  lake.  About  fifty 
escaped  by  land,  and  regained  the  fort :  f  two  hundred 
men  were  killed,  drowned  or  taken  prisoners.  Montcalm 
reported  that  he  had  i6o  prisoners,  five  of  whom  were  officers.^ 
Added  to  the  hundred  which  found  their  way  back  to  the 
fort,  forty  only  could  have  been  killed  or  drowned,  a  loss 
severe  in  itself,  being  that  of  every  eighth  man.  De  L^vis 
informs  us  that  these  Indians  were  composed  of  twenty-two 
different  nations  from  the  most  distant  countries,  accustomed 
to  carry  on  war  with  the  greatest  cruelty,  and  in  spite  of 
every  effort  of  the  generals,  it  was  not  possible  to  prevent  the 
perpetration  of  much  brutality  during  the  campaign. 

On  the  28th  of  July,  the  preparations  being  complete,  an 
Indian  council  was  held,  in  order  that  the  consent  of  the  chiefs 
could  be  obtained  to  the  day  appointed  for  the  march  of  the 
troops.  There  was  a  deficiency  of  boats  ;  it  had  accordingly 
been  resolved  that  a  detachment  should  advance  along  the 
western  side  of  the  lake,  and  cover  the  landing  when  it  took 
place.  This  force  was  placed  under  the  command  of  de  Livis, 
with  de  S^nerzergue  as  his  lieutenant ;  the  latter  commanding 

*  De  Levis'  Journal  des  Campagnes,  p.  86. 

t  At  least  such  is  the  meaning  I  attach  to  Webb's  words  in  his  report  to 
Loudoun  [Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I.,  85.2,  p.  381]  :  "  Fifty  others  escaped, 
gettinK  to  land."     The  faci  b  likewise  corroborated  bf  de  Uvis. 

i  N.  Y.  Documents,  X.,  p.  591.  He  estimated  thai  160  had  been  killed  or 
dtonmed.  Of  the  number  of  his  prisoners  there  could  be  no  mbtake.  De  Livis 
relates  [Jountal,  p.  87]  that  among  the  prisoners  was  a  New  EngUnd  colonel. 
In  spite  of  every  aitempt  to  obtain  his  ransom,  the  lodians  carried  him  away  as  a 


52  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['757 

the  regiment  de  la  Sarre.  The  column  consisted  of  570  land 
troops,  100  troops  of  the  marine,  1,200  militia,  300  volunteers 
and  800  Indians,  amounting  to  2,970  men.  On  the  evening  of 
the  29th  de  L^vis  proceeded,  without  tents,  kettles  or  equipage, 
to  camp  BniM,  half  a  league  from  the  portage,  where  he 
bivouacked.  On  the  following  day  the  column  started,  the 
Indians  and  volunteers  forming  the  advance  guard.  The 
march  over  the  greater  part  of  the  ground  was  one  of  severity, 
on  account  of  the  roughness  of  the  country,  the  heights  to  be 
overcome,  and  the  quantity  of  fallen  timber  lying  in  all 

On  the  31st,  Montcalm,  with  the  force  to  be  embarked, 
moved  up  to  the  camp  Brul^ ;  the  troops  awaited,  with 
impatience,  the  order  to  start.  There  was  neither  wine  nor 
eau  de  vie  in  the  camp,  and  they  felt  all  the  weariness  of 
indolence,  against  which  they  had  no  resource.  The  Indians, 
who  nominally  were  Roman  catholic,  occupied  the  time  in 
confession.  The  three  priests  could  scarcely  satisfy  the 
ardour  of  the  penitents.  The  Indians  of  the  upper  country 
were  led  by  different  impulses,  as  Christianity,  in  any  form, 
was  to  them  unknown.  They  looked  upon  any  delay  as  a 
disastrous  augury,  threatening  misfortune.  They  accordingly 
performed  a  sacrifice  to  their  manitou,  and  left  hanging  up  to 
him  a  full  equipment,  as  Indian  worship  suggests,  to  propitiate 
the  ill-favour  which  they  dreaded.* 

The  embarkation  took  place  at  two  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon of  the  1st  of  August,  in  250  boats.  The  western  shore 
was  followed.  On  reaching  Ile-a-la  Barque,  the  Indians 
formed  the  advance  guard  in  I  go  canoes,  and  continued  to 
ascend  the  lake  to  the  bay  of  Ganaouski,  about  eight  miles 
from  the  fort 

On  the  evening  of  the  ist,  de  L^vis  arrived  at  this  bay,  the 
point  of  meeting  agreed  upon.  At  ten  at  night  he  gave  the 
signal  of  his  presence  by  lighting  three  separate  fires.  From 
the  spot  where  he  was  encamped  he  could  observe  the  whole 
lake.      The    advance    guard    arrived    at    half-past    twelve. 

'  Oe  Baugainville  au  mintstre  de  la  guerre,  igth  Avrit,  1757,  [Deuieai,  p.  396.} 



Montcalm  landed  at  three  o'clock.  The  remainder  of  the 
force  rapidly  followed. 

Owing  to  de  Livis  having  sent  out  parties  to  discover  a 
spot  offering  conveniences  for  landing,  and  the  necessity  of 
obtaining  rations,  he  did  not  start  on  the  following  morning 
until  eleven.  The  country  was  flat  and  intersected  with 
several  small  morasses ;  at  five  o'clock  he  was  within  two 
miles  of  the  fort,  and  he  there  encamped.  He  describes 
himself  as  plainly  in  view  of  the  garrison.  Montcalm  arrived 
during  the  evening,  and  at  eleven  at  night  gave  orders  for  the 
landing  to  be  made.  About  midnight  the  scouts  became 
aware  of  the  approach  of  two  barges  of  the  enemy,  sent  to 
obtain  information.  On  approaching  the  shore  they  saw  the 
danger  into  which  they  had  fallen,  and  endeavoured  to 
retreat ;  one  did  escape.  A  crowd  of  Indians  in  their  canoes 
darted  out  to  intercept  them,  and  opened  fire.  The  fire  was 
returned,  when  a  Nipissing  chief  was  killed  and  two  of  the 
crew  wounded.  The  second  barge  was  taken,  and  from  the 
crew,  which  were  made  prisoners,  Montcalm  learned  that  his 
projected  attack  was  known ;  he  therefore  determined  to 
hasten  his  operations. 

The  provincial  troops  had  hitherto  occupied  a  position  west 
of  the  fort ;  on  the  arrival  of  the  French  they  took  possession 
of  the  intrenchment  which  had  been  commenced  as  Webb  had 
directed.  De  Livis,  with  his  force,  passed  round  the  fort  and 
established  himself  south  of  it,  near  the  road  to  fort  Edward, 
to  prevent  reinforcements  arriving.  De  la  Corne,  with  some 
Indians,  occupied  the  road  itself  In  their  march  the  Indians 
found  one  hundred  and  fifty  oxen,  which,  as  de  L^vis  relates, 
were  of  great  use,  for  the  French  obtained  fresh  meat  while  the 
siege  lasted.  As  the  advance  guard  of  de  L^vis  was  on  the 
march  they  came  upon  a  detachment  sent  out  to  bring  in  the 
cattle,  which  were  at  pasture.  Opposed  to  so  large  a  force  the 
British  could  only  retreat.  The  fact  shows  that  the  defenders 
of  the  fort  were  taken  by  surprise,  and  that  they  entirely 
failed  to  conceive  their  true  situation. 

On  taking  up  this  position  deL^vis  was  joined  by  Montcalm, 


54  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [1757 

and  together  they  examined  the  fort  and  entrenchments. 
They  formed  the  opinion  that  the  place  could  not  be  stormed^ 
but  must  be  besieged  in  ordinary  form,  and  the  troops  received 
orders  to  commence  the  work  of  the  approaches. 

At  four  o'clock  on  the  3rd,  Montcalm  sent  a  summons  to 
surrender.  The  text  of  the  letter  has  been  preserved,*  and  the 
purport  is  corroborated  both  by  de  L^vis  and  de  Bougainvillcf 
Montcalm  stated  that  he  had  a  strong  force  with  artillery, "  and 
all  the  Savages  from  the  higher  parts  of  the  country,  the  cruelty 
of  which  a  detachment  of  your  garrison  have  lately  too  much 
experienced.  .  .  I  have  it  yet  in  my  power  to  restrain  the 
Savages  and  oblige  them  to  observe  a  capitulation  as  hitherto 
none  of  them  are  killed,  which  will  not  be  in  my  power  in  other 
circumstances."  He  pointed  out  that  the  defence  could  only 
delay  the  surrender  for  a  few  days,  and  that  no  succour  could 
be  given. 

With  this  statement  of  Montcalm  before  us,  it  is  impossible 
to  absolve  him  from  responsibility  in  the  Indian  massacres 
and  brutality  which  succeeded  the  capitulation.  If  he  could 
force  the  Indians  to  observe  the  conditions  of  a  capitulation 
under  one  character  of  circumstances,  he  could  have  done  so 
under  all  circumstances.  He  was  perfectly  familiar  with  the 
promises  made  to  the  Indians  in  order  to  lead  them  to  take 
the  field.  He  knew  that  they  were  enticed  by  the  hope  of 
plunder  and  slaughter  to  take  part  in  the  exp>edition.  He 
had  been  reproached  by  de  Vaudreuil  for  the  restraint  which 
he  had  exercised  over  them  at  Oswego,J  and  he  had  been 
made  to  understand,  if  the  Indians  were  to  remain  faithful  to 
the  cause,  they  were  to  have  their  promised  reward.  It  cannot 
be  pretended  that  Montcalm  could  have  been  taken  by  sur- 
prise at  the  attitude  of  his  Indian  allies  on  the  morning  of  the 
loth  of  August,  Before  he  fired  a  shot  he  knew  the  elements 
of  which  his  force  was  composed,  and,  in  event  of  his  success, 
the  consequences  against  which  he  had  to  guard.     It  will  be 

■  Que.  Doc,  IV.,  p.  133. 

f  Journal  de  de  Litis,  p.  98.     Dessicux,  p,  399. 

X  Ante  Tol.  III.,  p.  570. 




1757]  FORT  WILLIAM   HENRY.  $5 

seen  what  precautions  were  taken  by  the  victors,  when  the 
hour  arrived  for  them  to  observe  the  terms  of  the  capitulation 
they  had  granted.  The  neglect  of  their  obligations  to  exer- 
cise restraint  over  the  Indians  can  only  be  remembered  to  the 
discredit  of  Montcalm  and  the  entire  force  he  commanded. 
This  want  of  good  faith  was  bitterly  felt  throughout  the 
British  provinces:  when  the  hour  came  for  the  surrender  of 
Montreal,  the  memory  of  it  was  sternly  acted  upon, 

Monroe  answered  to  the  demand  for  surrender  like  a 
gallant  soldier,  that  it  was  his  duty  to  defend  his  post,  and 
that  he  would  do  so  while  he  had  life.  On  the  morning  of 
the  3rd  he  had  sent  a  messenger  to  Webb,  to  say  that  the 
enemy  was  in  sight ;  at  nine  he  asked  to  be  reinforced  ;  at 
six  in  the  evening  he  reported  that  he  had  been  summoned  to 
capitulate,  and  Montcalm  was  present  with  a  numerous  army 
and  a  superior  artillery ;  that  his  own  men  were  in  good 
spirits.*  On  the  4th  of  August,  at  six  o'clock,  he  wrote  that 
he  was  harassed  by  Indians,  that  the  regulars  were  construct- 
ing batteries,  and  "  that  the  enemy  is  between  you  and  us." 
In  a  sortie  a  prisoner  had  been  made,  Jaques  Vaudrie  de  la 
Chesnay :  from  him  he  had  learned  that  the  enemy  had  36 
cannon  and  4  mortars. 

William  Henry  was  a  square  fort  with  four  bastions.  It  was 
not  far  from  the  water's  edge,  and  occupied  the  ground  in 
modem  times  laid  out  as  a  garden  to  the  large  hotel  now 
erected  there  ;  the  west  side  being  about  250  yards  from  the 
left  shore  of  the  lake.  It  was  surrounded  by  a  ditch  in  the 
centre  of  which  was  a  line  of  pallisades.  The  sides  consisted 
of  framed  timber  filled  with  gravel  and  stone,  in  the  present 
day  known  as  crib  work.  It  was  massively  constructed,  being 
thirty  feet  in  thickness,  but  it  did  not  possess  the  strength  to 
resist  heavy  artillery  in  a  regular  siege.  The  troops  which 
could  not  be  included  in  the  fort  were  entrenched  on  a  rocky 
eminence  to  the  east,+  and  there  was  a  daily  relief  of  the 

•  Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I.,  85.2,  p.  393. 

t  Th«ie  mtrenchaienU  yet  renmm,  to  some  eitent,  and  are  preserred  lo  satisfy 
the  curiouly  of  the  tourist.  It  was  from  tbU  spot  the  garrison  siarted  on  ibe  loth 
to  proceed  to  fort  Edmud  when  the  attack  was  made  upon  them  by  Ibe  Indians. 


56  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['757 

defenders  of  the  fort  obtained  from  the  force  established  at 
this  spot.  The  total  number  of  defenders,  including  all 
present,  was  about  245a* 

As  there  was  little  prospect  of  aid  from  Webb  in  any 
attempt  to  drive  the  French  from  their  trenches,  the  one  hope 
of  Monroe  was,  that  he  would  be  able  (o  defend  himself  until 
the  provisions  of  the  French  were  exhausted,  and  they  would 
be  compelled  to  raise  the  siege.  The  force  of  Webb  at  fort 
Edward  had  been  reduced  to  1,600  men;  six  hundred  of 
those  under  his  command  being  distributed  in  the  small  gar- 
risons on  the  Hudson,  keeping  up  the  communication  between 
Albany  and  fort  Edward. 

United  States  writers  blame  Webb  for  not  immediately 
marching  to  Munroe's  relief,  had  he  so  acted  no  greater 
blunder  could  have  been  committed.  Webb  was  without  the 
strength  to  act  with  any  success  against  de  L6vis,  and  the 
Indians  of  de  la  Come.  He  had  no  means  of  increasing  his 
force:  the  garrisons  could  only  be  partially  withdrawn  from 
the  forts  on  the  Hudson,  for  they  had  been  reduced  to 
the  lowest  limit  It  was  equally  impossible  for  him  to  have 
marched  out  of  fort  Edward  with  every  man  under  his 
command.  If  relief  had  been  attempted  he  must  have  left 
a  strong  garrison  behind  him  to  guard  against  the  surprise 
by  which  he  had  been  constantly  threatened.  He  was 
without  means  of  communication  with  Monroe,  so  that  a 
*  According  (o  >  return  in  the  Difarltrntnt  de  la  gutrrt  aX  Paris,  ihe  following 
is  a  state  of  the  force  on  the  9th  of  August,  the  day  of  surrender : — 

Rojal  35th  regiment,  all  ranks 607 

Independent  companies 1 13 

Massachusetts  legimeat Si  3 

New  Jersey  "       301 

New  York  "       S7 

Royal  Americans  "       131 

Mounted  Raneers 95 

Royal  Artillery,  etc 30 

New  Hampshire  regiment 330 

Commiuaries 5 

Total 3,373 

N.Y,  Doc.,  X.,  p.  635. 



sortie  from  the  fort  could  be  attempted  on  an  appointed  day 
when  firing  was  heard  to  the  south,  establishing  that  he 
himself  was  in  the  field.  The  large  force  under  de  L^vis, 
in  his  front,  cut  off  every  means  of  communication.  More- 
over, as  was  subsequently  shewn,  any  attack  on  de  L^vis 
would  have  brought  the  whole  French  army  upon  him.  Webb 
defeated  in  the  field,  fort  Edward  must  have  fallen  and  there 
would  have  been  nothing  to  oppose  the  advance  of  the  French 
to  Albany.  Supplies,  to  a  large  extent,  were  found  at  William 
Henry,  and  more  provisions  would  have  been  obtained  at  fort 
Edward,  The  false  position  in  which  Webb  was  placed  was 
attributable  to  the  tactics  of  Loudoun,  in  denuding  the  frontier 
of  troops  for  the  Halifax  expedition,  thus  making  defence 
against  any  powerful  force  impossible.  Webb  has  himself 
described  the  position  in  which  he  was  placed,  and  he  shews 
the  injustice  of  the  blame  which  has  been  cast  upon  him.* 
After  relating  Parker's  unfortunate  expedition  on  the  23rd 
and  24th  of  July,  when  he  was  attacked  26  miles  down  the 
lake,  and  2CXD  men  were  lost ;  go  only  escaping  by  boats  and 
50  through  the  woods ;  he  states  that  he  immediately  wrote 
pressing  letters  to  put  the  militia  under  arms.  On  the  2nd  of 
August  he  reinforced  fort  William  Henry  to  the  full  extent  he 
was  able :  lieuL  colonel  Young  being  sent  with  200  of  the 
Royal  Americans,  800  provincials,  6  pieces  of  cannon  and  a 
detachment  of  artillery.  He  had  only  1,600  troops  remaining, 
exclusive  of  artificers.  Accordingly  he  called  in  his  several 
outposts  to  fort  Edward,  and  on  the  6th  of  August  he  had 
2,soo  men,  including  all  who  were  in  the  garrison  capable  of 
bearing  arms.  On  the  day  of  the  surrender  there  were  2,300 
militia  under  arms  at  fort  Edward,  and  he  did  not  feel  himself 
warranted  in  attempting  with  this  number  any  relief  of  the 

Much  of  the  unfavourable  criticism  upon  Webb  in  these 
circumstances  may  be  attributed  to  his  precipitate  destruction 
of    the   forts   at   the   carrying-place   of  the   Mohawk   when 

■  Can.  Arch.,  vol.  mLliUin'  despatches,  1756-1763,  pp.  314,  331,  col.  Webb 
to  lord  BamDgton,  fort  Edward,  I7lh  of  August,  1757. 


58  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l757 

news  arrived  of  the  fall  of  Oswego.  It  has  given  rise  to  a 
predisposition  to  judge  him  unfavourably.  Webb,  however, 
whatever  his  shortcomings  on  that  occasion,  appears  to  have 
been  a  good  and  efficient  soldier. 

It  was  an  emei^ency  in  which  higher  qualities  were  called 
for  than  mere  courage.  Montcalm  was  not  a  general,  in  whose 
presence  a  blunder  in  the  field  would  pass  unnoticed  and 
unpunished.  With  his  Indian  scouts  he  was  kept  thoroughly 
acquainted  with  the  movements  of  the  enemy.  Webb  has 
also  been  judged  by  the  earnestness  of  Monroe's  appeal  to 
him.  No  standard  of  criticism  can  be  more  unjust.  It  is  the 
power  which  Webb  possessed  to  aid  Monroe  which  must  be 
considered  :  not  the  critical  position  in  which  the  fort  stood. 
In  that  respect  Webb  was  hopelessly  weak  and  could  render 
no  assistance,  even  having  fears  for  his  own  safety. 

De  Livis  relates  that  his  especial  duty  was  to  see  to  the 
communication  with  the  Hudson,  and  his  scouts  were  inces- 
santly on  the  watch.  The  remaining  force  was  formed  with 
its  left  on  the  lake  and  the  right  against  the  mountain.  De 
Bourlamaque  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  siege.  On  the 
night  of  the  4th  the  trenches  were  commenced  with  800  men 
and  a  covering  party  of  400  grenadiers.  The  batteries,  com- 
menced at  2,100  feet  distance,  were  pushed  forward  with  great 
energy.  The  troops  had  been  camped  in  the  rear,  to  act 
immediately  in  case  of  a  sortie  :  in  this  position  a  portion  of 
them  was  exposed  to  the  fire  from  the  fort,  and  loss  was 
experienced,  so  they  were  removed  out  of  range, 

Webb  had  applied  to  the  provincial  governors  for  reinforce- 
ments, and  they  had  been  promised  ;  but  the  arrival  of  any 
troops  did  not  take  place  until  after  the  surrender.  Had  they 
been  present,  it  is  difficult  to  recognize  that  an  undisciplined 
body  of  men,  newly  enlisted,  could  have  rendered  any 
effective  service.  Webb  on  the  4th  had  written  plainly  to 
Monroe,  that  with  his  present  force  he  could  not  march  to  his 
assistance  or  send  him  reinforcements  until  the  arrival  of  the 
provincial  militia,  which  had  been  called  out.  If  they  failed 
to  appear  in  time,  he  advised  Monroe  to  make  the  best  terms 



he  was  able.  The  scout  carrying  the  despatch  was  killed, 
and  although  adroitly  concealed  within  the  body  of  the 
messenger,  the  paper  was  found  and  given  to  Montcalm  at 

Montcalm  thus  saw  that  his  chance  of  success  lay  in  urging 
on  the  construction  of  the  batteries,  and  in  bringing  the  siege 
to  a  close.  Accordingly  he  doubled  his  working  parties  and 
by  every  encouragement  he  hurried  forward  the  completion  of 
the  works.  Except  for  the  purposes  of  scouting,  and  by 
their  presence  causing  a  dread  of  savage  warfare,  the  Indians 
were  of  no  positive  use  during  the  siege.  According  to  the 
statement  of  de  L^vis,  they  were  1,796  in  number,  and  were 
commanded  by  de  la  Corne  Saint-Luc,  under  the  orders  of  de 
Rigaud.  Of  this  number  8c»  had  marched  with  de  L^vis. 
They  formed  less  than  a  fourth  of  the  troops  present,  who 
numbered  7,3o6.f 

The  Indians  embraced  many  of  the  nations  which  a  few 
years  previously  had  been  the  most  troublesome  enemies  of 
the  French  :  the  Sauteurs,  the  Renards,  the  Sakis,  the  Puants, 
and  other  tribes  with  whom  the  customs  and  habits  of  thought 
remained  unchanged  by  civilization.     The  Ottawas,  of  Detroit, 

■  "  II  [Webb]  remit  cetle  leltre  k  un  Sauvage  qui  fill  pria  par  d'aaires  el 
comme  ill  le  tuireot  pour  en  faiie  restin,  suivant  leur  usage  ils  la  lui  trouverent 
dans  le  fondement  envelop^  dans  une  feaille  de  plomb  el  la  porlircnc  k  M.  de 
Montcalm."     Memoires  [1749-1760],  p.  97. 

t  E>essieux  [p.  291]  gives  ihe  Tollowing  delail  of  Ihe  troops  present,  extracted, 
as  h«  explains,  from  long  documents . — 

Kqcular  troops,  3  brigades 3,081 

Militia,  7       "       a,946 

Artillerj 188 

Indians  of  33  nations — 

The  Christianized  Indians S20 

From  the  upper  country 986 

Total 8/>zl 

He  adds  :  Deducting  the  men  non  effective,  and  the  garrlEODS  lell  at  Carillon, 
the  Tails  and  the  head  of  the  carrying-place,  the  number  ot  lighting  men  was  5,500, 
which,  with  the  Indians,  would  raise  the  number  to  7,306."  See  also  despatch  of 
de  Bougunville  lo  M.  de  Paulmy,  19th  August,  1757.    [N-Y.  Doc.,X.,  p.  607.] 


6o  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  ['757 

were  also  present  in  force,  with  a  few  of  the  Illinois.  There 
were  also  a  small  number  of  the  Hurons  of  Quebec,  with  339 
of  the  christian  Iroquois  of  the  Sault  and  of  the  Two  Mountains. 
There  were  301  Abenakis,  from  B^cancour  and  Saint  Francis. 
This  large  force  had  been  called  into  the  field  by  de  Vaudreuil, 
and  the  various  tribes,  however  differing  in  character  and 
unconnected  by  relationship,  had  alike  answered  to  the  com- 
mon expectation  of  reward  by  plunder  and  the  possession  of 
prisoners.*  There  cannot  be  a  doubt  that  the  instructions 
received  by  Montcalm  with  regard  to  this  mass  of  savage 
life,  were  embarrassing  to  him.  Their  value  in  regular  warfare 
was  their  activity  as  scouts,  which  was  very  great,  but  other- 
wise during  the  siege  they  were  a  constant  source  of  trouble. 
Previous  to  starting  from  Carillon,  Montcalm  had  called  a 
council,  and,  while  informing  them  of  his  intention  to  advance, 
did  so  under  the  semblance  of  asking  their  opinion.  He  pro- 
duced a  belt  of  wampum,  typical  of  the  union  of  these  several 
races  with  the  French.  It  was  accepted  by  the  Iroquois,  who 
answered  for  the  fidelity  of  the  remaining  nations.  They 
agreed  unanimously  that  the  advance  should  be  made  also 
by  land. 

After  the  siege  had  commenced  the  Indians  were  desirous 
that  the  operations  should  be  carried  on  as  they  held  expedient. 
They  regarded  their  duty  to  consist  in  firing  at  the  fort,  in 
seizing  the  chance  of  shooting  down  any  one  exposed.  Mont- 
calm consequently  called  them  to  a  council.  He  was  able  to 
exercise  the  great  influence  which  he  had  acquired  to  obtain  a 
promise  to  preserve  better  discipline,  if  one  can  hazard  the 
word.  He  complained  that  they  were  neglecting  the  more 
useful  duty  of  scouting  in  order  to  fire  upon  the  fort,  and  that 

'  In  deVaudreuirE  inilnictions  IQue.  Doc.,  IV.,  p.  101]  these  tribes  are  specially 
tnenlioned  as  having  given  their  word  not  lo  separate  until  the  campaign  was 
finished.  De  Vaudreuil's  expeclalion  was  that  (he  surrender  of  fort  Edward  would 
follow  that  al  fort  William  Henry.     "  Nous  n'en  derons  pas  douter  que  .     . 

le  fori  Lydius  n'en  loit  intimid^  au  point  qu'il  ne  lui  opposera  qu'une  faible  r^is- 
tance."  This  success  attained,  the  Indians  were  to  be  sent  out  lo  ravage  and  devas- 
tate the  English  settlements  al  Schenectady  and  Albany.  It  was  M.  de  Vaudreuil's 
theory  of  the  perfection  of  war. 


1757]  PROGRESS  OF  SIEGE.  6l 

the  majority  remained  idle  by  their  canoes.  He  called  upon 
them  to  establish  themselves  by  the  camp  of  de  L^vis,  as  they 
had  consented  to  do,  and  where  they  would  be  useful. 

The  Indians  had  a  grievance  on  their  side.  They  complained 
that  they  had  not  been  consulted  as  to  the  mode  in  which  the 
siege  should  be  conducted.  They  had  been  ordered  to  march 
without  consultation  with  their  chiefs.  They  were  quieted  by 
Montcalm's  explanations,  and  received  from  him  additional 
belts  of  wampum  ;  he  obtaining  their  promise  that  they  would 
join  the  camp  of  de  L^vis,  He  read  the  intercepted  letter  of 
Webb  to  Monroe,  and  foretold  the  rapid  surrender  of  the  fort, 
adding  that  on  the  morrow  the  big  guns  should  be  heard  by 
them  ;  an  exhibition  of  power  they  looked  forward  to  with 

During  the  night  of  the  5th  and  6th  the  left  parallel  was 
pushed  forward,  and  its  communication  with  the  right  battery 
established.  At  six  in  the  morning  of  the  6th  the  left  battery 
opened  fire  with  three  18-prs.,  five  i2-prs.  and  a  9  in.  mortar. 
On  the  7th  the  right  battery  was  advanced  900  feet  and 
unmasked  at  day  break.  It  consisted  of  eight  guns,  two  of 
which  were  18-prs.,  two  howitzers,  likewise  one  6  in.  mortar. 
At  six  o'clock  there  was  a  general  discharge  from  both 
batteries  amid  the  cries  of  the  Indians.  The  firing  had  been 
continued  for  three  hours  when  de  Bougainville  was  despatched 
to  the  fort  as  the  bearer  of  Webb's  intercepted  letter,  with  the 
hope  that  it  would  determine  Monroe's  surrender.  Montcalm 
had  the  tact  previously  to  submit  his  intention  to  the  Indians, 
and  made  them  believe  that  he  had  taken  this  step  by  their 
recommendation.  The  letter  was  courteously  acknowledged, 
but  no  immediate  step  followed. 

On  this  day  Montcalm  received  the  red  ribbon  of  a  com- 
mander of  the  order  of  Saint  Louis,  The  news  of  the 
honour  was  communicated  to  the  Indians,  with  the  informa- 
tion that  it  had  been  obtained  by  the  help  of  their  service. 
On  the  right,  the  works  were  being  pushed  forward  from  their 
oblique  position,  so  the  guns  could  bear  directly  on  the  fort. 
A  swampy  piece  of  ground  extending  over  about  300ft.  led  to 


62  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l757 

some  temporary  impediment,  and  the  work  was  carried  on 
under  exposure  to  fire  from  the  fort;  but  the  difficulty  was 

At  four  o'clock  of  this  day  there  was  a  false  alarm  of  an 
attack  from  fort  Edward.  The  French  troops  were  rapidly 
massed  in  position.  The  event  is  worthy  of  notice  to  shew, 
how  impossible  it  would  have  been  for  Webb  with  his  small 
force,  to  have  effected  any  movement  in  the  field  by  the  single 
line  of  communication.  He  would  have  been  ovemumbered 
four  to  one,  his  own  column  being  imperfectly  disciplined, 
and  never  having  been  under  fire.  The  movement  was  the 
false  intelligence  of  an  Indian  scout  The  result,  however, 
had  the  effect  of  establishing  with  the  Indians  greater  con- 
fidence in  the  French.       ' 

On  the  morning  of  the  9th  the  sap  had  been  carried  within 
233  yards  of  the  western  side.  For  the  previous  three  days 
the  artillery  had  continued  the  attack.  The  cannon  of  the 
fort  had  been  diligently  worked,  but  the  feeling  must  have 
been  irresistible,  that  without  the  presence  of  a  large  force  to 
drive  the  French  from  their  position,  there  was  no  hope  for  its 
defenders.  They  were  in  a  deplorable  condition  ;  several  men 
had  been  killed  and  more  wounded.*  Disease  had  broken 
out,  many  of  the  heavy  guns  had  burst,  their  two  brass 
mortars  were  in  a  useless  condition.  There  were  but  17  shells 
left.  Their  strength  was  insufficient  to  make  a  sortie  to  have 
any  effect  on  the  besiegers.  On  the  other  hand,  the  comple- 
tion of  the  battery  in  the  last  approach  opened  out  the 
prospect  of  a  heavy  cannonade  from  the  enemies'  lines,  now 
closely  advanced  upon  them. 

A  council  of  war  was  called,  and  it  was  resolved  to 
capitulate.  At  eight  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  9th  a 
white  flag  was  held  out,  and  colonel  Young,  commanding  the 
detachment  of  Royal  Americans,  was  sent  to  arrange  the 
terms  of  surrender. 

*  The  number  of  killed  wu  41,  the  woaDded  71.  N.Y.  Doc.,  X.,  p.  635. 
The  French  kilted  and  wounded  were  53.  Montolm  to  the  minister  of  war,  15th 
of  August,  1757.     Que.  Doc,  IV.,  p.  115. 


1757]  ARTICLES   OF   SURRENDER.  63 

The  articles  granted  were  that  the  troops  should  march  out 
with  their  arms  and  the  honours  of  war,  with  the  baggage  of 
the  officers  and  men  only.  One  piece  of  artillery,  a  6-pr., 
was  allowed  to  be  taken  from  the  fort  in  recognition  of  the 
valour  with  which  it  had  been  defended ;  the  place  immediately 
to  be  given  over  with  the  stores,  guns  and  ammunition  ;  the 
troops  to  proceed  to  fort  Edward,  on  parole  not  to  serve  for 
eighteen  months.  All  prisoners  made  since  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war,  officers,  soldiers,  Canadians,  women  ind 
savages,  to  be  delivered  at  Carillon  within  three  months,  as 
they  were  delivered  an  equal  number  of  the  garrison  on  parole 
to  be  allowed  to  serve.  The  sick  and  wounded  were  placed 
under  the  protection  of  Montcalm. 

De  Bougainville,  in  his  narrative  of  the  siege,  states  that 
Montcalm,  after  having  agreed  to  the  terms  of  capitulation, 
warned  colonel  Young  that  he  could  not  pledge  his  word  for 
the  observance  of  the  conditions,  unless  accepted  by  the 
Indians.*  In  consequence,  he  submitted  to  the  leading  chiefs 
the  terms  he  had  granted,  and  the  conditions  were  accepted 
at  a  council.  De  Bougainville  was  the  officer  selected  to 
draw  up  the  articles  of  surrender. 

Had  the  circumstances  of  Canada  permitted,  it  would 
have  been  the  fate  of  the  garrison  to  be  marched^  as  prisoners 
to  Montreal.  Their  surrender  was  complete,  and  in  their  situa- 
tion there  was  only  open  to  them  the  desperate  alternative  of 
refusing  to  give  or  take  quarter,  to  exact  better  terms.  It  was 
however,  simply  impossible  to  find  food  for  them.  There  is 
a  letter  from  Bigotf  which  sets  forth  that  it  was  the  wisest 
resolution  not  to  make  the  garrison  prisoners  of  war :  "we 
could  not  feed  them."  He  adds  that  the  same  want  of  provi- 
sions justified  the  non  attack  of  fort  Edward  ;  for  the  longer 
detention  of  the  Canadian  habitants  would  have  led  to  the 
loss  of  the  harvest,  and  he  could  not  have  found  subsistence 
for  the  troops  after  August,  At  that  date  the  inhabitants  of 
Quebec  were  limited  to  a  ration  of  a  quarter  of  a  pound  of 

•  Dessieux,  p.  305. 

t  N.V.  Doc..  X.,  p.  631. 



bread  a  day,  and  there  was  general  scarcity  throughout  the 

Hitherto  the  Indians  had  been  restrained  from  the  use  o( 
liquor  ;  indeed  neither  wine  norspirits  had  been  served  out  to 
any  part  of  the  force.  De  Bougainville  tells  us  that  previously 
to  returning  to  the  trenches  he  exercised  great  care  in  the 
destruction  of  all  the  strong  drink  in  the  fort,before  the  garrison 
marched  out.  The  evacuation  took  place  at  noon  of  the  9th, 
the  British  troops  proceeding  to  the  entrenched  camp.  A 
French  detachment  was  likewise  present  as  a  protection  against  - 
interference  on  the  part  of  the  Indians.  De  Bourlamaque, 
with  the  force  from  the  trenches,  took  possession  of  the  fort. 
He  placed  sentries  at  the  magazines  and  the  provision  stores  ; 
the  fort  was  otherwise  given  over  to  pillage. 

The  scene  which  followed  on  the  succeeding  day  is  one  of 
the  best  remembered  in  the  history  of  the  continent.  The 
event  was  early  placed  on  record.  *  It  has  frequently  been 
related,  and  often  with  exaggeration  :  the  facts,  however,  in 
their  plain  truth,  can  in  no  way  be  gainsaid.  Some  French 
writers  endeavour  to  explain  them  away,  and  bring  forward  as 
an  argument  the  folly  of  the  British  soldiery  in  giving  rum  from 
their  canteens  to  the  Indians  in  the  hope  of  appeasing  them. 
They  also  dwell  upon  the  cowardice  of  the  troops  in  submitting 
patiently  to  the  Indian  attack,  affirming  that  they  were  seized 
with  a  panic  to  be  incapable  of  offering  resistance.  The  British 
amounted  to  2,260  of  all  ranks,  with  several  women  and 
children.  They  were  without  ammunition.  The  king's  regi- 
ment, the  3Sth,  was  alone  armed  with  bayonets.  The  records 
of  the  siege  show  the  self-assertion  with  which  the  Indians 
forced  themselves  upon  the  attention  of  Montcalm.  There 
were  present  under  his  command  3,000  regular  troops  and  2,500 
Canadian  militia.  There  were  1,800  Indians.  These  figures 
show  what  power  Montcalm  had  at  his  disposal  to  restrain  the 
Indians  in  any  attempt  at  aggressiveness,  of  which  he 

I  would  gladly,  if  I  could,  acquit  Montcalm  of  blame  on 

•  SmoUeU  bu  described  it,  Chap.  XXVII.,  19.  (1763-1765.) 


1757]  THE  MASSACRE.  65 

this  occasion ;  it  appears  to  me  impossible  to  do  so.  De 
L^vis,  de  Bourlamaque,  de  Bougainville,  de  S^nezergue  and 
men  of  this  calibre  could  have  but  one  feeling  of  what  was 
incumbent  upon  a  French  officer  under  such  circumstances. 
The  Canadians  had  been  bred,  with  the  tradition  of  allowing 
at  the  hour  of  victory  full  sway  to  the  bloody  instincts  of  the 
Indian.  Those  who  read  in  these  volumes  the  narrative  when 
inroads  were  made  upon  the  settlements  of  New  England  by 
the  Abenakis,  will  have  difficulty  in  adducing  many  instances 
when,  through  the  intervention  of  the  partizan  leaders,  the 
fury  of  their  Indian  allies  was  stayed,  or  mercy  shewn.  The 
chief  motive  of  the  savage  in  joining  an  expedition,  even  when 
his  passions  were  excited  by  the  appeals  made  to  them,  lay  in 
the  hope  of  plunder.  De  Rigaud,  who  was  in  command  of 
the  Indian  force,  had  complained  of  the  restriction  against 
this  license  which  had  been  exercised  at  Oswego.  Men  of  the 
stamp  of  de  la  Come  Saint-Luc,  Marin,  Langlade,  de 
Longueuil,  de  Niverville  and  de  Langy  knew  no  other  policy, 
than  that  the  savage  had  to  be  conciliated  by  the  reward  he 
claimed.  He  could  only  be  kept  true  to  French  interests  by 
the  gratification  of  his  instincts  for  blood,  plunder  and 
prisoners.  It  had  been  the  law  and  practice  for  nearly  a 
century,  and  the  emergency  which  sanctioned  it  Jn  their  view 
was  as  strong  as  ever. 

The  fort  had  been  plundered,  but  the  intrenched  camp  was 
as  yet  untouched.  Early  on  the  morning  of  the  loth  of 
August,  when  the  days  are  longest,  the  motley  tribes  of  sav- 
ages crowded  round  the  eminence  on  which  the  fortifications 
had  been  thrown  up.  They  found  the  British,  in  accordance 
with  the  capitulation,  preparing  to  march  to  fort  Edward. 
They  feared  the  booty,  which  they  looked  upon  as  their  right, 
would  escape  them.  There  were  seventeen  wounded  men  in 
the  hospital,  belonging  to  the  Massachusetts  regiment.  They 
had  been  placed  under  the  protection  of  a  French  surgeon, 
who  had  then  lefl  them,  and  his  place  had  been  taken  by  the 
surgeon  of  the  regiment.  The  French  sentries  which  had 
been   posted  had  been  removed.     The  Indians  forced  their 


66  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [1757 

way  into  the  sick  ward,  dragged  the  men  from  their  beds, 
killed  and  scalped  them*  The  French  troops,  drawn  up  in 
line,  were  not  forty  rods  distant,  and  there  was  no  attempt  to 
protect  or  save  the  unfortunate  men  thus  murdered.  It  was 
the  commencement  of  a  general  plundering  of  the  troops 
drawn  up  to  march  out  of  the  intrenchment.  Some  of  the 
French  officers  counselled  that  the  demands  of  the  Indians 
should  be  met,  and  the  articles  they  asked  for  should  be  given 
up  iri  order  to  appease  them.  The  advice  in  some  instances 
was  acted  upon.  Nevertheless,  the  uproar  continued,  and 
the  unsatisfied  rapacity  of  the  savages  led  them  to  be  more 
clamorous.  The  duty  of  the  French  officers  was  exceedingly 
plain,  to  have  marched  a  body  of  men  of  sufficient  strength 
to  prevent  interference  with  the  troops  of  the  captured  garrison 
by  the  savages,  whose  instincts  they  knew.  The  British 
troops  were  unarmed,  and  if  in  their  desperation  there  had 
been  an  attempt  at  resistance  the  Canadian  force  would  have 
come  to  the  rescue  of  the  Indian  ;  all  opposition  would 
have  been  overpowered,  and  the  probability  is  that  a  fearful 
massacre  would  have  followed.  The  numbers  against  the 
British  would  have  been  in  the  proportion  of  two  to  one:  an 
armed  body  of  men  against  disarmed  troops.  The  taunt  of 
cowardice  made  by  some  French  writers  is  unpardonable,  and 
may  be  taken  as  the  fullest  proof  of  the  weakness  of  their 
case.  We  have  only  the  statements  of  the  French  that  rum 
was  given  to  the  Indian  by  the  soldiers.  It  is  not  so  stated  by 
any  British  authority.  It  is  not  impossible  that  a  great 
quantity  of  spirits  was  found  at  the  plunder  of  the  fort.  The 
seizure  of  much  of  the  baggage  doubtless  included  the  posses- 
sion of  the  canteens,  and  as  the  Indian  drinks,  drunkenness 
would  be  the  immediate  consequence. 

The  column  left  the  intrenchment  As  it  marched  out  the 
Indians  rushed  upon  the  rear  ranks,  took  from  officers  and  men 
all  they  could  lay  their  hands  on,  stripping  them  of  their  dress 
and  accoutrements.     The  women  and   children  were  seized 

*  Affidavit  at  Miles  Whiteworth,  surgeon  of  the  MauachuselU  regiment,  t7lh 
of  October,  1757. 


1757]  INDIAN   FEROCITY.  6/ 

before  the  faces  of  the  French  escort.  Many  were  killed. 
Those  of  the  troops  who  in  any  way  resisted  were  tomahawked : 
it  is  not  possible  to  mention  the  exact  number;  but  de 
L^vis  speaks  of  some  fifty  as  being  so  slain,*  Webb,  while 
relating  that  there  was  an  escort  of  three  hundred  men,  deliber- 
ately expressed  the  opinion  that  the  attack  was  connived  at 
by  the  French.f  The  rear  of  the  column  thus  assaulted,  broke 
and  ran  in  upon  the  front;  and  the  whole  became  affected  by  the 
panic  and  took  refuge  in  flight.  In  the  midst  of  the  confusion 
a  war-whoop  was  heard  from  the  Abenakis  from  Penobscot. 
It  was  afterwards  pretended  that  they  were  smarting  from  a 
wrong  lately  committed  on  their  tribe,  and  they  only  retaliated 
the  injury  they  had  suffered.  Even  if  this  were  the  case,  it 
was  not  the  time,  nor  the  occasion  when  revenge  could  be  taken. 
The  New  Hampshire  men  in  rear  of  the  column  were  the  first 
to  sustain  the  onslaught,  during  which  the  escort  made  no 
effort  at  repression.  There  was  no  attempt  to  check  the 
atrocities.  The  interpreters  are  accused  by  a  French  writer  of 
inciting  |  the  Indians  to  acts  of  violence,  and  to  seize  the  pro- 
perty of  the  disarmed  garrison.  The  Indians  acted  with  great 
ferocity  against  the  negroes,  mulattoes  and  Indians  in  the 
British  ranks  and  immediately  killed  and  scalped  them.  § 
They  stripped  and  robbed  the  white  men  ;  where  they 
experienced  resistance  their  victim  was  struck  down.  At  the 
commencement  of  the  commotion  a  report  of  the  proceedings 
of  the  Indians  was  carried  to  Montcalm  by  colonel  Monroe, 

■  "  II  y  cut  une  cinquantaine  de  chevelutes  levte."   De  Levis'  Journal,  p.  io2. 

t  They  were  stripped  by  ihe  Indians  of  everything  they  had,  both  Officers 
aod  Men.  the  Women  and  Children  drag'd  rrom  among  them,  and  mosi  inhumanly 
butchered  before  their  faces  :  the  party  of  about  three  hundred  men  which  was 
given  them  as  an  escort  were  during  the  time  quietly  looking  on.  From  Ibis  and 
other  circumstances  we  are  too  well  convinced  these  thirbarities  must  have  been 
connived  at  by  the  French.  After  having  destroyed  the  women  and  children  Ihey 
fell  upon  the  rear  of  our  meu,  who,  running  in  upon  the  from,  soon  put  the  whole 
to  a  most  precipitate  flight,  in  which  confusion  most  of  them  came  into  this  camp 
about  two  o'clock  yesterday  morning,  in  a  most  distressing  situation,  and  have 
continued  dropping  In  ever  since.    Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I,  vol.  85,  a,  p.  401. 

J  Pouchot,  II.,  p.  89. 

i  Que.  Doc,  IV.,  p.  ISO. 


68  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1757 

and  complained  of  as  a  breach  of  the  capitulation.  De  L^vis 
had  already  come  upon  the  ground  with  some  troops  and  with 
his  officers  endeavoured  to  check  the  outrage.  Appealed  to 
by  Monroe,  Montcalm  appeared  upon  the  scene,  and  threats, 
entreaties  and  force  were  made  use  of  by  him  in  his  effort  to 
quiet  the  tumult.  The  Indians  had  by  this  time  seized 
many  prisoners  as  their  prey.  Montcalm  unhesitatingly 
intervened  and  demanded  their  release.  It  only  proves 
the  difficulties  of  his  position  that  he  felt  himself  forced 
to  offer  to  pay  a  ransom  in  money  for  them.  The  whole 
number  of  such  prisoners  within  his  influence  were  after- 
wards redeemed  and  sent  to  fort  Edward  with  a  proper 
escort  They  amounted  to  400  in  number ;  about  200, 
however,  were  carried  by  the  Indians  to  Montreal  as  prisoners, 
and  were  similarly  obtained  by  de  Vaudreuil ;  these  were  also 
ransomed,  and  were  eventually  sent  to  Halifax.  De  Vaudreuil 
was,  nevertheless,  an  apologist  of  what  took  place,  and  in  his 
letter  to  France  contended  that  the  terms  of  the  capitulation 
had  been  fully  observed.  He  explained  that  the  excesses  of  the 
Indians,  could  be  attributed  to  their  having  got  drunk  the  pre- 
ceding night  from  the  rum  furnished  by  the  English.  While 
throwing  the  blame  upon  the  Abenakis,  he  explained  the 
uncontrollable  rage  which  they  had  felt,  as  a  natural  conse- 
quence of  the  bad  treatment  they  had  lately  experienced.  De 
Vaudreuil  even  advanced  the  doctrine  that  the  prisoners  taken 
at  the  time  of  Parker's  defeat  on  lake  Geoi^e  were  the  legiti- 
mate spoil  of  the  savage  by  the  laws  of  war,  and  he  claimed 
credit  for  obtaining  their  release,  as  he  acted  with  regard 
to  those  seized  after  the  capitulation. 

The  broken  fugitives  reached  fort  Edward,  in  the  majority 
of  cases  stripped  of  all  they  wore.  As  the  alarm  was  given 
by  the  arrival  of  those  who  first  reached  the  fort,  Webb 
ordered  out  500  men  as  a  covering  party  to  protect  them  as 
they  arrived. 

Montcalm,  as  the  general  in  command,  could  not  but  see 
how  the  terms  granted  by  him  had  been  infringed,  and  the 
possibility  of  the  repudiation  by  the  British  authorities  of  the 


1/57]  DE  BELLAITRE.  69 

obligations  on  which  the  surrender  had  been  accepted.  When 
awoke  to  the  gravity  of  the  situation,  he  acted  with  courage, 
decision  and  humanity.  He  cannot,  however,  be  absolved 
from  the  gravity  of  the  charge  of  not  preventing  the  possi- 
bility of  such  a  wanton  outrage,  not  only  of  the  laws  of  war,but 
of  the  dictates  of  humanity.  The  facts  suggest  the  predeter- 
mination that  a  certain  latitude  should  be  allowed  the  Indians 
in  the  seizure  of  booty.  It  was  not  foreseen  that  their  pursuit 
of  plunder  would  degenerate  into  personal  violence,  murder, 
and  the  seizure  of  prisoners  as  slaves.  It  was  then  that  the  true 
instincts  of  Montcalm  suggested  all  the  future  complications 
which  would  arise,  and  the  whole  strength  of  his  character  was 
exerted  to  stamp  out  the  disorder. 

After  their  onslaught  on  the  troops,  the  Indians  left  for  their 
homes.  The  French  remained  behind  to  raze  the  fort  to  the 
ground,  and  to  burn  all  they  could  not  otherwise  destroy. 
The  guns,  stores  and  provisions  were  carried  to  Montreal. 
Montcaim  described  the  provisions  captured  as  sufficient  to 
subsist  6,000  men  for  six  weeks.  Thus  fort  William  Henry 
for  ever  ceased  to  be  a  threat  to  French  Canada. 

Before  the  close  of  the  year  a  further  gleam  of  success  was 
reflected  upon  the  French  army,  obtained  in  the  war  of  sur- 
prise which  so  long  desolated  the  outlying  settlements  of  New 
England.  On  the  20th  of  October  de  Vaudreuil  gathered  a 
force  at  Lachine,  consisting  of  100  Canadians  with  10  officers, 
and  200  Sault  and  Mountain  Indians,  under  the  orders  of  de 
fiellaitre,  of  the  marine  force.*  They  ascended  the  Saint 
Lawrence  to  La  Presentation,"!-  where  de  Bellaitre  increased 
his  force  from  the  Indians  of  the  mission.  He  continued  the 
ascent  of  the  river  to  "  la  Famine  "  J  on  lake  Ontario,  a  few 
miles  east  of  Oswego.  As  we  read  the  details  of  the  enter- 
prise, we  seem  to  be  speaking  of  the  events  seventy  years 

*  De  Liv'a  in  hit  joumal  [p.  id6]  is  careful  in  relating  that  the  expedition  was 
organized  bf  the  governor-general.  He  alludes  to  the  event  in  the  coldest 
language,  ts  if  to  shew  his  disapproval  of  the  enterprise. 

f  Ogdensbui^h. 

I  Salmon  River. 



earlier,  in  the  days  of  de  la  Barre  or  de  Denonville.  De 
Bellaitre  ascended  Salmon  river  as  far  as  was  expedient,  some 
ten  miles.  Leaving  his  canoes  under  a  guard,  he  crossed  to  the 
portage  between  the  Mohawk  and  lake  Oneida ;  by  the  route 
he  followed  some  seventy  miles.  On  reaching  the  site  of  fort 
Williams,  destroyed  the  previous  year  by  Webb,  he  sent 
messages  to  the  Six  Nations  in  the  neighbourhood,  and 
was  joined  by  some  Oneidas,  It  was  then  resolved  to  attack 
the  settlement  of  the  Palatines  on  the  Mohawk,  some  thirty 
miles  lowtr  down.  It  had  been  established  under  the 
authority  of  Burnet  when  governor  in  1720,*  and  consisted  of 
30  houses  with  300  inhabitants.f  De  Bellaitre  arrived  there 
at  the  break  of  day  on  the  nth  of  November,  and  attacked 
the  village  from  three  different  points.  The  surprise  was 
complete.  There  was  little  resistance,  and  those  making  any 
attempt  to  repel  the  French  were  overpowered  by  numbers 
and  killed.!  The  houses  and  barns  were  burned,  and  the 
cattle  of  all  descriptions  killed  ;  102  prisoners,  mostly  women 
and  children,  were  carried  to  Montreal, among  them  the  mayor 
of  the  place.  The  men  who  escaped  made  their  way  to  fort 
Herkimer,  about  three  miles  distant  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Mohawk.  There  was  a  garrison  here  of  200  men,  under 
captain  Townshend.  On  the  alarm  being  given  a  detachment 
of  fifty  men  was  despatched  to  the  scene  of  action,  insufficient 
in  strength  to  attack  the  Canadian  force,  which  outnumbered 
them  six-fold.  The  contest  was  accordingly  confined  to  a 
fusillade,  and  at  the  end  of  twenty-four  hours  de  Bellaitre 

•  N.V.  Doc,  v.,  p.  634. 

f  De  L4via'  Journal,  p.  108. 

X  De  Vaudreuil  made  an  exaggerated  report  of  Che  "  damage  inflicted  upon  the 
enemy."  More  grain,  he  said,  had  been  destroyed  than  the  island  of  Montreal 
produced  in  yean  of  abundance,  with  3,00a  homed  cattle  and  3,000  sheep.  At 
■he  same  time,  he  describes  the  settlement  as  consisting  of  sixty  houses.  He 
speaks  of  the  attack  of  five  focts,  which  surrendered  at  discretion.  The  number 
killed  and  drowned  he  named  at  forty.  We  also  learn  from  him  that  the  strength 
of  the  detachment  sent  from  fort  tierkimer  was  fifty  men.  Before  the  houses 
were  burned  they  were  pilbgcd  by  the  Indians,  who  "  acquired  as  rich  a  booty  as 
they  could  carry  off."     N.V.  Doc.,  X.,  673. 



returned  to  his  canoes,  his  force  enriched  with  booty.  He 
arrived  at  Montreal  on  the  20th  of  November. 

The  news  reached  Schenectady  on  the  12th,  where  lord 
Howe  was  stationed.  He  immediately  advanced  with  the 
42nd  Highlanders  to  fort  Herkimer.  The  enemy,  however, 
had  disappeared,  having  retreated  several  hours  previously, 
leaving  the  trace  of  their  presence  in  the  burned  houses,  the 
slaughtered  cattle,  with  the  other  evidences  of  the  desolation 
they  had  committed,  the  most  painful  of  which  were  the  dead 
bodies  of  those  killed  in  the  onslaught 

Lord  Howe  left  lOo  men  at  Conajoharie  and  100  men  at 
fort  Hunter*  and  returned  to  Schenectady.-f- 

The  year  1757  closed  in  gloom  and  dissatisfaction  ;  it  was 
the  nadir  of  British  failure  in  these  years  of  contest  The 
provincial  had  lost  faith  in  the  power  of  the  mother  country, 
and  cheaply  held  the  prowess  of  the  imperial  troops.  Politic- 
ally he  was  jealous  of  interference,  and  the  spirit  of  independ- 
ence suggested  the  belief  and  confidence  that  the  strength  of 
the  provinces,  unaided,  was  capable  of  effecting  the  conquest  of 
CanadaJ     The  refusal  to  provide  quarters  for  the  troops  at 

*  At  [he  junction  of  Schoharie  creek  vith  the  Mohawk,  31  miJcs  from 
Schenectadf . 

+  Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  1.,  yoI.  86.1,  p.  3. 

t  The  discontented  feeling  in  ibe  British  provinces  wu  known  in  Canada.  De 
Livis  wrote  to  the  king  of  Poland  [23rd  October,  1757,  letters,  p.  179.]  that  the 
failure  to  attack  Louisboui^  bad  caused  f;reat  dissalisfaclion  in  the  colonies.  The 
colonists  were  tired  of  (he  war  and  unwillingly  submitted  to  (he  (oxaiion  which  it 
had  made  necessary.  "This,"  he  added,  "  caused  a  ferment  in  (heir  minds.  For 
some  time  all  (he  colonies  have  not  been  satjslied  with  the  English  parliament ; 
tbejF  desire  one  which  would  be  independent."  De  Levis  did  not  express  a  high 
opinion  of  the  provincial  troops.  On  the  4th  of  September  he  wrote  to  marshal 
de  Mirepoixfrom  the  campat  Carillon:  "if  trehadnot  todo  with  weiik  and  timid 
troops  we  would  be  unable  10  congratulate  ourselves  on  (be  success  we  have  mel, 
[Letters,  p.  136,]  "  Chouoguen  was  I.iken  by  the  intervention  of  the  Holy  Ghut, 
as  we  have  just  taken  fort  George,  and  heaven  grant  (hat  our  good  for(une  does  no[ 
abandon  us  if  the  war  condnue."  [p,  142.]  Again  he  writes  [p.  165]  "  we  have 
been  fortunate  in  having  to  do  with  timid  troops,  and  unskilful  generals."  On 
the  I4ih  of  September  he  wrote  from  Montreal :  "  ihe  Ei^lish  behave  very  badly 
in  this  country  ;  it  is  much  to  be  wished  tha(  they  would  do  the  same  in  Europe," 
[p.  170]  and  this  was  written  within  less  than  two  years  of  ihe  capituladon  of 


72  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [l757 

New  York  and  Boston  furnishes  testimony  of  the  indifference 
felt  as  to  the  presence  of  the  British  soldier.  A  low  standard 
had  penetrated  into  the  legislatures.  In  nearly  all  directions 
the  spirit  of  gain  was  dominant  to  overpower  the  call  of 
patriotism  and  duty.  Braddock's  disaster  had  destroyed  faith 
in  British  generalship.  The  destruction  of  Oswego,  whether 
caused  or  not  caused  by  want  of  prudence  and  prevision,  was 
in  reality  only  attributable  to  the  action  of  the  provinces.  The 
50th  and  sist  regiments,  although  on  the  imperial  roster,  had 
been  raised  in  America,  and  were  officered  by  colonists.  In 
spite  of  these  facts,  Abercrombie  and  Webb,  in  the  public  view, 
had  been  held  responsible  for  the  calamity,  and  although 
Loudoun  only  landed  in  New  York  a  few  days  before  the 
capture,  he  was  equally  held  responsible  for  it  The  provinces 
refused  their  quota  of  men,  or  furnished  them  under  theories 
of  limited  service,  which  made  the  troops  difficult  of  control 
in  the  field.  Whatever  professions  were  made  of  the  desire  to 
help  the  cause,  the  jealousy  of  the  legislatures  paralyzed  the 
support  nominally  given.  One  serious  cause  for  dissatisfaction 
was  the  supplies  sold  to  the  enemy.  Canada  was  in  dire  con- 
dition for  want  of  provisions,  and  the  trade  was  one  highly 
profitable.  In  vain  the  legislatures  made  enactments  to 
repress  the  traffic,  but  the  frequent  allusion  to  its  prevalence 
shows  how  ineffectually  they  were  enforced. 

The  raid  of  Bellaitre  in  October  was  the  last  success  of  the 
French.  From  that  date  one  series  of  reverses  was  experi- 
enced in  Canada.  The  failure  of  Abercrombie  at  Ticonderoga 
cannot  be  called  an  exception.  From  the  British  standing- 
point  it  must  always  be  looked  upon  as  deplorable,  from  the 
bad  generalship  which  was  the  cause  of  the  failure,  but  it 
brought  with  it  no  disgrace  The  French,  as  they  drew  their 
breath  at  nightfall  of  that  terrible  day,  must  have  seen  that 
their  safety  had  depended  on  an  error  of  their  antagonist,  not 
to  be  repeated ;  the  want  of  knowledge  of  the  strength  of 
aiaiis,  fortifications  of  massive  fallen  trees  against  an  attack 
at  the  bayonet's  point.  It  was  this  miscalculation  of  power 
which  had  saved  them   from  destruction.     The  attack  had 


175"]  WHAT   HAS   BEEN   FORGOTTEN.  73 

been  intrepid  and  fearless,  as  the  corpses  of  the  hundreds  of 
dead  proved,  and,  although  repelled,  there  was  no  loss  of 
honour  on  the  side  of  the  assailants.  The  French  soldier  had 
been  made  to  feel  the  presence  of  the  race  against  which  his 
ancestors  had  contended  from  the  days  of  Cre^y  and  Poictiers ; 
he  had  once  more  experienced  the  ancient  disdain  of  hardship, 
with  the  calm,  determined,  undemonstrative  courage,  arid  the 
self-reliance  under  disaster  which  for  so  many  centuries  have 
never  been  wanting  in  the  national  character.  The  repulse  of 
the  British  force  could  have  appeared  only  as  a  temporary 
relief.  Such  indeed  it  proved.  Step  by  step  the  French  were 
driven  from  every  stronghold  they  possessed,  until  further 
effort  on  their  part  became  impossible.  It  was  then  that  the 
American  provincial  learned  truly  to  know  and  appreciate  all 
that  he  owed  to  the  mother  country.  It  is  a  painful  record  in 
the  history  of  the  American  continent  that  the  service  and 
the  aid  were  soon  to  be  forgotten  by  those  who  most  profited 
by  them. 




The  winter  of  1757-58  was  one  of  much  privation  in 
Canada ;  there  was  so  great  a  scarcity  of  provisions  that 
positive  want  was  felt.  The  ration  of  bread  was  limited,  and 
horse-Besh  had  to  beeaten.  As  the  season  for  active  operations 
closed,  the  troops  went  into  winter  quarters  at  Boucherville, 
He  Jesus,  Montreal,  Point  aux  Trembles  and  Quebec,  Garri- 
sons were  left  at  Carillon,  Crown  Point,  Saint  John's  and 
Chambly.  The  two  last  years  had  been  signally  fortunate  for 
the  French:  the  British  forts,  Oswego  and  William  Henry, 
which  had  threatened  their  power  and  their  commerce  on  lake 
Ontario  and  lake  Champlain,  had  been  destroyed  ;  the  attack 
on  Louisbourg,  which  had  appeared  to  be  imminent,  had  not 
been  attempted  ;  the  possession  of  the  Ohio  by  France  was 
to  all  appearance  firmly  established  ;  Indians,  led  by  Canadian 
officers,  had  continually  devastated  the  outlying  villages  of 
Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  and  had  driven  back  settlement  in 
these  provinces.  The  whole  of  the  western  Indians  had 
accepted  Canadian  authority,  while  the  'province  had  so  far 
impressed  her  ancient  enemies,  the  Iroquois,  that  a  strong 
feeling  had  arisen  in  the*  Six  Nations  of  the  advisability  of 
remaining  neutral  in  any  contest  with  the  British,  while  many 
professed  readiness  to  embrace  the  cause  of  the  French.  In 
the  middle  of  October*  some  of  their  chiefs  arrived  at 
Montreal  to  congratulate  dc  Vaudreuil  on  his  s^iccess  at 
William  Henry,  to  give  assurance  of  neutrality,  and  without 
entering  into  any  engagements,  to  suggest  the  possibility  that 
hereafter  they  might  range  themselves  on  the  side  of  the 
French.  De  Vaudreuil  was  then  at  Quebec,  engaged,  as  presi- 
dent of  the  court,  examining  into  the  conduct  of  de  Vergor 

*  Journal  de  LAv'a,  p.  no. 


1757]  REFUSAL  OF  RATIONS.  75 

at  Beaus^jour  ;  they  were  received  by  Duplessis,  and  no  effort 
was  spared  to  conciliate  them* 

In  November  the  pressure  arising  from  the  want  of  provi- 
sions exacted  a  reduction  of  the  rations  of  the  troops,  f 

The  regiment  of  Biarn  made  no  complaint  On  the  other 
hand,  the  marine  regiment  refused  to  accept  the  rations  on 
the  new  basis,  and  when  called  together  to  receive  them, 
separated  without  taking  them  away.  De  Livis  heard  from 
Duplessis  of  the  proceeding,  with  the  intimation  that  the 
troops  had  been  ordered  to  parade  in  the  intendant's  court- 
yard. When  they  had  assembled  they  re-commenced  the 
expression  of  their  dissatisfaction.  Accompanied  by  some 
officers,  de  L^vis  went  to  the  spot  He  found  the  troops  dis- 
orderly in  groups,  and  violent  in  their  language.  He  imposed 
silence,  and  caused  them  to  form  in  rank,  when  he  stated  the 
necessity  of  submitting  to  the  conditions  imposed.  He 
pointed  out  that  the  land  troops  had  accepted  the  ration,  and 
he  told  them  he  would  hang  the  Brst  man  who  demurred  to 
receiving  it  He  ordered  the  first  company  to  take  their 
allotted  portion.  The  men  acted  in  compliance  without  a 
murmur.  The  remaining  companies  similarly  obeyed.  They 
even  strove  to  explain  away  their  conduct  by  stating  that 
proper  representations  on  the  subject  had  not  been  made  to 
them.  De  L^vis  accepted  their  excuses,  but  threatened 
mercilessly  to  punish  any  future  contumaciousness. 

Shortly  afterwards  the  marine  troops  with  some  habitants 
endeavoured  to  incite  the  regiment  of  B^arn  to  revolt.  De 
Livis   ordered   four  of  the   grenadiers  of  that  regiment  to 

•  The  vrit«r  of  the  "  Mimoin  tor  It  Canada  "  [p.  97]  unfavourably  notices 
the  partiality  of  de  Vaudreutl  for  the  Indians,  and  the  license  he  gnnied  them  : 
"il  leur  permetloU  tout, — qualil^  qu'il  avoil  herilde  de  son  pite,  comme  deles 
ctoire  absolument  n^cessaires  ;  on  les  vojroit  courir  dans  Monlr^l,  1e  couteau  i  la 
main,  menacer  an  cbacun  el  wuvcnt  faire  des  insultes  ;  lorsqu'on  s'en  plaignoit  il 
n'en  disoit  tien ;  bien  loin  apres  ce  coup  [tbe  alTait  at  William  Heniy],  au  lieu  de 
leur  avoir  &il  des  reproches,  el  de  leur  en  avoir  fait  senlir  les  inconvfniens  il  les 
accabia  de  pi^ns  dans  la  persuasion  qu'il  etoil  qqe  [si]  leur  cnialiL^  seroit 
ralentie  les  detseins  des  ennemies  [gagneroit  de  la  farce]." 

t  Half  a  lb.  of  bread  ;  three-quartera  of  a  lb.  of  beef;  a  quarter  of  a  lb.  of 
codfish ;  a  quarter  of  a  lb.  of  peas  with  %  a  lb.  of  bread  payable  in  moDey. 


76  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  ['757 

appear  before  him,  when  he  pointed  out  the  necessity  of 
compliance,  and  the  trouble  passed  away. 

As  the  winter  advanced  the  quarter  of  a  pound  of  bread 
served  daily  to  the  people  as  a  ration  was  stopped,  It  was 
proposed  to  give  in  its  place  half  beef  and  half  horse-flesh,  at 
six  sous  the  pound.  There  was  great  objection  to  the  horse- 
flesh, the  people  refusing  to  take  it  A  number  of  women 
assembled,  and  tumultuously  proceeded  to  the  house  of  de 
Vaudreuil,  demanding  to  see  him.  Four  of  the  number  were 
admitted,  and  they  asked  for  bread.  De  Vaudreuil  replied 
that  he  had  none  to  give  them  :  he  had  been  obliged  to  reduce 
the  rations  of  the  troops.  It  was  not  the  king's  duly  to 
furnish  bread  for  the  people;  they  were  bound  to  provide  it 
themselves.  But  in  their  want  the  king  had  assisted  them 
with  bread  and  horse-flesh.  The  women  expressed  great 
repugnance  to  such  food.  The  horse  was  the  friend  of  man, 
and  their  religion  forbade  them  to  kill  him  ;  they  would 
rather  die  than  feed  upon  him.  De  Vaudreuil  replied  that 
this  was  all  imagination.  From  bygone  time  the  horse  had 
been  eaten,  and  it  was  the  only  assistance  he  could  give.  He 
sent  the  women  away  with  the  threat  that  if  they  made  any 
revolt  he  would  put  them  in  prison  and  hang  the  half  of  them.* 
He  ordered  the  commissioner  of  marine,  de  Martel,  and  the 
judge  of  police,  de  Monrepos,  to  take  them  to  the  slaughter- 
house, and  to  see  that  the  food  was  of  good  quality.  The 
women  consented  to  go.  They  said,  however,  that  neither 
they  nor  anybody  else,  not  even  the  troops,  should  eat  the 
horse-flesh.  As  they  were  separating  they  used  the  most 
violent  and  seditious  language.  De  Levis,  in  recording  the 
fact,  says  several  ought  to  have  been  arrested,  which  was  not 

Early  in  December  orders  were  given  for  rations  of  horse- 
flesh to  be  served  out  to  the  troops  ;  they  refused  to  receive 
them  and  left  the  place  of  distribution.  De  L^vis  reproved 
the  officers  for  allowing  the  men  to  disperse  ;  the  latter  excused 
themselves  on  the  ground  of  the  cold  weather,  and  further, 

*  "Qu'il  en  Teroit  pendre  1>  pioilif."     Journal  de  L^vis,  p.  119. 


I7S7]  FIRMNESS  OF   DE   LfiVIS.  77 

that  the  meat  had  not  been  prepared  for  distribution.  De 
Levis  ordered  a  parade,  and  on  the  assembly  of  the  regiment 
he  caused  a  ration  of  the  horse-flesh  to  be  cut  for  himself, 
which  he  directed  his  servant  to  carry  to  his  quarters.  The 
grenadiers  were  then  ordered  to  advance  to  take  their  mess. 
They  desired  to  make  some  representation  ;  De  L^vis  firmly 
answered,  that  the  first  man  who  hesitated  to  obey  in  receiving 
the  food  prescribed,  he  would  arrest  and  hang.  When  the 
distribution  had  been  made,  he  would  listen  to  all  that  they 
had  to  say.  The  grenadiers  in  silence  received  the  horse-flesh  ; 
their  example  was  followed  by  the  other  companies. 

De  L6vis  then  advanced  and  told  the  men  he  would  listen 
to  any  expression  of  their  grievances.  The  men  accordingly 
stated  that  they  had  complained  of  having  to  eat  horse-flesh, 
as  the  people  had  refused  it,  and  they  could  not  believe 
that  the  colony  was  reduced  to  this  necessity,  when  they  saw 
the  number  of  cattle  brought  to  market.  Moreover,  they  were 
billeted  singly  upon  the  inhabitants,  and  were  not  permitted  to 
form  themselves  into  messes  of  seven,  and  the  ration  cooked 
singly  was  not  enough  for  a  man.  The  regiment  of  la  Sarre, 
at  Quebec,  being  in  barracks,  was  differently  situated  ;  the 
habitants  themselves  lived  as  well  as  ever,  even  their  negroes 
and  pains*  did  the  same.  It  was  now  the  duty  of  de  L^vis 
to  reply  to  what  had  been  said,  and  on  no  occasion  of  his  life 
were  his  judgment  and  ability  more  apparent.  It  was  a  critical 
hour,  when  it  was  necessary  to  extinguish  the  spirit  which  had 
been  called  forth,  without  leaving  behind  any  rancour  to 
re-awaken  it  His  personal  character  gave  weight  to  all  he 
would  sly  ;  but  while  exercising  his  authority  he  had  to  appeal 
to  that  spirit  of  camaraderie  which  is  the  true  basis  of  the  con- 
fidence of  the  soldier  in  his  general.  No  one  could  have  done 
so  more  effectively,  as  the  result  proved,  and  on  all  sides  de 
L^vis  obtained  the  highest  praise  for  his  conduct,t 

*  slaves  of  the  Indian  tribes  taken  and  sold  in  MontreaL 

+  It  will  generally  be  found,  both  in  ihe  army  and  navy,  in  casesof  widely  spread 
dinalii faction,  which  finds  its  Tent  in  desertion,  that  the  faalt  lies  in  the  unsympa- 
the^  hard  character  of  the  commander,  who,  from  a  mistaken  sense  of  duty, 
exaclE  from  the  soldier  or  saibr  what  is  unnecessar7  ftnd  unreasonable ;  in  iUel! 


78  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1757 

On  the  point  of  the  habitant  refusing  the  horse-flesh,  de 
L^vis  attributed  his  conduct  to  prejudice  and  weakness.  The 
French  garrison  had  eaten  it  in  Prague  :  it  was  a  similar  case 
of  necessity  in  Canada,  as  most  of  the  provisions  sent  from 
France  had  been  seized  by  English  cruisers.  They  were  in 
error  as  to  the  condition  of  the  colony,  for  there  was  great 
distress  everywhere.  The  people  of  Quebec  had  no  bread  ; 
there  were  2,000  Acadians  who  had  nothing  to  eat  but  horse- 
flesh and  codfish  ;  the  officers  of  the  garrison  at  Montreal 
and  Quebec  had  only  a  quarter  of  a  pound  of  bread  a  day ; 
the  cattle  which  the  soldiers  had  seen  slaughtered  had  been 
brought  to  market,  in  accordance  with  the  custom  of  the 
country  at  that  period  of  the  year,  when  the  inhabitants 
killed  the  cattle ;  the  meat  was  kept  frozen  and  was  so  sold 
during  winter.  The  soldiers  had  equal  opportunity  of  pur- 
chasing it,  and  he  would  give  instructions  for  money  to  be 
advanced  of  their  pay,  to  be  used  for  this  purpose.  He  would 
do  his  best,  so  that  they  would  be  able  to  form  themselves  into 
messes.  He  added  some  words,  that  the  soldier  ought  to 
believe  that  the  general  would  do  his  best  for  them  ;  and  he 
looked  to  the  regiment  to  shew  an  example  of  good  conduct 
The  men  were  touched  by  this  kindly  and  straightforward 
admonition  ;  and  while  they  expressed  themselves  satisfied, 
they  assured  their  general,  that  they  would  so  act  that  no 
reproach  should  be  made  against  them  ;  they  had  full  confi- 
dence that  everything  possible  would  be  done  for  them,  now 
that  de  L^vis  knew  their  wants.  As  the  land  troops  took  the 
horse-flesh,  the  marine  troops  also  received  it,  and  no  more 
trouble  was  experienced. 

repugnani  10  ihe  feelings  of  ihc  men.  To  what  is  necessary  and  essential,  however 
trying,  men  wil[  cheerfully  submit.  There  is  always  to  be  found  in  a  ship  01  a 
regiment  a  sufhcienl  number  possessing  right  feeling,  who  will  uncomplainingly 
bear  unavoidable  privations,  and  they  have  the  moral  strength  to  control  the  con- 
tumacious. When  we  read  of  a  common  insensibility  to  the  obligations  of  duly, 
and  of  men  abandoning  their  colours  as  opportunity  ofTen,  as  a  rule  we  may  con- 
clude that  the  whole  blame  doea  not  lie  entirely  wiih  them,  and  a  ticm  explanatioa 
should  be  exacted  from  the  commanding  officer.  De  Levis'  behaviour  on  this 
occasion,  as  it  received  the  full  recognition  of  his  contemporaries,  should  find  a 
place  in  every  modem  military  manual. 


1758]  DE   MONTCALM.  79 

De  Livis  further  met  the  desires  of  the  regiment  by  orders 
being  issued  so  that  the  men  couid  be  formed  into  messes  of 
eight,  and  an  additional  allowance  of  eight  livres  a  month  was 
given  to  the  habitant  at  whose  house  the  mess  was  held.  On 
the  day  "les  rots,"*  1758,  eight  grenadiers  of  the  regiment 
of  B^arn  waited  upon  de  L^vis  with  a  dish  of  horse-flesh  as 
they  cooked  it  at  their  mess.  De  L^vis  received  it,  and  in 
return  invited  them  to  breakfast,  to  shew  them  how  his  cook 
prepared  the  meat.  Wine  was  furnished,  and  the  plat  dis- 
cussed :  it  was  generally  pronounced  inferior  to  the  cooking 
of  the  soldiers.  De  L^vis  presented  the  company  with  four 
louis  to  drink  his  health  and  pleasantly  to  pass  "  les  rois." 

The  condition  of  Canada  was  reported  to  France  in  a 
despatch  sent  overland  to  Louisbourg,  f  The  bearer  had 
previously  arrived  with  letters  from  that  fortress,  and  had 
probably  made  his  way  by  the  Saint  John.  The  letter  of  de 
Vaudreuil  does  not  appear ;  that  of  Montcalm  to  M.  de  Moras 
of  the  19th  of  February  is  in  all  respects  worthy  of  remark.  J 

He  protests  against  the  misrepresentations  made  with 
regard  to  his  own  conduct  and  that  of  the  French  officers  in 
Canada,  informing  the  minister  that  he  had  not  communicated 
his  letter  to  them  owing  to  the  great  pain  it  would  cause. 
The  statement  had  been  made  by  persons  as  bad-intentioned 
as  they  were  ill-informed.  He  appealed  to  de  Vaudreuil,  it 
was  he  who  had  made  the  accusation,  and  to  Bigot  in  testimony 

*  The  English  twelfth -night. 

■^  De  Levis'  Joninal,  p.  127. 

!  It  is  given  by  Desiieux,  p.  321,  end  is  Inmslited  in  N.  Y.  Doc.,  X.,  p.  6E6. 
Motltolm  shewE  how  deeply  he  wsu  hurt  by  the  unfriendly  statements  made 
r^arding  him  in  France.  He  says,  "vous  m'eialtei  la  valeur  des  CanadiBOs, 
Toos  m'y  donnez  des  letani  sur  la  conduite  \  tenir  vis-ii-vis  d'euxet  des  uuvagei." 
I  append  the  original  text  of  come  of  Ihe  passages  which  I  have  Iraiislated. 

.  "  une  nation  accobtum^^  se  vanlerauca  beau  s'eialler  elle-mSme,  jen'aanu 
jamait  ta  tnalheureuse  conliaiice  de  M.  Dieskau  ;  je  ne  les  emploierai  que  dans  leur 
genre,  et  je  cheicheiai  i  Stayer  leur  bravoure  de  I'avantage  des  bois  et  de  celle 
des  troupes  r^l^s  ;  .  .  Je  ne  puis  vous  rien  annoncer  encore  sur  la  campagnc 
ptochaine  ;  la  operations  ddpendronl  de  la  promple  aniv^e  des  vivies  et  du  bien 
oa  mal  jouf  de  I'ennemi.  L'article  des  vivtes  me  fait  frrfmir.  Malgri  les  tWac- 
tioDl  faitra  SOT  la  ration,  la  disette  est  plus  grande  que  nous  ne  I'aurions  ctn." 


So  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

of  his  conduct.  He  thought  that  he  had  seized  the  genius 
and  the  moral  qualities  of  the  Indians  ;  but  they  lool^ed  upon 
a  commander-in-chief  as  they  regard  the  chief  of  a  wigwam. 
No  one  rendered  more  justice  to  Canadian  valour  than  he  and 
the  French  ;  but  a  nation  accustomed  to  self-praise  would  in 
vain  magnify  itself  "  I  will  never,"  adds  Montcalm,  "  possess 
the  unfortunate  confidence  of  M.  Dicskau.  I  wiJ!  employ 
them  as  they  arc  best  fitted,  and  I  will  strive  to  sustain  their 
course  by  making  use  of  the  woods  and  the  regular  troops." 
Montcalm  could  not  conceal  his  misgivings  of  the  next 
campaign.  He  coutd  announce  he  said  nothing  concerning 
it.  "  The  operations  will  depend  on  the  prompt  arrival  of 
food,  and  on  the  good  or  bad  conduct  of  the  enemy.  The 
question  of  food  causes  me  to  shudder.  In  spite  of  the 
reduced  rations,  our  want  is  greater  than  we  could  believe." 
He  pays  a  high  compliment  to  Bigot.  He  described  the 
officers  as  greatly  suffering,  receiving  only  paper  currency. 
Their  pay  was  decreasing,  while  everything  was-  becoming 
dearer.  The  lieutenants  could  not  live  on  their  allowances. 
They  were  unlike  the  troops  of  the  country,  the  officers  of  the 
latter  being  permitted  to  trade,  and  who  made  money  in  their 
expeditions  with  the  Indians,  He  pointed  out  that  the 
expenses  incurred  in  the  performance  of  his  duty  were  involv- 
ing him  in  debt.  Bigot  had  allowed  him  to  obtain  12,000 
livres  to  meet  his  obligations,  and  the  further  he  should  go 
the  more  he  would  owe.*  He  had  no  illusions  with  regard  to 
la  petite  guerre.  Although  it  was  the  fashion  of  the  country 
always  to  speak  of  having  carried  forts  sword  in  hand,  the 
intrinsic  value  was  the  surprise,  the  burning,  the  pillage  of 
a  large  village  exposed  on  all  sides.  In  spite  of  the  bright 
view  which  Montcalm  endeavoured  to  take,  it  is  plain  that 
he  was  impressed  with  a  sense  of  the  danger  with  which 
the  province  was  threatened,  and  that  more  depended  on  the 
ability  with  which  the  attack  against  Canada  would  be 
directed,  than  on  its  power  of  resistance. 

The  war  indeed  had  disastrously  affected  the  province  in  all 

•  "  El  plus  j'irai,  plus  je  lui  devrai." 


1758]  INCREASE   IN    PRICES.  81 

directions.  Its  commerce  had  been  almost  destroyed.  We 
learn  from  a  writer  of  a  few  years  subsequently,*  that  it  was 
usual  to  insure  a  cat^o  in  time  of  peace.  Those  who  took  this 
precaution  paid  from  three  to  four  per  cent. ;  the  freight  cost 
from  fifty  to  eighty /ivres  the  ton.  In  war  time  the  assurance 
rose  to  twenty-five  per  cent ;  the  freight  to  two  hundred  /ivres 
the  ton,  and  eventually  reached  the  price  of  one  thousand 
/ivres.  Consequently  all  merchandise  became  immensely 
advanced  in  cost;  and  the  price  of  provisions,  independently 
of  any  scarcity,  rose  in  proportion.  From  the  circumstances 
that  a  large  number  of  the  male  population  was  called  out  to 
serve  in  the  army,  the  cultivation  of  the  land  was  much  reduced. 
Even  in  the  matter  of  a  cord  of  wood,  which  in  quiet  times  cost 
50  so/s,  or  three  or  four  /tvres,  it  now  rose  to  ten  /ivns.f 

One  cause  of  difficulty  was  traceable  to  the  specie  sent  out 
from  France  in  1755  for  the  pay  of  the  land  troops.  When 
purchases  were  made  by  the  latter  in  the  market,  silver  was 
tendered,  and  owing  to  the  depreciation  of  the  card  money  the 
men  refused  to  take  it  in  change.  The  effect  was  a  greater 
decrease  in  its  current  value,  reaching  half  the  face  amount. 
Thus,  a  pair  of  chickens  which  cost  from  1 5  to  20  sols  in  silver 
fetched  from  30  to  35  in  paper  :  a  pair  of  shoes  worth  4  /ivres, 
10  so/s  in  silver  cost  10  /ivres  in  paper.  What  added  to  the 
cost  was  the  constant  capture  of  the  vessels  by  the  English 
cruisers.  It  is  said  that  three-fourths  of  them  were  taken.J 
It  was  calculated  that  a  cask  of  wine  worth  so/ivres  in  France 
cost  in  Canada  277  livres,  and  would  be  sold  at  Montreal  in 
silver  for  300  Uvres.  The  veUe  of  eau-de-vie  fetched  200  /tvres, 
being  at  the  rate  of  25  livres,^  pound  sterling,  the  pint:  a 
hat  worth  2  livres  in  France  was  sold  in  Canada  from  40  to  50 
livres,  and  everything  in  proportion.  Subsequently  the  troops 
were  paid  in  paper,  an  arrangement  by  which  they  suffered 
great  loss. 

*  "  Reflexions  (ommaiies  (ur  le  commerce  qui  s'eit  hit  en  Canada."  Lit.  and 
Hiu.  Soc.,  Quebec,  1840. 

"t  Tbe  cord  isaguperGcies  of  piled  wood  4 'feet  in  length,  of  31  square  feel ;  in 
other  words,  8  feet  long,  4  feet  high,  French  measure. 

X  "  Les  tr<Hs  quarts  de  naviresqui  ^ient  panis  de  different!  ports  furent  pris," 


82  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  ['758 

One  of  the  events  of  the  autumn  was  that  de  Vergor  and 
de  Villerai  were  placed  under  arrest  to  answer  for  the  sur- 
render of  the  two  forts,  Beau s^ jour  and  Gasperau.  De 
Vaudreuil  had  been  ordered  the  preceding  year  to  take  this 
course,  but  the  influence  of  Bigot  had  stayed  proceedings. 
The  instructions  having  been  reiterated,  a  court  of  inquiry 
was  appointed,  and  both  were  submitted  to  interrogatories.  De 
Vergor  answered  with  little  ability,  but  there  was  no  desire  in 
Canada  to  push  matters  to  extremity.  Witnesses  favourable 
to  him  were  only  called,  and  he  was  privately  counselled  as 
to  the  tone  of  his  defence.  De  Villerai,  on  his  examination, 
gave  in  a  memoir.  As  it  was  considered  to  reflect  on  de 
Vergor,  it  was  pointed  out  to  de  Villerai  that  his  own  position 
depended  on  that  of  de  Vergor,  and  he  was  counselled  to 
modify  his  statement.*  When  before  the  court  de  Vergor 
threw  the  blame  of  his  surrender  on  the  Acadians,  Montcalm, 
in  reporting  the  proceedings  to  France,  represented  that  the 
Acadians  had  forced  the  commander  to  capitulate  to  save 
their  lives,  having  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  English, 
who  had  threatened  to  hang  them  for  violating  it. 

On  his  return  to  Quebec  after  the  surrender,  de  Vergor  had 
spoken  of  the  gallantry  of  his  own  defence,  and  had  used 
deprecatory  language  with  regard  to  the  conduct  of  de 
Villerai.  De  Villerai,  in  his  statement,  had  instituted  a  com- 
parison between  the  two  forts.  Gasperau  was  merely  an 
enclosure  Banked  by  four  half-rotten  blockhouses  with 
twenty  men,  and  had  he  obtained  better  terms  than  de 
Vergor,  he  would  have  gained  a  reputation  by  which  the 
latter  would  have  suflered.-f  The  military  wits  of  the  day 
called  the  attack  of  Beausejour  "  le  siige  de  velours!'  %  The 
defenders  slept  peaceably  by  night,  and  the  enemy  were  not 
even  at  watch  in  the  morning.  So  few  shots  were  fired,  that 
the  English  were  considered   not  to  be  in  earnest,  and  de 

*  Memoiie  SDr  le  Canadn,  p.  loo. 
+  N.Y.  Doc.,  X.,p.  671. 

X  what  gives  point  to  the  French  ealrmbeur  is  Ihe  double  meaning  of  the 
expression,  that  il  is  tilienise  "a  seat  of  velvet ;  "  a  position  only  of  comfort. 



Vei^or's  care  of  the  provisions  was  explained  by  the  fact  that 
he  had  sold  them  to  the  enemy.  No  sorties  were  made  ;  the 
place,  in  short,  was  badly  defended.  De  Vergor  was,  at  the 
same  time,  accused  of  carrying  away  a  large  sum  of  money  ; 
it  was  said  he  even  became  rich. 

The  court  exonerated  both  officers  and  they  were  declared 
not  guilty  of  any  breach  of  duty.  So  far  as  de  Verger  was  con- 
cerned the  decision  did  not  command  the  assent  of  contempo- 
rary writers  ;  it  was  however  reported  to  France  sustained  by 
the  governor  and  intendant  and  there  accepted. 

Whether  or  not  the  privations  which  were  afflicting  Canada, 
led  the  speculators  who  were  becoming  rich  in  the  distress  of 
the  province,  to  think  seriously  of  their  own  position,  it  was  at 
this  date  that  several  of  them  resigned  their  offices  and  left 
the  colony.  Estebe,  who  had  been  in  chaige  of  the  king's 
magazine  at  Quebec,  and  was,  moreover,  a  member  of  the 
Conseil  SupMeur,  resigned  both  offices,  and  with  a  large 
fortune  returned  to  France.  His  place  was  given  to  Clavery,* 
who  had  been  the  manager  of  "  la  friponne  ;"  he  died  within 
eight  months  of  his  promotion.  Varin,  who  had  for  some 
time  applied  for  leave  to  retire,  finally  obtained  it,  and  left  the 

When  Br^ard  ceased  to  be  controller  of  marine  no  successor 
was  appointed.  The  duties  were  performed  by  the  brother  of 
Martel,  who  had  been  assigned  the  position  of  Varin.  One  de 
Villiers  was  named  to  act  as  controller.  He  is  represented  as 
being  insatiable  in  the  pursuit  of  money,  false,  and  of  bad  faith. 
No  one  was  ready  with  more  specious  explanations.  His  con- 
duct and  morals  were  equally  as  objectionable  as  his  perverted 
ability  ;  he  deceived  both  the  intendant  and  the  public,  and  he 
boldly  carried  on  his  frauds  in  all  directions. 

Bigot  himself  was  anxious  to  leave  the  sinking  ship  with 
the  immense  sums  of  money  he  had  accumulated,  and  he 
appears  to  have  been  desirous  that  all  who  had  similarly 
obtained  wealth  should  not  remain  behind.  P^an  was  the 
first  to  leave  the  colony,  on  the  plea  of  ill  health.  He  did  not 
*  Ante,  vol.  HI.,  p.  545. 


84  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [1758 

entirely  abandon  his  connection  with  Canada,  being  appointed 
to  the  duty  of  despatching  in  spring  the  ships  charged  with 
merchandise  and  provisions :  a  position  which  enabled  him  to 
include,  free  of  freight,  much  of  the  private  ventures  sent  out 
Bigot,  however,  could  not  accomplish  his  purpose  ;  the  crisis 
through  which  the  province  was  passing  made  his  presence 
indispensable,  and  he  was  forced  to  remain  in  Canada  to  give 
his  help  in  the  emergency. 

At  the  western  posts,  where  merchandise  was  furnished  to 
the  tribes,  a  convenient  explanation  for  much  additional 
expense  was  found  in  the  necessity  of  retaining  the  Indians 
as  allies.  Their  services  were  greatly  extolled  in  France,  and 
it  was  argued  that  unless  they  were  in  all  respects  satisfied, 
they  would  cease  to  take  the  field.  The  commandants  were 
not  slow  in  taking  advantage  of  the  difficulties  attendant  on 
this  relationship  to  advance  their  own  interests.  De  Bellaitre 
at  Detroit,  de  Vergor  at  fort  Machault,*  and  !e  Verrier  at 
Michillimackinac  were  distinguished  by  their  rapacity.  The 
last  was  the  step-son  of  de  Vaudreuil,  who  had  married  his 
mother.  He  was  without  courage  or  conduct,  and  he  had 
been  sent  there  to  make  his  fortune.  It  is  said  of  him,  that 
on  one  occasion,-f-  that  he  gave  a  certificate  for  10,000  livres 
in  the  place  of  10  livres,  and  on  its  being  paid  he  became 
more  energetic  in  pursuit  of  the  wealth  of  which  he  was  in 

The  war  of  outposts  continued.  On  the  part  of  the  French 
de  Langy-Mont^gron,  with  a  strong  force,  hovered  about  fort 
Edward.  On  one  occasion  he  surprised  some  woodcutters 
attended  by  a  guard.  From  time  to  time  he  repeated  his 
incursions.  On  the  British  side,  Rogers  with  his  rangers  was 
an  active  assailant  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  prisoners,  from 
whom  information  could  be  obtained.  On  one  occasion  he 
was  despatched  on  an  expedition  which  proved  disastrous. 
He  was  detached   from  fort  Edward  by  Haviland,  he  com- 

*  At  ibe  moatb  of  French  cre«k  and  (he  river  AlleghtDj. 
t  Mifmoire  Eur  le  Canada,  p.  105. 



plains  in  his  journal,  with  too  weak  a  force.  It  consisted  of  9 
officers  and  162  men.  He  was  joined  by  two  officers  of  the 
27th  as  volunteers,  captain  Pringle  and  lieutenant  Roche. 
They  started  on  the  I2th  of  March,  and  descended  lake 
George  to  within  a  short  distance  of  Carillon,  when,  as  was 
the  custom,  the  detachment  left  the  lake  to  make  a  circuit 
round  the  French  fort  The  mark  of  the  snow-shoes  on  their 
trail  was  seen  by  some  Indians,  who  immediately  communi- 
cated the  fact  to  the  commandant.  There  were  two  hundred 
Canadians  and  Indians  at  Carillon,  under  the  command  of  de 
Langy  and  de  le  Durantaye.  To  this  number  was  joined 
some  volunteers  from  the  regiments  la  Sarre  and  Languedoc, 
and  this  constituted  the  force  immediately  started  to  intercept 
the  British  rangers.  The  advance  guard  of  Indians  unex- 
pectedly came  upon  Rogers'  party.  They  were  received  by  a 
heavy  fire,  killing  three  Indians.  The  remainder  were  driven 
back,  and  being  hotly  pursued  by  the  British,  retreated  upon 
the.  main  body.  Warned  by,  the  firing  in  front,  the  force  was 
prepared  for  an  attack,  and  as  the  rangers  came  up  they  were 
met  by  a  general  discharge  of  musketry  from  the  French,  by 
which  fifty  of  Rogers'  men  were  killed  and  placed  hors  de 
combat.  Rogers  rapidly  saw  the  odds  against  him,  and  he 
retreated,  taking  his  position  upon  ascending  ground.  There 
he  fought  desperately  until  dusk,  his  numbers  greatly  reduced, 
when  those  that  remained  fled.  Rogers  records  his  loss  at 
128  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners.  De  L^vis  names  the 
French  loss  at  12  Indians  killed  and  18  wounded.  The 
French  bivouacked  on  the  ground,  in  the  morning  taking  to 
Carillon  the  prisoners  and  wounded.  Rogers  estimated  the 
French  as  700  in  number,  evidently  an  exaggeration.  There 
were  certainly  between  300  and  400,  so  that  Rogers  was  out- 
numbered by  more  than  two  to  one.  Pringle  and  Roche,  in 
the  retreat,  got  separated  from  Rogers'  men,  and  owing  to 
the  want  of  knowledge  of  the  guide  who  undertook  to  lead 
them,  lost  their  way.  They  wandered  about  in  a  state  of 
starvation  for  several  days.  On  the  sixth  day  they  found 
themselves  within  sight  of  the  French  fort  in  Carillon,  where 


86  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

they  surrendered   themselves   to    the    French    officers,  who 
treated  them  with  great  kindness.* 

The  letters  of  de  L^vis  f  establish  that  it  was  known  in 
Canada  that  an  attack  upon  Loutsbourg  would  take  place 
early  in  the  spring.  Judging  from 'the  success  of  the  two 
previous  years,  the  French  anticipated  that  the  troops  would 
again  be  removed  from  northern  New  York,  and  that  in  con- 
sequence they  would  be  able  to  direct  an  important  expedition 
against  Albany.  They  possessed  undisputed  mastery  over 
lake  Champlain  and  lake  George  ;  with  reinforcements  from 
France,  and  a  sufficient  supply  of  provisions,  for  the  latter 
could  not  be  furnished  by  the  colony,  there  was  every 
prospect  of  France  being  able  to  seize  Albany  and  to  hold 
the  valley  of  the  Mohawk,  a  policy  which,  if  successfully 
carried  out,  would  have  cut  off  all  connection  with  the 
western  lakes,  and  thus  have  opened  direct  communication 
between  lake  Champlain  and  the  Ohio,  and  have  given  to  the 
French  the  entire  western  portion  of  the  continent  beyond  the 
Allcghanies.  The  plan  of  the  French  campaign  was  that  de 
Livis  should  ascend  the  Saint  Lawrence  to  Frontenac,  and 
there  organize  his  force.  It  was  to  consist  of  3,000  men  com- 
posed of  600  troops  of  the  land  and  marine  force  in  equal 
proportions,  the  remainder  Canadians  and  Indians.  Thence 
he  was  to  cross  the  lake  to  Chouaguen.J  One  of  the  main 
objects  of  the  expedition  was  to  induce  or  force  the  Six 
Nations  to  declare  themselves  allies  of  the  French.  If  any 
British  settlement  had  been  re-established  at  Oswego,  it  was 
to  be  destroyed,  together  with  the  forts  in  the  carrying-place 
on  the  Mohawk.  De  L^vis  was  then  to  descend  the  Mohawk, 
and   from    the   side  of   Schenectady  effect  a  juncture  with 

*  A  rock  on  take  George  Etill  bears  the  name  of  "  Risers'  lock,"  from  the 
tradilion  ihat,  being  closely  pressed  in  a  relreat,  he  descended  a  rayine  half-way, 
when  he  reached  a  precipice  of  zoo  feel  high,  down  which  he  slid  on  his  snow. shoes 
to  the  ice  of  the  lake.  The  event  did  not  lake  place  on  this  occasion,  nor  is  it 
recocded  by  Rogers  himself.  Had  such  a  hair-breadth  escape  happened,  it  is  not 
likely  thai  he  would  have  failed  lo  mention  il. 

t  Letters,  p.  183. 

t  Oswego. 



Montcalm.  The  latter  was  to  leave  Carillon  with  a  strong 
force.  On  being  joined  by  de  L^vis  the  two  would  attack 
fort  Edward  and  act  against  Albany. 

De  L^vis  saw  the  full  difficulty  of  the  duty  assigned  him  ; 
he  had  only  two  months'  provisions  of  biscuits  and  pork  ;  he 
was  without  tents  ;  and  he  anticipated  formidable  opposition 
from  those  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  who  remained  attached 
to  the  British  side.  The  expedition  was  theoretically  possible, 
but  attended  by  obstacles  almost  insuperable,  and  was  indeed 
finally  abandoned. 




A  new  impulse  had,  however,  been  given  to  the  power  of 
Great  Britain  which  was  to  exercise  an  almost  superhuman 
influence  on  her  fortunes  and  prosperity,  to  which  few  paral- 
lels in  any  page  of  history  can  be  found.  The  duration  of 
Pitt's  ministrj'  to  the  death  of  George  II.,  and  the  subsequent 
years,  furnish  a  sufficient  contradiction  to  the  theorists  who 
can  see,  even  in  the  most  revolutionary  events,  nothing  beyond 
a  compound  of  inevitable  consequence,  and  the  natural 
sequence  of  circumstance.  It  is  rarely  possible,  in  the  same 
degree,  to  trace  the  working  of  a  commanding  mind  upon  a 
people,  to  elevate  its  patriotism,  its  sense  of  duty,  and  its 
better  nature,  permanently  to  leave  its  impress  upon  the 
national  character.  The  triumphs  of  Great  Britain  have 
never  been  attained  through  court  or  parliamentary  intrigue : 
indeed,  it  is  often  to  the  blight  of  their  pernicious  interference 
that  our  misfortunes  and  failures  may  be  traced.  Whatever 
the  form  of  government  we  may  live  under,  it  is  imperfect  in 
the  degree,  that  \vb  fail  to  avail  ourselves  of  worth  and  ability 
in  what  rank  soever  they  may  be  found.  It  was  the  recogni- 
tion of  this  principle  which,  when  evoked  by  Chatham,  awoke 
the  spirit  of  the  nation,  and  drew  forth  the  noblest  inspiration 
of  manhood  out  of  the  torpidity  of  self-interest  and  corruption. 
We  may  learn  from  Chatham's  career,  that  the  institutions  the 
most  secure  and  capable  of  developing  human  happiness,  are 
those  under  which  education  and  capacity  play  the  first  part 
In  an  oligarchy  with  a  show  of  refinement, as  the  character  of  the 
ruler  may  determine,  the  worst  passions  are  restrained  or  find 
their  outlet,  but  the  tendency  of  the  system  is  that,  by  favour- 
itism, men  are  assigned  duties  to  the  performance  of  which  they 
are  unequal.    In  democratic  communities  political  partisanship 


1754]  DEATH   OF   PELHAM.  89 

appeals  chiefly  to  the  passions,  by  which  party  success  can  be 
attained,  with  little  regard  to  the  consequences  involved. 
The  problem  of  government  is  still  far  from  its  solution.  Two 
principles,  however,  rise  in  prominence  to  claim  acceptance : 
the  necessity  of  giving  the  means  of  education  to  all  who  can 
indirectly  influence  the  national  deliberations,  and  so  legislat- 
ing as  to  bring  within  the  working  of  the  constitution  every 
person  who  can  justly  claim  the  right  to  frame  and  mould  it. 
But  where  practically  establish  a  limit  ?  By  what  means 
constitute  a  governing  class,  however  broad  the  basis  on  which 
it  is  selected  ? 

The  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapclle  exercised  so  tranquilizing 
an  influence  on  English  politics  that  Mr,  Pelham  remained  at 
the  head  of  the  ministry  until  his  death  in  1754.  Ten  years 
earlier,  in  1744,  he  possessed  suflficient  power  to  force  George 
II.  reluctantly  to  dismiss  lord  Carteret ;  and  the  ministry,  in 
order  to  strengthen  its  position,  had  then  included  several  of 
the  opposition  within  its  ranks.  They  were  mostly  Pitt's 
friends  ;  he  was  himself  unprovided  for.  In  Pitt's  attacks  of 
lord  Carteret  he  had  inveighed  against  the  partiality  shewn  by 
the  king  to  his  Hanoverian  dominions,  and  the  subsidies  paid 
to  the  German  troops.  The  ability  which  he  had  shewn  in  this 
parliamentary  warfare  had  raised  him  to  the  flrst  rank  in  the 
house  of  commons,  and  he  had  become  formidable  from  the 
reputation  he  had  gained,  and  his  personal  influence  in  debate. 
From  these  causes  the  king  entertained  an  insurmountable 
personal  objection  against  Pitt's  admission  to  office.  The 
matter  was  brought  to  a  crisis  in  1745,  at  the  time  of  the  last 
attempt  of  the  pretender :  the  Pelhams  resigned.  Lord 
Carteret,  now  the  earl  of  Granville,  attempted  to  form  a 
government,  but  it  was  impossible  to  overcome  the  parliament- 
ary resistance  he  experienced.  The  Pelhams  returned  to 
power  with  an  understanding  that  their  recommendations 
should  be  accepted.  One  concession  they  made  to  the  king, 
that  Pitt  should  be  placed  in  a  position,  by  which  he  would  not 
be  often  brought  in  direct  contact  with  him.  Pitt,  therefore, 
instead  of  being  named  secretary  of  war,  as  was  intended,  was 


90  THE  HISTORY  Oy  CANADA.  [l754 

appointed  vice-treasurer  of  Ireland,  and  was  shortly  afterwards 
made  treasurer  of  the  forces. 

The  office  was  one  of  great  profit,  not  from  the  salary 
attached  to  it,  but  owing  to  the  large  sums  placed  at  the 
disposal  of  the  incumbent,  On  which  a  considerable  payment 
for  interest  was  obtainable.  It  had  always  been  the  custom 
for  the  paymaster  to  make  use  of  the  money  in  this  way,  and 
it  was  well  known  that  such  was  the  case.  Pitt  disdained  to 
follow  the  practice ;  he  resolved  only  to  receive  his  salary. 
He  likewise  declined  to  accept  the  percentages  paid  by 
foreign  princes  on  the  subsidies  voted  by  parliament.  This 
disinterestedness,  joined  to  his  remarkable  ability,  established 
his  character  in  the  public  estimation.  It  was  unassailable, 
and  the  favour  he  gained  was  the  commencement  of  the 
extraordinary  popularity  he  so  long  enjoyed.  In  1 750,  a  proof 
was  given  of  his  political  strength,  which  was  likewise  a 
presage  of  the  future  position  he  was  to  assume.  Pelham 
proposed  a  reduction  of  the  numbers  of  seamen  from  10,000 
to  8,000 ;  the  motion  was  advocated  by  Pelham  himself,  by 
Fox  (the  first  lord  Holland),  as  secretary  of  war,  and  by  lord 
Barrington,  as  one  of  the  board  of  admiralty.  Pitt,  then 
paymaster  of  the  forces,  arose  and  powerfully  opposed  the 
motion  of  his  own  colleagues.  He  based  his  objection  to  the 
measure  on  the  fears  he  entertained,  of  some  unexpected 
attempt  on  the  part  of  the  adherents  of  the  pretender  ;  fears 
certainly  not  without  justification.  The  unpopularity  of 
Frederick  prince  of  Wales  and  of  the  duke  of  Cumberland 
was  extreme.  It  became  the  fashion  in  many  circles  to  praise 
the  pretender,  and  for  young  ladies  to  sing  those  sentimental 
Jacobite  ditties,  which,  without  their  political  significance,  still 
retain  their  place  amongst  us.  At  that  time  it  was,  however, 
a  different  matter.  The  duke  of  Cumberland,  with  honesty  of 
character,  was  imprudent  in  many  of  his  utterances,  and  there 
had  been  an  endeavour  to  magnify  the  severity  of  his 
conduct  after  Culloden,  which  even  now  has  not  passed  away. 
Pitt's  view  was  that  the  country  should  be  prepared  against 
any  fresh  attempt  by  the  pretender's  partizans.     The  motion. 


1754]  THE   REGENCY   BILL.  91 

was  carried.  In  spite  of  this  mark  of  independence  Pitt 
remained  in  his  official  position.  In  the  upper  house,  Pitt  was 
sustained  by  the  duke  of  Bedford. 

The  death  of  the  prince  of  Wales  took  place  in  1751.  He 
had  been  suffering  from  pleurisy.  An  abscess  had  formed  on 
his  breast,  from  a  blow  by  a  ball  received  at  a  game.  He 
died  suddenly  in  the  arms  of  Desnoyers,  a  popular  dancing 
master  of  the  day,  who  was  playing  on  the  violin  for  his 
amusement.  The  princess  was  left  with  seven  children  and 
in  advanced  pregnancy ;  prince  George,  afterwards  George 
III.,  was  a  boy  of  twelve.  Until  this  date  there  had  been  a 
prince's  party,  which  had  mainly  constituted  the  opposition; 
it  was  now  entirely  dissolved.  The  princess  discouraged  all 
attempts  to  restore  the  former  political  antagonism  :  her 
first  desire  was  to  satisfy  the  king.  The  regency  bill,  which 
as  a  consequence  was  introduced,  received  much  opposition. 
The  princess  was  appointed  guardian  of  the  prince's  person 
until  the  age  of  eighteen,  and  regent  of  the  kingdom,  with  the 
advice  of  a  council  composed  of  the  duke  of  Cumberland  and 
nine  of  the  principal  officers  of  state.  The  friends  of  the 
princess  opposed  these  restrictions,  which  they  considered 
were  in  favour  of  the  duke's  influence.  Pitt  justified  the  bill 
on  the  ground  that  in  the  event  of  the  death  of  the  princess 
it  would  be  dangerous  to  give  extreme  power  to  the  duke. 
Fox,  on  the  other  hand,  warmly  defended  him,  and  an  alter- 
cation arose  between  them  on  this  point,  although  members 
of  the  same  government;  so  little  control  had  Peiham  of  these 
his  two  leading  subordinates. 

On  Pelham's  death,  in  1754,  and  the  duke  of  Newcastle 
becoming  first  lord  of  the  treasury,  the  question  arose  who 
,  was  to  lead  in  the  house  of  commons.  There  will  be  always 
found  men  of  the  stamp  of  Newcastle  in  imperial  politics. 
Even  in  the  outer  provinces  of  the  empire  in  which  constitu- 
tional government  is  being  developed,  in  accordance  with  the 
conditions  to  which  it  must  be  adapted,  such  men  are  not 
rare.  Their  own  success  is  the  first  consideration,  and  their 
entire  policy  is  directed  to  the  means  by  which  political  power 


92  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['754 

can  be  attained  and  kept  The  least  recommendation  in  their 
eyes  is  merit  They  look  for  pUant  tools  to  do  their  bidding, 
willing  to  receive  with  patience  the  kicks  and  rebuffs  incident 
to  the  servility  of  sycophancy. 

It  was  a  personage  of  this  character  that  Newcastle  desired 
to  represent  him  in  the  house  of  commona  Pitt  was  at  Bath 
drinking  the  waters  for  the  gout ;  he  was  not  in  the  cabinet, 
and  his  character  made  him  the  last  man  in  England  fitted  for 
the  duty.  Fox  was  appealed  to  :  he  was  offered  to  be  made 
secretary  of  state,  with  the  lead  in  the  house  of  commons  ;  the 
condition,  however,  was  annexed  that  Newcastle  was  to  keep 
in  his  control  the  purchase  of  the  votes  of  members  of  par- 
liament, in  accordance  with  the  system  followed  at  that  date, 
and  to  some  extent  for  nearly  the  succeeding  half  century. 
The  euphemism  was  used  in  the  public  accounts  as  "  secret 
service  money "  ;  there  can,  however,  be  no  doubt  of  the 
application  of  the  large  sums  named.*  Fox  had  not  many 
scruples  at  any  time  of  his  life,  but  he  was  a  man  of  ability 
and  with  an  acknowledged  reputation,  and  he  had  every  right 

"  A  record  remains  o(  ihe  comiption  of  parliament  in  Pelham's  time.  Wraxall 
TcUtes  the  fact  [IV.  p.  667.670]  "on  Ihe  authorily  of  ■  man  of  rank  and  high 
character  whora  1  do  nol  name,"  but  for  whose  veracity  Wraxall  vouched.  This 
peTEonage  was  acquainted  wilh  Roberts,  Pelham's  secretary.  The  latter  died  in 
1776,  and  his  medallion  is  yet  to  be  seen  in  poets'  corner,  Westminster  abbey. 
Roberts,  in  1767,  stated  that  while  he  remained  at  the  treasury,  several  members 
of  parliament  regularly  received  a  stipend  in  bank  notes,  the  payment  varied  from 
five  to  eight  hundred  pounds,  "This  largess  I  distributed,"  added  Roberts,  "  in 
the  court  of  requests  on  tbe  day  of  the  prorogation  of  parliament.  1  took  my  Stand 
there,  and  as  the  gentlemen  passed  me,  in  going  to  or  returning  from  the  house, 
I  conveyed  the  money  in  a  squeeie  of  the  hand.  Whatever  person  received  the 
ministeTiai  bounty  in  the  manner  thus  related,  I  entered  his  name  in  a  book, 
which  was  preserved  in  the  deepest  secrecy,  it  being  never  inspected  by  any 
human  being  except  the  king  and  Mr.  Pelham." 

On  the  death  of  Pelham,  in  1754,  Newcastle  desired  to  see  Ihe  book,  and 
asked  for  its  surrender.  Roberts  declined  to  give  it  up  except  to  the  king.  His 
narrative  is  loo  graphic  for  abbreviation.  "  In  consequence  of  my  refusal  they 
ftcquainled  Ihe  king  wilh  the  circumstances,  who  sent  for  me  to  Si.  James',  whet* 
I  was  introduced  into  the  closet,  more  than  one  of  the  above. mentioned  Ministers 
being  present.  George  the  Second  ordered  me  to  return  him  the  Book  in  question, 
with  which  Injunction  I  immediately  complied.  At  the  same  time  taking  the 
Poker  In  his  Hand,  he  put  it  in  the  Fire,  made  it  red  hot,  and  then  while  we 



to  aspire  to  a  higher  position  than  that  oflTered  him.  Even  if 
the  material  advantages  impressed  him,  his  intellect  recoiled 
before  the  impossibility  of  taking  the  first  part  in  the  house  of 
commons  under  such  humiliating  conditions.  Newcastle  at 
the  same  time  claimed  to  retain  the  direction  of  all  patronage, 
and  while  controlling  the  secret  service  money,  in  no  way  to 
make  known  what  took  place  ;  he  was  likewise  to  have  at  his 
disposal  the  gift  of  all  places  and  the  management  of  the 
government  boroughs.  Fox  refused  to  act  on  such  conditions 
and  one  sir  Thomas  Robinson  was  selected ;  now  only 
remembered  by  the  importance  of  some  of  the  despatches 
addressed  to  him.  The  appointment  reconciled  Pitt  and  Fox, 
and  the  re-establishment  of  cordiality  of  feeling  soon  made 
itself  felt. 

The  elections  took  place  in  1754;  the  administration 
obtained  a  majority,  and  Robinson  entered  upon  his  new  duties 
as  leader  of  the  house  of  Commons.  Both  Fox  and  Pitt 
retained  their  places  in  the  ministry:  nevertheless  they  treated 
the  man  to  whom,  as  a  theory,  they  should  defer,  with  the 
most  contemptuous  insolence.  Newcastle  dared  not  dismiss 
them,  but  as  Robinson  day  by  day  showed  his  greater  dis- 
qualification for  the  office,  Newcastle  consequently  entered 
into  negotiations  with  Fox,  and  offered  him  a  seat  in  the 
cabinet  if  he  would  support  Robinson.  It  is  a  blot  on  Fox's 
memory  that  the  temptation  was  stronger  than  his  judgment 
and  sense  of  honour. 

The  session  passed  over  without  injury  to  the  ministerial 
position.  The  complications  into  which  the  kingdom  was 
drifting  were  increased,  and  Newcastle  was  looked  upon  more 
than  ever,  as  incapable  of  government  in  a  period  of  danger 
and  emergency.  In  the  previous  volume  I  have  recorded  the 
commencement  of  troubles  on  the  Ohio,*  and  the  determined 

stood  round  him  he  tbrusi  Che  Book  into  the  FlBmes,  «ber«  it  wu  immediately 
reduced  to  ishe».    He  considered  it  in  Pact  as  loo  ucred  and  confidentiBl  a 
Register  to  be  thus  tnuisTerred  over  to  the  new  Ministers,  and  as  baring  become 
eitinct  with  the  administration  of  Mr.  Pelhain." 
•  Vol.  III.,  pp.  445-4S<- 


94  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ["756 

attempt  of  the  French  to  seize  the  territory.  One  of  the  last 
proceedings  of  the  house  of  commons,  on  a  message  from  the 
sovereign  that  he  felt  it  necessary  to  prepare  for  war,  was  an 
address  of  thanks  and  a  vote  of  credit. 

The  unfortunate  failure  of  Braddock's  expedition  was  a 
serious  blow  to  Newcastle's  administration.  Although  it  can- 
not now  be  remembered  to  his  discredit,  at  the  time  it  told 
against  him  in  the  disappointment  which  it  caused,  more  with 
the  people  than  the  court  He  had  been  careful  to  gratify  the 
king  by  furnishing  subsidies  to  the  German  princes,  on  con- 
dition of  their  taking  part  in  the  contest  which  appeared  to  be 
imminent.  But  the  embarrassment  was  not  removed,  for 
Legge,  as  chancellor  of  the  exchequer,  refused  to  sign  the 
warrants  for  payment.  With  the  view  of  strengthening  his 
administration  Pitt  was  appealed  to  and  offered  a  seat  in  the 
cabinet  with  the  promise  that  the  royal  favour  should  no  longer 
be  withheld  :  but  he  declined  to  sustain  the  subsidies.  Fox, 
more  ductile,  made  no  such  objections  and  was  appointed 
secretary  of  state,  with  full  powers  as  leader  of  the  house  of 
commons.  Pitt  and  Legge,  who  had  opposed  the  subsidies, 
were  dismissed. 

In  May,  1756,  the  episode  took  place  of  admiral  Byng's 
conduct  before  Minorca,  when  he  allowed  the  French  fleet 
under  de  la  Galissonniere  to  sail  away  without  bringing  on  a 
general  action.  The  extreme  severity  of  the  sentence  of  the 
court-martial,  by  which  he  was  sentenced  to  be  shot,  and  the 
calmness  with  which  he  met  his  fate,  have  honourably 
preserved  his  memory,  and  he  is  looked  upon  as  a  martyr  to 
political    expediency.*     His   whole    conduct,   however,   was 

s  of  the  lime  shew  thai  Byng  alTected  (he  fop  and  mui  of 
fashion.  He  was  an  imitation  of  the  French  pdit  niaUre  in  his  manners  aod 
dress,  a  collector  of  rare  china,  and  in  society  was  known  as  a  great  boaster.  He 
is  repiesented  in  the  prints  of  the  time  in  silk  stockings  and  a  dress  sword,  with  a 
wig  a  la  mode,  his  hat  under  his  arm,  and  his  left  hand  in  a  muff;  but  whatever 
his  errors,  he  was  sacrificed  to  the  unpopularity  of  the  ministry.  Among  his  most 
active  opponents  was  Anson,  whose  passion  for  gaming  is  expressed  on  the  prints 
of  the  time,  by  his  being  attached  to  an  E.G.  table  [then  a  game  much  played],  as 
if  his  movements  were  affected  by  bis  habits,  Anson  was  then  at  the  admiralty, 
and  it  was  under  hii  advice  thai  the  expedition  had  been  constituted.     There  was 


1756]  ADMIRAL   BYNG.  95 

marked  by  weakness  and  irresolution.  The  fleet  of  de  la 
Galissonni^re  was  of  the  same  strength  as  his  own,  and  his 
duty  was  at  all  cost  to  have  engaged  it.  He  neglected  to  do 
so:  the  French  ships  were  allowed  to  sail  away,  for  the  French 
to  boast  of  Byng's  defeat  Even  if  he  had  hastened  to  relieve 
Minorca,  he  might  have  redeemed  his  want  of  action,  but 
he  returned  to  Gibraltar  and  left  the  garrison  to  capitulate. 
Twenty  thousand  French  troops  were  before  the  citadel,  and 
bombarded  it  day  and  night.  After  an  assault  by  the  French 
on  the  27th  of  June,  when  the  two  officers  who  had  principally 
conducted  the  siege  were  wounded  and  taken  prisoners,  the 
fortress  surrendered,  the  garrison  marching  out  with  the 
honours  of  war.  There  is  scarcely  a  more  painful  passage  in 
history  than  the  neglect  of  Newcastle's  ministry  to  fit  out  a 
properly  constituted  expedition,  in  connection  with  Byng's 
conduct  before  Minorca,  whatever  attempt  may  be  made 
in  modern  times  to  explain  it  away. 

Braddock's  defeat,  the  surrender  of  Minorca,  followed  by 
the  news  from  America  of  the  capture  of  Oswego,  the 
purchased  support  of  the  German  princes,  and  the  defiant 
character  of  France  created  general  depression.  An  outcry  of 
rage  and  disappointment  passed  through  the  country.  The 
effort  of  the  ministry  was  to  turn  the  feeling  towards  Byng, 
to  attach  to  him  the  blame  of  the  failure,  and  to  make  him 
the  sufferer  for  it     No   cunning,  however,  could   stifle   the 

much  in  bis  conduct  which  eiposed  him  to  censure,  and  by  magmlj'mg  the  mis' 
conduct  of  Byng  he  hoped  that  his  want  of  preTision  and  judgment  would  be  lost 
sight  of  in  ihe  outcry  which  he  encouiaged.  Newcastle,  especially  the  object  of 
popular  indignation  fioio  his  incapacity,  laboured  in  every  way  to  transfer  the 
blame  to  Byng,  Every  artifice  was  indulged  in  to  excite  prejudice  against  him. 
It  is  the  knowledge  of  these  facts  lliat  has  caused  the  rebound  in  Byng's  Isivout, 
and  the  extreme  punishment  he  suffered  can  only  be  recorded  as  a  disgrace  to 
those  who  urged  it  on.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  impossible  to  refuse  acceptance 
of  the  impression  that  Byng  behaved  very  badly,  and  deserved  punishment.  Had 
he  Ijcen  cashiered,  he  would  find  few  defqjiders.  In  spite  of  the  injustice  which 
caused  Byng's  condemnation,  his  unfortunate  fate  awoke  a  better  feeling  in  the 
■ervices  and  greatly  aided  Chatham  in  his  appeal  to  the  national  spirit. 

Byng  was  shot  OD  the  quarterdeck  of  the  "Monarqae"at  Spithead  on  the  14th 
of  March,  1757. 


96  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['756 

demand  for  inquiry  into  the  causes  of  the  late  disasters. 
Fox  saw  the  coming  storm  ;  knowing  how  Newcastle  would 
cast  the  blame  upon  other  shoulders,  he  was  the  first  to  resign. 
Newcastle  endeavoured  by  every  effort  to  reconstitute  his 
ministry,  but  he  quailed  before  the  exasperation  of  public 
opinion,  and  dreading  the  consequences  in  the  excited 
condition  of  the  general  indignation,  himself  resigned. 

Fox  endeavoured  to  form  a  ministry.  Pitt  refused  to  act 
with  him.*  Pitt  was  now  approached  by  lord  Hardwicke  ; 
the  only  condition  on  which  he  agreed  to  take  office  was  the 
exclusion  of  Newcastle.  In  this  emergency  the  duke  of 
Devonshire  was  applied  to,  and  he  formed  an  administration 
in  which  Pitt  became  secretary  of  state,  with  the  lead  in  the 
house  of  commons.  It  was  during  this  administration  that 
the  trial  of  Byng  took  place.  Pitt  shewed  his  courage  at  the 
risk  of  his  popularity  and  his  newly  acquired  royal  favour,  by 
endeavouring  to  protect  Byng  from  the  extreme  consequence 
of  the  trial,  and  by  earnestly  striving  to  obtain  the  king's 
clemency  ;  but  the  king  was  inexorable,  and  Byng  suffered 
the  full  penalty  of  his  sentence. 

Pitt  had  married  the  sister  of  Richard  earl  Temple,  and 
Temple  had  been  included  in  the  ministry.  His  name  will 
appear  again  in  this  history  in  connection  with  a  passage  of 
Wolfe's  life.     He  was  pomposity  personified  ;  he  had  great 

*  A  name  is  met  in  Che  polilicil  aimggles  of  (his  date,  in  the  Tuiure  to  be 
identiRed  with  ihe  histaiy  of  Canada  ixadti  a  different  aspect  to  that  which  it  then 
presented.  Id  1759,  owing  to  the  death  of  Wolfe,  and  Moncklon  being  Mriously 
wounded,  the  hon.  George  Townshend  was  the  signer  of  the  conditions  granted 
in  the  capitulation  of  Quebec.  Townshend  of  the  earlier  date  was  a  man  of 
fashion;  to  use  the  words  of  Horace  Walpole,  "His  genius  for  lilienesses  in 
caricatiue  is  astonishing."  In  1757  he  produced  a  caricature,  "The  Recruiting 
Sergeant,"  in  which  he  ridiculed  the  abortive  anempt  of  Foi  to  form  a  ministry. 
On  an  allar  was  placed  the  dulce  of  Cumberland,  whose  corpulence  made  hint 
amenable  to  ridicule,  and  the  followers  of  Fox  were  being  led  towards  it  iit  every 
attitude  of  grotesqueness.  It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  two  of  the  figures,  that  of 
the  lat  Bubb  Doddington  and  the  lean  earl  of  Winchester,  were  found  among  the 
pencil  drawings  of  Hi^arth,  published  in  Ireland's  inpplemeat,  suggesting  that 
Townshend  obtained  the  assistance  of  Hogarth  in  his  work  ;  to  what  extent  it  U 
of  couiM  impossible  to  say.   [rid!r  Wright's  Caricatures  of  the  Georges,  pp.  2oi-3.> 


1756]  GEORGE  II.  97 

wealth,  and  the  full  sense  of  its  possession.  He  was  un- 
scrupulous, practised  in  the  lowest  tricks  of  politics,  with  a 
restless  ambition ;  with  very  ordinary  talents  for  administration 
and  debate,  and  in  his  intercourse  with  the  king  he  managed 
to  make  himself  most  objection  able.* 

One  of  the  characteristics  of  George  II.  was  that  in  his 
transactions  with  his  ministers  he  desired  their  communications 
to  be  brief  and  the  matter  succinctly  submitted.  Pitt  did  not 
follow  this  rule  ;  his  address  was  formal  and  aflected  ;  he  was 
stilted  and  oratorical  and  his  language  not  easily  understood 
owing  to  the  king's  imperfect  knowledge  of  English.  Temple's 
manner  is  best  described  by  George  II.  himself;  "he  is  so 
disagreeable  a  fellow  that  there  is  no  bearing  him  ;  when  he 
attempts  to  argue  he  is  pert  and  sometimes  insolent ;  when  he 
means  to  be  civil  he  is  extremely  troublesome,  and  in  the 
business  of  his  office  he  is  totally  ignorant."  ■("  It  is  not  to  be 
wondered  at  that  the  king  thought  of  the  placid  complaisance 
of  Newcastle  and  negotiations  were  opened  with  him  for  his 
resumption  of  office ;  but  the  duke  would  take  no  decided 
action.  He  feared  the  consequences  of  assuming  power  under 
such  trying  conditions.  In  this  hesitation,  the  impetuosity  of 
the  duke  of  Cumberland  intervened  and  created  the  crisis. 
He  had  been  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  German  troops 
gathered  together  in  Hanover,  and  having  a  strong  prejudice 
against  Pitt  on  account  of  the  opposition  he  had  shewn  to  the 
Hanoverian  subsidies,  he  was  unwilling  to  leave  England  in 
order  to  assume  his  duties  with  Pitt  as  secretary  of  state,  to 
exercise  control  over  his  movements.  The  duke  had  no  great 
difliculty  in  acting  upon  the  king's  dissatisfaction,  and  in 
persuading  him  to  deal  summarily  with  members  of  the 
ministry  whose  manners  were  distasteful  to  him,  and  in  whom, 
personally,  he  placed  little  confidence.     Temple  was  dismissed 

*  Richard  Gtenville,  eldest  son  of  Mr,  Richard  Grcnville,  of  Wottan,  and 
Esther  Temple,  countess  Temple  and  viscountess  Cobhani  in  her  own  right.  He 
ms  the  first  Ricbaid  GienviUe  eail  Temple,  succeeding  to  the  tilte  on  ibe  deceiM 
of  hU  mother  in  1752. 

t  Lord  Waldergmve's  Memoirs,  p,  90. 


98  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  ['757 

on  the  5th  of  April,  in  the  expectation  that  Pitt  would  accept 
the  act  as  a  personal  affront  and  resign.  Pitt  saw  clearly 
what  was  intended ;  he  remained  passive  and  the  court 
accordingly  had  to  complete  the  contemplated  change.  He, 
himself,  was  dismissed  on  the  9th  :  other  removals  followed, 
and  the  ministry,  as  it  had  been  reconstituted,  ceased  to  exist. 
The  duke  of  Cumberland  having  attained  his  purpose,  was  so 
little  affected  by  the  crisis  which  he  had  created,  that  he  even 
failed  to  see  its  existence.  He  believed  a  few  weeks  would 
suffice  to  affirm  the  position  of  a  new  ministry  when  all  would 
again  run  on  smoothly,  and  he  left  for  his  command  on  the 

The  appointment  of  Pitt  to  office  had  to  some  extent 
quieted  public  feeling,  and  had  revived  the  hopes  of  the 
nation.  Nevertheless,  little  had  been  done  to  change  the 
policy  of  the  country.  There  was  the  same  want  of  energy 
and  effort,  for  the  public  service  had  been  paralyzed,  owing  to 
the  control  exercised  by  Newcastle  and  his  supporters.  As 
we  read  of  his  influence,  he  appears  as  the  evil  genius  in  the 
tate,  whose  glance  could  wither  to  nothingness  everything  it 
fell  upon.  The  dismissal  of  the  ministry,  as  it  removed  all 
hope  of  better  government,  awoke  the  old  feeling  of  discontent 
with  increased  bitterness  ;  on  all  sides  loudly  expressed  com- 
plaint and  dissatisfaction  were  heard.  The  whole  country 
was  in  a  fever  of  anxiety  and  anger  at  the  removal  of  Pitt ; 
such  was  the  public  confidence  in  his  character.  The  city  of 
London,  ever  foremost  in  the  career  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty,  and  in  its  support  of  honest  government,  voted  him 
the  freedom  of  the  city.  It  was  a  significant  political 
demonstration,  followed  by  the  other  lar^e  cities.  The  king- 
dom throughout  was  convulsed  to  the  core,  and  on  all  sides 
Pitt  was  the  recipient  of  honours.  Eleven  weeks  passed 
without  a  ministry  being  formed.  Finally,  the  exigencies  of 
the  situation  exacted  on  all  sides  some  abatement  of  the 
pretensions  which  had  led  to  the  dead-lock.  The  king  accepted 
the  appointment  of  Pitt  as  secretary  of  state  to  act  as  first 
minister  in  the  house  of  commons,  having  full  control  of  the 


1757]  HTT  FIRST  MINISTER.  99 

direction  of  the  war,  and  the  foreign  policy  of  the  country. 
Fox  became  paymaster  of  the  forces,  accepting  an  office  of 
great  emolument,  but  without  influence  ;  being  content  to 
vote  as  the  minister  prescribed.  Newcastle  brought  to  the 
support  of  the  administration  his  wide  parliamentary  interest, 
and  undertook  the  control  of  the  votes  of  the  house  of  com- 
mons given  in  support  of  the  ministry  ;  the  department  of 
corruption  for  which  he  was  competent.  The  great  affairs  of 
the  nation  were  left  to  the  genius  and  energy  of  Pitt. 

It  was  the  commencement  of  the  most  powerful  adminis- 
tration which  England  has  ever  seen.  We  have  not  only  to 
consider  the  triumphs  which  were  accomplished,  but  the 
condition  in  which  the  country  was  languishing  when  Pitt 
obtained  power.  There  was  a  dead  level  of  selfishness  and 
meanness,  joined  to  an  utter  indifference  of  everything  which 
affected  the  public  interest.  There  was  no  recognition  of 
merit,  no  reward  for  devotion  to  duty  :  it  was  a  period  when 
influential  incompetence  revelled  in  its  paradise.  The  one 
object  of  men  in  power  had  been  the  preservation  of  their 
parliamentary  majority,  in  order  that  they  could  retain  the 
dignity  and  profits  of  office.  Every  embarrassing  question 
was  avoided  or  glossed  over :  every  useful  measure  was  aban- 
doned as  the  noisy  outcry  of  an  interested  opposition  :  every 
abuse  was  maintained  ;  all  responsibility  by  executive  officers 
avoided.  Political  partisans  were  pushed  into  offices  of  con 
sequence  and  extravagantly  paid,  and  pensions  and  position 
given  to  any  prominent  personage  capable  of  proving  trouble- 
some. It  was  inaction  raised  to  a  science,  the  English  version 
of  the  saying  attributed  to  Mde.  de  Pompadour,  "Apr^s  mot 
le  deluge!' 

Pitt's  administration  lasted  until  the  death  of  the  king  in 
1760,  when  it  was  broken  up  by  George  III.  to  place  the 
favourite  of  his  mother,  the  incompetent  lord  Bute,  in  power; 
and,  owing  to  the  doctrines  inculcated  from  his  youth  upward 
in  the  mind  of  the  young  king,  from  the  desire  to  establish 
the  royal  will  as  autocratically  and  as  arbitrarily  as  that  of  a 
Roman  Caesar. 




Pitt's  new  ministry  was  completed  on  the  29th  of  June, 
1757.  He  selected  lord  Holdernesse  as  joint  secretary  of  war, 
doubtless  with  the  view  of  avoiding  all  interference  with  his 
energetic  policy.  Newcastle  accepted  the  duties  of  the  treas- 
ury ;  Legge  was  named  chancellor  of  the  exchequer.  Pratt, 
afterwards  lord  Camden,  became  attorney-general ;  Temple, 
lord  privy  seal.  Anson  was  continued  in  his  office  in  the 
admiralty.  In  placing  Anson  in  this  position,  Pitt  determined 
to  retain  undisputed  control  over  the  navy:  he  even  insisted 
that  the  correspondence  of  naval  officers  should  be  referred  to 
him,  and  that  without  comment  the  naval  board  should  accept 
despatches  sent  for  their  signature,  Anson's  position  was  so 
weak,  that  little  opposition  could  be  looked  for  from  him. 

Pitt  was  thus  supreme  ;  but  the  season  was  far  advanced, 
and  with  every  desire  for  action,  his  power  was  limited  to  the 
operations  which  the  period  of  the  year  would  permit.  The 
early  months  of  his  administration  presented  only  the  record 
of  disaster  ;  they  can  be  adduced  as  an  example,  that  fre- 
quently the  events  of  the  present  imperfectly  forebode  the 
conclusion  hoped  or  feared.  A  series  of  misfortunes  were 
announced,  each  case  in  itself  a  serious  reverse.  The  first 
news  received  was  the  destruction  of  William  Henry  in  the 
early  days  of  August,  which  I  have  narrated  in  a  previous 
chapter.  It  was  followed  in  September  by  the  defeat  of  the 
duke  of  Cumberland  at  Hastenberg,  and  the  convention  of 
Clostern  Severn,  which  for  the  time  threatened  the  loss  of  the 
king's  Hanoverian  dominions. 

The  duke  was  in  Hanover  in  command  of  about  60,000 
subsidized  Hessians,  Brunswickers  and  soldiers  from  Gotha, 
his  object  being  the  defence  of  the  electorate  against  the 
French.     Marshal  d'Estr^es,  at  the  head  of  80,000  men,  was 



in  the  field  against  him.  The  French  unopposed  overran 
Hesse  and  seized  the  capital,  Cassel.  The  duke,  believing  the 
passage  of  the  Weser  to  be  so  difficult,  as  in  itself  to  form  a  fine 
of  defence,  took  ground  on  the  eastern  bank,  and  gave  direc- 
tions for  fortifying  the  two  places  Miinden  and  Hamelin.  But 
the  French  without  difficulty  crossed  the  river,  upon  which  the 
duke  called  in  his  detachments  and  established  himself  at 
Hastenbach,  not  far  from  Hamelin.  He  was  here  vigorously 
attacked  on  the  27th  of  July  and  defeated.  The  duke  hastily 
retreated,  and  made  no  attempt  to  retrieve  the  loss  of  the  day. 
The  day  after  the  victory,  as  if  a  censure  for  his  success, 
d'Estrees  was  replaced  by  the  due  de  Richelieu  ;  the  result  of 
court  intrigue.  The  French  rigorously  raised  contributions  in 
the  electorate,  and  took  possession  of  the  whole  country  to 
Bremen.  The  duke  continued  his  retreat  towards  Stade,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Elbe.  Four  English  men-of-war  were 
stationed  here,  from  which  he  looked  for  support,  but  his 
communication  with  the  stream  was  cut  off.  A  treaty  was 
negotiated  at  Clostern  Severn  on  the  8th  of  September, 
through  the  intervention  of  count  Lynar,  minister  to  the  king 
of  Denmark.  It  was  stipulated  that  hostilities  should  cease  ; 
that  the  subsidized  Germans  should  return  to  their  homes  ; 
and  that  the  Hanoverian  troops  should  remain  in  a  district 
assigned  them  east  of  the  Elbe,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Stade. 
When  the  treaty  was  reported  to  England,  the  duke  was 
immediately  recalled.* 

The  duke  was  received  in  great  anger  by  his  father  George 
II.,  who,  when  they  met,  would  not  speak  to  him.     The  high 

*  The  treaiy  caused  Frederick  of  Prussia  the  greatest  dissatisfaction.     Nearly 
Inrenly  years  afteTwards,  in  Oclobet,  1715,  he  wrote  an  ode  satiriiing  the  duke. 
Tel  paint  Cumberland,  cet  invincible  due. 
Qui  sentant  ses  gueiriers  mal-adroits  k  la  nage, 
Pai  ce  rameax  trajt^  leur  sauva  le  naufrage. 

Evitant  avec  soin  suitoul  de  se  noyer ; 

Dans  le  lumulte  militaire 

Toujonts  doux,  clement,  djbonnaire  ; 
Homicide  ne  fut,  quoiqu'excellent  guerrier. 

Je  pourrais  encore  publier. 


I02  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  ['757 

Spirit  of  the  duke  was  so  affected  by  this  treatment,  that  he 
immediately  resigned  every  military  appointment  he  held.  He 
was  then  in  his  forty-fourth  year.  In  spite  of  the  want  of 
fortune  which  attended  his  career,  William  duke  of  Cumber- 
land must  retain  a  respectable  place  in  history  for  his  abilityi 
truthfulness,  and  honesty.  It  is  perhaps  not  now  generally 
recollected  that,  owing  to  his  popularity,  the  flower  called 
"  Sweet  William  "  was  named  after  him.  There  are  many 
fables  of  his  atrocities  after  CuUoden,  in  one  of  which  he  is 
represented  as  calling  upon  Wolfe  to  shoot  a  wounded  high- 
land soldier,  when  Wolfe  replied  he  was  not  an  executioner. 
However  stern  the  treatment  of  those  engaged  in  the  rebellion, 
it  was  the  consequence  of  the  positive  orders  from  London.* 
Pitt's  conduct  on  this  occasion  showed  the  magnanimity  of 

Qu'il  Dous  vit  tous  ronger  des  Fruifiis  comme  un  chancre. 
Aiment  mteux,  du  haut  fatle  oil  t'^levait  son  rang, 

Ripandrc  en  beaux  Irait^  tout  un  deluge  d'encre, 
Que  de  verser  pour  nous  une  goutte  de  sang. 

— CEuvres  Poslhuraesde  Frederic  II.,  XV.,  p.  213. 
The  convention  was  subsequently  set  aside.  It  was  received  with  the  same 
disfavour  in  Prussia  as  in  London,  and  on  all  sides  the  relreal  of  the  duke  wa« 
blatned.  On  his  part  he  complained  that  he  had  been  restricted  by  Ihe  regency  in 
Hanover.  The  treaty  was  likewise  objected  to  in  France,  the  prevailing  opinion 
being  that  too  favourable  terms  had  been  granted  to  a  force,  driven  into  such  a 
position  that  no  alternative  presented  itself  but  unconditional  surrender.  The 
French  endeavoured  to  provoke  the  Hanoverians  to  a  line  of  conduct  which  would 
wanant  Ihetn  in  declaring  that  the  conditions  had  been  violated.  They  seized  the 
country,  took  posse.tsion  of  the  government,  end  exacted  the  sternest  and  most 
exorbitant  contributions  for  the  support  of  the  anny.  Indeed,  they  refused  to 
acknowledge  the  conditions  unless  the  Hanoverians  and  their  allies  would 
stipulate  not  to  scire  during  the  war.  Urged  by  the  king  of  Prussia,  George  II. 
finally  published  a  declaration  justifying  the  course  of  renouncing  the  agreemenL 
The  command  of  the  army  was  conferred  on  Ferdinand,  brother  of  the  duke  of 
Brunswick,  the  subsequent  conqueror  of  Minden.  1'he  due  de  Richelieu,  on 
hearing  o(  the  activity  of  the  Hanoverians,  addressed  a  letter  to  prince  Ferdinand, 
in  which  he  offered  to  fulfil  the  convention,  as  it  was  considered  by  Prussia  and 
England  ;  otherwise  be  would  feel  warranted  in  burning  every  building  in 
Hanover  from  a  palace  to  a  cottage,  to  sack  all  the  towns  and  villages,  aod 
devastate  the  country.  To  this  threat  the  prince  replied  that  he  would  give  an 
answer  to  the  due  de  Richelieu  at  Ihe  head  of  his  anny. 

■  Those  who  may  desire  to  form  a  fair  view  of  the  duke  of  Cumberland's 
character  will  do  well  to  refer  to  sir  Waller  Scott's  introduction  to  Waveiley. 


1757]  FEARS  OF   INVASION.  IO3 

his  character.  It  may  be  recollected  that  the  duke  had  been 
the  principal  cause  of  Pitt's  removal  from  the  ministry  early 
in  the  year.  When  George  II.  was  exclaiming  against  his 
son  that  he  had  no  authority  to  make  such  a  treaty,  Pitt,  in 
opposition  to  the  king,  pointed  out  that  full  power  had  been 
granted  to  the  duke,  which  in  this  respect  must  be  considered 
his  justification. 

Pitt's  nature  was  not  one  to  be  dismayed  by  reverses,  how- 
ever painful,  and  although  the  season  was  late  he  took  steps  to 
equip  a  fleet,  the  destination  of  which  was  kept  secret.  There 
was,  at  this  period,  in  England  an  extraordinary  dread  of 
invasion  from  France.*  There  will  ever  be  found  a  class  of 
alarmists  who  can  see  only  the  dark  side  of  life  ;  the  antece- 
dent events  of  1745  were  so  recent  that  they  furnished  an 
argument  with  men  of  gloomy  natures  for  the  probability  of 
their  recurrence.  The  dread  of  this  movement  had  been  the 
cause  of  the  limit  imposed  to  Byng's  fleet.  Pitt's  nature  was 
not  one  to  be  impressed  by  the  feeling,  especially  when  he 
held  the  power  by  which  the  danger  could  be  met.  He  must 
have  seen  these  fears  to  be  illusory  and  groundless,  and  that 
his  first   imperative   duty  was  to  re-establish   public   confi- 

*  Frequent  allusion  to  this  probability  may  be  found  In  ihe  tetters  of  the  time. 
Oalbe24lh  of  October,  1755,  WoKe  wrote  to  his  mother:  "in  case  of  an  invasion 
I  iroagine  my  father  vill  think  it  his  duty  to  be  at  the  bead  of  his  regiment." 
In  November  he  writes  from  Canterbury  :  "  General  Hawley  15  expected  in  a  few 
days  to  keep  us  all  in  order.  If  there  is  an  invasion  ihey  could  not  make  use  of 
a  more  unfit  person,  for  the  troops  dread  liis  severity,  hale  the  man  and  hold  his 
militaiy  knowledge  in  contempt."  In  February,  1756,  "  I  believe  the  French 
would  be  pleased  to  invade  us  if  they  knew  how  to  get  over;"  and  in  July: 
"What  makes  me  laugh,  is  our  extravagant  fears  of  an  invasion,  at  a  time  when 
il  is  absolutely  absurd  and  almost  impossible."  [Wright,  pp.  329;  333.4  :  341. J 
Mrs.  Delaney  relates  in  her  autobiography  [111.,  401]  alluding  to  this  panic,  owing 
to  a  wedding  procession  passing  rapidly  through  some  villages,  the  inhabitants 
rushed  to  their  houses,  barricaded  them,  armed  themselves  with  pitchforks  and 
exclaioied  that  the  invasion  had  come-  In  hb  letters  to  sir  Horace  Mann,  Horace 
Walpole  laughs  al  these  fears.  In  March,  1755,  he  wrote  (HI.  p.  140]  the  French 
"shall  be  in  Soulhwark  before  I  pack  up  a  single  miniature."  In  February,  1756, 
be  wrote  [ni.,p.  176],  "The  reigning  fashion  is  expectation  of  an  invasion  ;  I  can't 
say  I  am  &shtonable  ;  nor  do  I  expect  the  earthquake  though  they  say  it  is  landtd 
St  Dorer." 


104  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  U757 

dence.  The  country  had  lost  its  ancient  self-reliance  ;  the 
future  seemed  dark  with  additional  disaster.  The  debt  was 
increasing,  amid  the  common  feeling  that  no  counterbalancing 
advantage  was  obtained.  Faith  in  the  public  spirit  had  fled. 
Incapacity,  irresolution,  with  the  care  for  private  and  family 
interest,  were  apparent  on  all  sides.  The  nation  had  no  longer 
any  confidence  in  its  good  fortune,  and  while  the  highest  hope 
was  an  avoidance  of  serious  failure,  the  common  belief  had 
arisen  that  national  ruin  and  disgrace  impended  over  the  land. 

An  expedition  had  been  suggested  by  the  probability  of  its 
success,  the  design  being  to  destroy  the  vessels  of  war  in  the 
harbours  on  the  eastern  coast  of  France.  The  seaboard  had 
been  stripped  of  its  defenders  to  send  troops  to  Germany,  and 
there  was  the  expectation  that  the  possibility  of  attack  would 
lead  to  the  withdrawal  of  a  large  force  from  the  army  operat- 
ing against  Frederick  of  Prussia.  The  expedition  was  ready 
to  sail  in  September ;  the  period  taken  for  its  organization 
was  remarkably  short,  two  months  only  having  elapsed  from 
the  day  when  Pitt  assumed  office.  Sixteen  ships  of  the  line 
and  several  frigates  and  transports  sailed  from  Spithead,  the 
fleet  being  under  the  command  of  sir  Edward  Hawkc.  Sir 
John  Mordaunt  was  the  senior  general  :  a  man  well  known 
in  society,  with  an  assured  position  as  the  nephew  of  the  earl 
of  Peterborough,  he  was  personally  most  estimable.  He  had 
thirty-seven  years  service,  having  entered  the  army  in  1721, 
and  was  now  lieutenant-general.  He  had  commanded  a 
brigade  at  Culloden,  and  was  present  in  lauffeld  in  1747. 
The  command  was,  in  the  first  instance,  offered  to  lord  George 
Sackville,  better  known  as  lord  George  Germaine,  but  it  was 
declined.  The  second  in  command  was  Conivay,  whose  name 
appears  in  the  imperial  history  for  the  succeeding  quarter  of 
a  century.  Cornwallis  was  the  third  superior  officer.  His 
fame  rests  on  his  conduct  in  the  foundation  of  Halifax,  where 
he  shewed  uncommon  ability  and  judgment. 

The  expedition  is  of  importance  in  the  history  of  Canada, 
inasmuch  as  it  is  the  occasion  when  Wolfe's  name  first 
appears  in  prominence.    Although  Wolfe  had  attracted  atten- 


1757]  ROCHEFORT.  10$ 

tion  in  the  service  by  his  ability  and  conduct,  he  was  otherwise 
unknown.  With  the  commanders  of  regiments  he  had  ob- 
tained reputation  from  the  excellent  condition  to  which  he 
had  brought  the  men  under  him,  and  the  "intelligence  of  the 
discipline  he  enforced."  He  was  appointed  quartermaster- 
general  to  the  expedition. 

There  was  no  delay  in  the  departure  of  the  fleet :  it  left 
St  Helen's  on  the  8th  of  September.  After  being  a  week  at 
sea,  the  information  was  made  known  that  the  objective  point 
was  Rochefort,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Charente.  The  fleet 
arrived  on  the  2ist  of  September,  but  owing  to  the  high  wind 
no  attempt  was  made  to  land  until  the  23rd,  when  the  lie 
d'Aix  was  taken  by  captain,  afterwards  lord,  Howe.  During 
the  inaction  of  the  preceding  days,  Wolfe  applied  for  per- 
mission to  make  a  reconnaissance,  when  he  saw  that  a  fort  on  a 
sandy  promontory  had  first  to  be  silenced  before  Rochefort 
could  be  attacked.  He  formed  the  opinion  that  a  single  man- 
of-war  could  approach  sufficiently  near  for  the  place  to  be  can- 
nonaded, and  that  under  protection  of  the  fire,  troops  could  be 
landed  for  an  attack  on  the  reverse  side.  The  pilot  considered 
that  there  was  .water  sufficient.  The  admiral  ordered  a  careful 
reconnaissance  to  be  made,  upon  which  the  opinion  was 
formed  that  the  landing  might  be  effected.  At  the  council  of 
war  the  discussion  turned  upon  the  possibility  of  re-embarking 
the  troops.  The  general  was  desirous  of  receiving  a  positive 
assurance  from  the  admiral  that  he  would  undertake  at  any 
time  to  embark  the  troops.  Hawke  replied  that  the  operation 
must  depend  on  the  wind  and  weather.  The  council  was  not 
of  opinion  that  the  attempt  should  be  made.  Two  days' 
deliberation  ensued,  when  the  opinion  was  reversed,  and  the 
men  were  put  on  board  the  ships'  boats.  After  lying  on  the 
water  for  three  hours,  the  troops  were  ordered  to  return  on 
shipboard.  Again  there  was  a  misconception  between  the 
general  and  admiral.  On  the  29th,  Hawke  by  letter  informed 
Mordaunt  that  if  no  further  military  operations  were  to  be 
proposed,  the  fleet  must  return  to  England.  Mordaunt  ac- 
cordingly called  a  third  council,  at  which  the  admiral  refused 


I06  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l757 

to  attend,  as  seamen  were  not  judges  of  the  operations  of 
troops  on  land.  During  this  hesitation,  Wolfe  offered,  if  500 
men  were  given  him  and  three  ships  of  war,  he  would  make 
the  attempt  on  Rochefort.  The  offer  was  refused.  On  a 
third  council  of  war,  it  was  resolved  to  demolish  the  fortifica- 
tions of  Aix  and  to  return  to  England. 

The  national  disappointment  on  this  failure  was  generally 
and  strongly  felt.  A  court  of  inquiry  was  held  upon  the 
conduct  of  Mordaunt ;  the  report,  though  equivocal,  amounted 
to  censure  of  his  conduct.  Consequently  Mordaunt  was 
tried  by  court-martial.  The  verdict  in  this  case  was  that  of 

Few  ministers  entering  upon  office  during  a  war,  carried  on 
with  activity  and  determination  by  a  powerful  enemy,  have 
had  to  encounter  the  influence  of  such  depressing  reverses. 
An  ordinary  mind  would  have  been  dismayed  and  have  cowed 
before  the  future.  The  gloomy  news  from  the  continent  and 
from  America  were  only  re-echoed  by  the  failure  of  the  efforts 
he  had  himself  originated.  With  nations,  when  true  self-reliant 
courage  is  the  basis  of  the  popular  character,  as  with  indivi- 
duals who,  with  great  qualities,  have  suffered  wrong  and 
adversity,  misfortune  brings  forth  the  nobler,  higher  and  better 
instincts  which  circumstances  have  caused  to  lie  dormant 
The  immediate  consequence  is  the  exercise  of  the  spirit  of 
determination,  by  which  the  best  results  are  achieved.  How 
many  private  histories,  if  they  were  written,  could  trace  to 
what  at  the  time  appeared  an  overwhelming  disaster,  the 
awakening  of  that  mental  discipline  and  labour  which  opened 
the  path  to  distinction  and  fortune.  Mere  complacent 
satisfaction  in  the  happier  chronicles  of  a  nation  is  a  widely 
different  sentiment  to  that  re-awakened  patriotism,  called  into 
life  by  the  sense  of  the  peril  in  which  the  country  is  placed, 
to  teach  us,  that  on  all  sides  individual  effort  is  demanded,  to 
restore  peace  and  happiness  to  the  nation,  when  threatened  by 
danger  and  disaster.  As  Pitt  looked  around  him  in  the  higher 
ranks  of  the  services,  the  sign  most  predominant  was  indolent 
and   selfish   caution,   antagonistic   to   all   display  of  vigour. 


1757]  PITT'S  INFLUENCE.  10? 

There  was  little  fondness  for  the  duties  of  military  life  ;  its 
attraction  consisted  in  the  distinction  it  conferred  and  the 
means  of  livelihood  it  furnished.  As  Pitt  cast  his  eyes  over 
the  list  of  general  officers,  not  one  name  suggested  itself  as 
a  fit  commander  of  an  important  enterprise.  On  all  sides  there 
was  the  same  indifference  to  duty.  Army  contractors  and 
pun-eyors  were  intent  on  gain  ;  unenterprising  and  ignorant, 
their  greatest  knowledge  was  that  of  falsifying  accounts. 
Pitt  sought  out  and  detected  many  such  abuses  ;  further,  he 
remedied  them.  He  brought  to  the  discharge  of  his  own 
obligations,  attention,  care  and  devotion.  His  unceasing 
labour,  his  punctual  obser\'ance  of  every  minor  detail,  his 
indefatigable  examination  of  all  that  came  under  his  notice, 
awoke  a  spirit  through  public  life  to  recall  the  glorious  days 
of  Marlborough.  No  man  met  Pitt  and  received  his  instruc- 
tions, but  was  carried  away  by  the  extraordinary  influence  he 
could  impart  Thoughts  which  men  had  not  known  to  be 
theirs,  came  upon  natures  capable  of  entertaining  them,  as  they 
heard  his  plainly-given  orders,  and  listened  to  his  elevated 
views.  He  imparted,  as  it  were,  that  sense  of  determination 
and  courage,  that  chivalrous  disregard  of  self,  the  true 
prompting  spirit  of  great  and  noble  actions.  He  brought 
England  back  to  her  true  nature,  and  the  re-establishment  of 
the  national  spirit  may  be  traced  to  his  inspiration. 

The  line  of  policy,  which  Pitt  determined  vigorously  to 
carry  out,  was  the  attempt  to  drive  the  French  from  America, 
and  to  establish  over  the  whole  continent  undisputed  British 
rule.  The  operations  to  effect  this  result  could  be  narrowed 
to  three  objective  points  t  the  fortress  of  Louisbourg  ;  the  city 
of  Quebec  ;  in  each  case  to  be  attacked  by  a  united  naval 
and  land  expedition  ;  third,  by  an  advance  of  a  land  force  by 
lake  Champlain,  to  attack  the  French  posts  on  the  lake,  and 
to  advance  upon  Montreal.  Quebec  and  Montreal  wrested 
from  the  French,  the  outer  posts  of  Frontenac,  Niagara,  and 
Detroit,  with  the  forts  on  the  Ohio,  including  fort  Duquesne, 
would  be  cut  off  from  all  assistance,  and  from  want  of  supplies 
would  have  no  alternative  but  to  surrender. 


I08  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

The  fortress  of  Louisboui^  was  alike  a  threat  to  Massa- 
chusetts and  to  Nova  Scotia,  from  the  privateers  which  found 
refuge  in  its  harbour  and  stole  out  to  prey  upon  the  commerce 
of  Boston  and  the  other  towns ;  while  the  lar^e  force  stationed 
there  threatened  the  very  existence  of  Halifax.  Its  destruc- 
tion accordingly  assumed  importance  in  the  imperial  as  in  the 
provincial  point  of  view.  In  November,  1757,  brigadier  Waldo, 
who  had  been  third  in  command  of  the  land  forces  at  the 
siege  of  1745,  addressed  a  memorial  to  Pitt,  with  maps  and 
plans,  detailing  a  mode  of  attack.  One  miscalculation  of  this 
paper  was  the  supposed  ease  with  which  the  troops  could  be 
landed  :  it  was  the  duty  in  which  the  greatest  difficulty  was 
experienced.  Waldo  estimated  that  the  place  could  not  hold 
out  fourteen  days.  One  point  he  dwelt  upon,  the  necessity  of 
a  superiority  of  force,  and  that  it  was  essential  the  expedition 
should  arrive  before  Louisbourg  at  the  latter  end  of  April.* 
The  failure  of  the  expedition  of  Loudoun  had  to  a  great 
extent  been  attributed  to  the  late  period  when  it  left  England. 

So  soon  as  the  campaign  was  resolved  upon,  great  activity 
was  shewn  in  completing  the  organization.  It  was  far  ad- 
vanced in  January :  we  have  a  letter  from  Wolfe  of  the  7th, 
that  he  hurried  from  Exeter  to  London  to  receive  his  instruc- 
tions. He  was  appointed  brigadier-general,  his  commission, 
however,  only  giving  him  rank  in  America.-f-  Even  Pitt  could 
not  break  through  the  spirit  of  routine  which  was  weighing 
down  the  service  in  order  to  give  full  promotion  to  merit 
There  stood  between  him  and  his  desires  the  adamantine 
social  barrier,  the  claim  of  seniority  ;  a  difficulty  ever  to  recur, 
only  to  be  met  in  individual  cases,  by  the  unmistakeable 
expression  of  public  opinion. 

There  was  less  difficulty  in  finding  a  leader  in  the  naval 
than  in  the  land  service.  The  discipline  of  the  navy  exacts 
from  the  least  attentive  a  close  observance  of  daily  duty  ;  and 
it  is  not  possible  on  shipboard  for  the  time  wholly  to  be  passed 
in  frivolity.     The  ordinary  every  day  life  therefore  cannot  fail 

*  Archive  Report,  l386,  cli. 
+  J3rd  of  January,  1758. 



to  bring  with  it  some  experience  and  knowledge,  and  a  few 
years'  service  as  a  naval  officer  must  leave  its  distinct  impress. 
In  those  days  many  of  this  class  were  rough  in  their  manner, 
and  had  not  sought  to  improve  the  slight  education  they  had 
received  ;  they  were,  however,  perfectly  at  home  afloat ;  they 
were  excellent  seamen,  ready  to  fight  their  ship,  and  resolute 
in  the  hour  of  danger.  The  selection  of  the  admiral  proved 
fortunate  in  the  extreme.  He  cordially  co-operated  with  the 
general  in  command  ;  was  not  restrained  by  ill-considered 
professional  doubts  and  scruples,  and  was  ready  to  take  his 
share  of  the  risk  and  responsibility  in  trying  times.  Towards 
the  end  of  the  siege  full  proof  was  given  of  his  enterprise  and 
dash  ;  during  its  continuance  his  judgment  and  forethought 
were  unfailingly  apparent. 

Admiral  Edward  Boscawen  was  the  third  son  of  the  first 
viscount  Falmouth.  His  grandmother  was  Arabella  Churchill, 
who,  after  the  termination  of  her  connection  with  James  II., 
married  Mr.  Charles  Godfrey.  Boscawen,  born  in  171 1,  had 
entered  the  navy  at  fifteen  ;  he  was  now  forty-seven  years 
old.  He  had  sailed  with  the  unfortunate  admiral  Hozier,  and 
was  present  at  Porto  Bello  as  a  volunteer  under  Vernon.  In 
1742  he  had  been  appointed  to  the  "Dreadnought."  As  his 
qualities  were  considered  to  accord  with  the  ship's  name,  he 
was  known  by  the  men  as  "  Old  Dreadnought,"  but,  from 
carrying  his  head  on  one  side,  he  was  christened  by  the  sailors 
"Wry-necked  Dick."  He  had  served  in  the  East  Indies  with 
no  good  fortune.  In  1755  he  was  in  command  of  the  fleet 
sent  to  the  North  American  station,  and  it  was  the  ships  of  his 
squadron  which  fell  in  with  and  captured  "  I'Acide  "  and  "  le 
Lys,"  In  I7S7  he  had  been  appointed  fn  command  with 
Hawke.  With  this  record,  he  was  named  admiral  of  the  fleet 
directed  against  Louisbourg. 

The  commander-in-chief  was  general  Amherst  He 
belonged  to  a  family  of  respectability  of  Rivershead,  near 
Seven  Oaks,  in  Kent.  He  was  born  in  1717.  He  owed  his 
first  position  to  the  favour  of  the  duke  of  Dorset,  who  was  a 
neighbour  of  his  father.    When  the  duke  was  lord  lieutenant 


110  THE  HISTORV  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

of  Ireland  Amherst  acted  as  page,  and  in  this  position  he 
became  known  to  lord  George  Sackville,  afterwards  lord  Geoi^e 
Germaine,  by  whose  interest  he  was  much  advanced  in  the 
service.  As  most  of  the  young  men  of  that  day,  at  the  age  of 
fourteen  he  received  his  first  commission  in  the  guards.  He 
early  obtained  the  position  of  aide-de-camp  to  lord  Ligonier, 
and  was  present  at  Roucoux,  Dettingen  and  Fontenoy.  He 
was  at  the  battle  of  Lauffeld,  in  1747,  on  the  staff  of  the  duke 
of  Cumberland.  In  1756  he  became  colonel  of  the  isth.  He 
was  present,  in  1757,  at  Hastenback,  and  afterwards  served 
with  the  British  corps  d'arm/e  acting  under  prince  Ferdinand. 
He  had  attracted  the  attention  of  his  superiors,  by  his  talents 
and  his  self-control,  thoroughly  to  obtain  their  confidence.  It 
was  in  this  position,  when  serving  in  Germany  as  a  colonel, 
that  he  was  selected  by  Pitt  to  take  command  of  the  forces  in 
North  America,  with  the  rank  of  major-general.  He  was 
then  forty-two  years  of  age.  He  owed  much  to  the  Dorset 
family,  and  it  appears  probable  that  it  was  the  same  influence 
which  led  to  his  selection.  Pitt  had  offered  the  command  to 
lord  George  Sackville,  in  the  expedition  against  Rochefort. 
Lord  George's  desire  was  to  serve  on  the  continent,  and  he 
had  declined  it.  This  position  he  subsequently  obtained, 
unfortunately  for  his  good  fame,  having  succeeded  to  the  chief 
command  through  the  death  of  the  duke  of  Marlborough.  It 
is  not  improbable  that  he  brought  Amherst  to  Pitt's  notice. 
It  was  a  bold  and  unusual  proceeding  on  the  part  of  the 
minister  to  pass  over  the  general  officers  on  the  roster,  to 
select  a  colonel  of  a  few  years'  standing  to  be  placed  in  high 
command.  There  must  have  been  powerful  assurances  of 
Amherst's  ability  to  lead  to  this  course.  Fortunately  for 
himself,  he  was  favourably  known  both  to  lord  Ligonier  and 
the  duke  of  Somerset. 

He  is  described  by  a  later  writer*  as  being  tali  and  thin, 
with  an  aquiline  nose,  an  intelligent  countenance,  and  a  dried- 
up  complexion.  His  manners  were  grave,  formal,  and  cold. 
His  judgment  and  his  understanding  were  considered  to  be 


1758]  JAMES  WOLFE.  Ill 

good ;  neither  was  cultivated  by  education  or  expanded  by 
knowledge.  He  was  exceedingly  taciturn :  when  in  after 
years  he  attended  the  cabinet  dinners,  he  rarely  expressed  an 
opinion  on  any  political  question.  He  gave  his  vote  in  the 
negative  or  affirmative  in  few  words,  often  in  monosyllables, 
and  never  could  be  induced  to  give  his  reasons.  He  is 
accused  by  contemporary  writers  of  being  grasping,  and  of 
endeavouring  to  enrich  himself  It  will  be  seen  hereafter  that 
he  endeavoured  to  obtain  a  grant  of  the  Jesuits'  estates  after 
the  conquest.  So  many  difficulties  intervened,  that  the  matter 
remained  unsettled  at  his  death,  and  in  lieu  of  the  grant  an 
annuity  was  given  to  the  second  lord.  Amherst,  on  reaching 
America,  had  twenty-eight  years'  service ;  he  had  long  been 
a  friend  of  Wolfe,  who,  on  hearing  of  his  promotion  to  the 
colonelcy  of  the  15th,  wrote  that  "no  one  deserves  the  king's 
favour  better  than  that  man." 

The  three  junior  brigadiers  were  Lawrence,  Wentworth,  and 

James  Wolfe  was  born  in  Westerham,  in  Kent,  near  London, 
on  the  2nd  of  January,  1727.  At  that  date  his  father  was 
forty-three  years  old,  a  lieu  ten  ant -colonel  in  the  army,  having 
served  with  distinction  under  Marlborough.  His  mother  was 
Henrietta  Thompson,  of  a  distinguished  Yorkshire  family ; 
she  was  then  twenty-four,  being  nineteen  years  her  husband's 
junior.  'l"he  Wolfes  were  originally  Anglo-Irish.  The  great- 
grandfather of  Wolfe  settled  in  the  north  of  England,  and  this 
branch  of  the  family  left  Ireland.  Wolfe  was  the  eldest  of 
two  sons :  his  brother  Edward,  a  year  younger,  also  in  the 
army,  died  at  Ghent  in  October,  1744,  in  his  seventeenth  year; 
his  weak  frame  at  that  age  being  unable  to  sustain  the  hard- 
ships of  the  campaign. 

Wolfe's  first  commission  was  in  his  father's  regiment  of 
marines ;  he  was  not  then  fifteen.  He  was  soon  afterwards 
transferred  to  the  12th,  colonel  Duroure's  regiment.  In  the 
same  year  he  was  at  Ghent  Even  at  this  early  date  he 
sulTered  from  bad  health ;  he  wrote,*  "  I   never  come  into 

•  I4tb  of  February,  174J. 


112  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [l758 

quarters  without  aching  hips  and  knees."  Throughout  his 
life,  from  the  weakness  of  his  constitution,  he  suffered  from 
occasional  severe  sickness.  Wolfe's  education  only  lasted  a 
few  years,  and  he  left  school  at  the  age  when  boys  are  being 
transferred  to  the  higher  forms :  he  had  no  illusions  as  to  his 
deficiencies  in  this  respect,  and  his  constant  effort  was  to 
remedy  them.  He  was,  indeed,  what  most  men  must  be,  more 
or  less,  self-educated  ;  doubtless,  his  mind  received  in  his  first 
years  those  good  impulses  by  which  his  character  was  formed. 
When  at  Glasgow,  and  he  was  then  a  major,  in  his  twenty- 
second  year,  with  every  inducement  to  pass  his  time  in 
amusement,  he  relates  that  in  the  m'orning,  "  I  have  a  man  to 
instruct  me  in  mathematics,  and  in  the  afternoon  another  comes 
to  assist  me  in  regaining  my  almost  lost  Latin."  Of  French 
he  obtained  a  knowledge  to  speak  it  fluently.  He  learned  to 
dance  and  to  fence ;  indeed,  he  endeavoured  to  perfect  him- 
self in  every  social  duty.  He  was  a  diligent  student  of  his 
own  profession.  It  is  related  of  him  at  Louisbourg,  that 
when  some  surprise  was  expressed  as  to  the  drill  he  had 
introduced  into  the  movements  of  the  light  infantry  •  of 
passing  rapidly  from  point  to  point,  availing  themselves  of 
cover,  and  gaining  the  advantage  of  height  in  an  attack, 
Wolfe  asked  an  officer  of  some  reading  what  he  thought  of 
it  "  I  think,"  was  the  reply,  "  I  see  something  here  of  the 
history  of  the  Carduchi  who  harassed  Xenophon,  and  hung 

•  Entick  thus  describes  the  light  intantty  which  rendered  essential  service 
during  the  aege.  The  course  pursued  on  this  occasion  ma;  appear  wtuthj  the 
attention  of  a  general  in  the  lield.  "  Our  light  Inbntry,  Highlanders  and 
Rangers,  the  French  termed  the  English  savages,  perhaps  in  contradistinction  to 
their  own  native  Indians,  Canadians,  &c.,  the  true  French  savages.  These  light 
infantry  were  a  corps  of  550  volunteers,  chosen  as  marksmen  out  of  the  most 
active,  resolute  men,  from  all  the  battalions  of  r^ulars,  dressed,  some  in  blue,  some 
in  green  jackets  and  drawers,  for  the  easier  brushing  through  the  woods,  with  rufis 
of  black  bear's  skin  round  their  necks,  the  beards  of  their  upper  lips  some  grown 
into  whiskers,  others  not  so,  but  all  well  smutted  on  that  part,  with  little  round 
hats  like  several  of  onr  seamen.  Their  arms  were  a  fusil  cartouche,  box  of  balls 
and  flints,  and  a  powder  horn  flung  over  the  shoulders."  "  The  rangers  are  a 
body  of  irregulars,  who  have  a  more  cui-throat  savage  appearance,  which  carries 
in  it  something  of  natural  savages ;  the  appearance  of  the  light  in&ntry  has  in  it 
more  of  artificial  savages."    Vol.  IlL,  p.  337. 


1758]  MISS  LAWSON.  113 

Upon  his  rear  in  the  retreat  over  the  mountains."  "  You  are 
right,"  said  Wolfe,  "  I  had  it  there,  but  our  Triends  are 
astonished  at  what  I  have  shewn  them,  because  they  have 
read  nothing."  • 

We  have  here  the  explanation  of  Wolfe's  professional 
knowledge.  It  was  unceasingly  sought  after  by  him  wherever 
he  thought  that  it  could  be  obtained.  Even  in  his  seventeenth 
year  he  acted  as  adjutant  to  his  regiment,  in  which  capacity 
he  was  present  at  Dettingen.  At  the  close  of  the  campaign 
he  returned  to  England,  when  he  was  appointed  captain  in 
Barren's,  the  4th  regiment.  He  was  not  at  Fontenoy.  In 
1745  his  regiment  was  a  part  of  the  force  of  marshal  Wade 
sent  to  oppose  the  pretender.  He  was  at  Falkirk  and  at 
Culloden,  under  the  duke  of  Cumberland,  and  he  has  left  an 
account  of  the  battle.  The  rebellion  having  been  subdued, 
he  remained  in  the  highlands,  and  he  is  believed  to  have 
remained  in  command  of  the  fort  between  lochs  Lomond  and 
Katrine.  Wolfe  was  again  in  service  on  the  continent  in 
January,  1747,  and  was  present  at  l.auffeld  on  the  2nd  of 
June.  He  returned  to  London  in  the  winter  of  1747-8,  going 
back  to  the  continent  in  March,  1748.  In  January,  1749,  he 
was  appointed  major  in  lord  George  Sackville's  regiment, 
the  20th. 

At  this  date  occurred  his  affaire  de  cceur  with  Elizabeth, 
eldest  daughter  of  sir  Wilfrid  Lawson,  maid  of  honour  to  the 
princess  of  Wales.  Wolfe  was  thrown  much  into  her  society 
during  the  winter  he  was  in  London.  She  was  well  connected, 
being  the  niece  of  lord  Peterborough.  It  was  not  her  position 
at  the  court  which  attracted  Wolfe,  for  he  described  it  "  as  a 
genteeler  way  to  wickedness,"  which,  with  Miss  Chudleigh  in 
his  mind,  it  was  not  difficult  to  believe.  While  personally  he 
was  much  attached  to  Miss  Lawson,  his  parents  were  opposed 
to  the  match,  an  objection  based  on  the  lady's  want  of 
fortune.  If  Wolfe  ever  made  a  serious  proposal  it  was 
rejected  ;  he  himself  speaks  of  his  "  last  disappointment  in 
love,"  and  he  was  angry  with  his  mother  when  she  wrote  that 

•  Anabwis,  Book  IV.,  l-z. 


114  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [i?S^ 

Miss  Lawson's  ill-heaJth  prevented  her  marrying,  "My 
amour,"  he  wrote  five  years  later,  "  has  not  been  without  its 
use.  It  has  defended  me  against  other  women,  introduced  a 
great  deal  of  philosophy  and  tranquility  as  to  all  objects  of 
our  strongest  affections,  and  something  softened  the  disposi- 
tion to  severity  and  rigour  that  I  had  contracted  in  the  camp, 
trained  up  as  from  my  infancy  to  the  conclusion  of  the  peace 
in  war  and  tumult."  A  few  years  after  the  affair  his  old 
feelings  were  awakened  by  seeing  Miss  Lawson's  picture  in 
the  house  of  general  Mordaunt  It  may  be  well  to  remark 
that  Miss  Lawson  died  in  March,  1759,  in  less  than  a  month 
after  the  departure  of  Wolfe  for  the  St.  Lawrence. 

In  1749,  owing  to  the  departure  of  the  lieutenant-colonel, 
Cornwallis,  to  assume  the  duties  of  the  government  of  Nova 
Scotia,  Wolfe  was  placed  in  command  of  the  regiment  It 
was  the  commencement  of  the  reputation  he  subsequently 
attained.  Wolfe's  attention  was  directed  to  every  minor 
detail  of  the  interior  economy  of  the  regiment  His  effort 
was  not  simply  given  to  the  smart  appearance  of  men  on 
parade,  and  that  they  should  execute  their  movements  in  the 
field  with  steadiness  and  regularity ;  Wolfe  was  among  the 
first  to  shew  his  care  aud  consideration  for  the  soldier  in  the 
ranks,  and  to  elevate  him  in  his  own  self-respect.  The  high 
degree  of  excellence  to  which  he  brought  the  regiment,  became 
widely  known,  and  men  of  rank  and  position  on  joining  the 
service  applied  to  obtain  their  commissions  in  the  20th. 
Among  such  as  these  was  the  duke  of  Richmond  and  the 
marquis  of  Blandford.  When  the  battle  of  Minden  was 
fought,  on  the  ist  of  August,  1759,  Wolfe  was  in  command  of 
the  expedition  against  Quebec,  but  the  gallantry  and  good 
service  of  the  regiment,  on  that  day,  were  fully  recognized  as 
the  consequence  of  his  discipline  and  training. 

The  age  was  one  of  reckless  dissipation  and  idleness.  In 
the  hour  of  danger  the  officers  shewed  courage  and  fortitude  ; 
but  there  was  a  total  disregard  of  the  study  of  their  profession. 
There  was,  indeed,  little  encouragement  to  the  military  student, 
for  promotion  was  the  consequence  of  political  influence  and 



powerful  family  connections.  Wolfe's  letters  are  full  of  allu- 
sions to  this  condition.  In  his  own  command  he  exacted 
constant  attention  to  duty,  and  one  of  his  orders  sets  forth 
that  the  subalterns  cannot  think  they  do  too  much.  In  1750 
he  was  appointed  lieu  ten  ant- col  on  el  of  the  20th.  Two  years 
later  he  was  at  Paris,  the  bearer  of  letters  from  lord  Bury  to 
his  father,  the  British  ambassador,  the  earl  of  Albemarle.  He 
thus  obtained  the  passport  into  the  best  society,  French  and 
English.  For  the  six  months  he  was  at  Paris  he  was  a  diligent 
student  of  the  language,  so  that  he  spoke  it  fluently  and 
elegantly.  He  was  desirous  of  professionally  visiting  the 
continental  camps  ;  but  his  application  for  leave  for  the  pur- 
pose was  refused,  so  he  returned  to  England.  Towards  the 
end  of  1753  the  20th  was  quartered  at  Dover.  The  regiment 
remained  in  the  south  and  west  of  England  until  the  com- 
mencement of  the  war  in  1756.  In  the  following  year  he 
accepted  the  position  of  quartermaster-general  for  Ireland,  on 
condition  that  he  received  the  rank  of  colonel.  On  a  younger 
lieutenant-colonel  being  promoted  over  his  head,  he  resigned 
the  appointment.  On  his  return  from  the  expedition  to 
Rochefort,  Wolfe  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  colonel.  In  a 
letter  tohis  father  he  speaks  of  his  obligations  to  sir  Edward 
Hawke,  who  influenced  lord  Anson  to  submit  his  name  to 
the  king.  Lord  Ligonier  was  then  commander-in-chief,  owing 
to  the  resignation  of  the  duke  of  Cumberland.  Wolfe,  being 
in  doubt  as  to  his  future  conduct,  addressed  lord  Ligonier  on 
the  subject  of  his  proceeding  to  Ireland.  In  this  dilemma  he 
received  the  appointment  as  brigadier  in  the  North  American 
expedition.  The  selection  was  the  act  of  Pitt,  dictated  by  the 
desire  to  appoint  competent  men.  His  position,  however, 
conferred  on  him  only  the  local  rank  of  brigadier  in  America : 
at  the  siege  of  Louisbourg,  Wolfe's  substantive  army  rank  was 
only  that  of  colonel. 

There  is  a  story  told  of  Wolfe,  which  has  been  accepted  on 
utterly  insufficient  evidence,  to  which  I  feel  called  upon  to 
allude.  It  is  related  that  Pitt  invited  him  to  dinner  previously 
to  his  departure  for  Quebec,  generally  to  discuss  the  chances 


Il6  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

of  the  campaign,  the  only  other  guest  present  being  lord 
Temple.  It  is  on  lord  Temple's  authority  that  the  story  is 
told.  It  never  publicly  appeared  until  published  in  lord 
Mahon's  history,  in  1844,  eighty-six  years  after  the  event, 
with  the  consent  and  on  the  authority  of  Mr.  Thomas  Gren- 
ville,  who  had  heard  the  story  from  lord  Temple.*  In  making 
the  statement  Mr.  GrenvUle  was  careful  to  add  that,  according 
to  Temple,  Wolfe  "  had  partaken  sparingly  of  wine,"  but  that 
he  indulged  in  the  greatest  extravagance  of  manner  and 
conduct,  drawing  his  sword  in  the  dining  room,  and  declaring 
what  he  would  effect  with  it 

It  may  be  asked,  on  what  ground  this  plain  narrative  can 
be  disputed  ?  I  reply,  its  total  want  of  corroboration,  the 
character  of  the  first  narrator,  and  the  whole  life  and  career 
of  Wolfe  himself  Lord  Temple  speaks  of  Wolfe  being 
heated  by  the  "unwonted  society  of  statesmen."  Such  a 
supposition  is  ridiculously  inadmissible.  Pitt  himself  was  no 
higher  in  the  social  class  than  Wolfe  ;  he  had  commenced  life 
as  a  cornet  in  the  "  Blues,"  and  by  his  own  genius  and  political 
career  had  attained  distinction.  There  was  surely  nothing 
overpowering,  either  in  the  birth,  rank,  ability  or  character  of 
lord  Temple-t    Wolfe  had  been  on  terms  of  intimacy  with 

■  "  After  Wolfe's  appointment,  and  on  the  day  preceding  his  embarkalioD  for 
America,  Pitt,  desirous  of  giving  his  last  verbal  instructions,  invited  him  to 
dinner,  lord  Temple  being  the  only  other  guest.  As  the  evening  advanced, 
Wolfe,  heated,  perhaps,  by  his  own  aspiring  thoughts  and  the  unwonted  society  of 
statesmen,  broke  forth  into  a  strain  of  gasconade  and  bravado.  He  drew  his 
sword,  he  rapped  the  table  with  it,  he  flourished  it  round  the  room,  he  talked  of 
the  mighty  things  which  that  sword  was  to  achieve.  The  two  ministers  sat 
aghast  Bt  a.n  exhibition  so  unusual  from  any  man  of  reai  sense  and  real  spirit. 
And  when  at  last  Wolfe  had  taken  his  leave,  and  his  carriage  was  heard  to  roll 
from  the  door,  Pitt  seemed  for  the  moment  shaken  in  the  high  opinion  which  his 
deliberate  judgment  hod  formed  of  Wolfe  ;  he  lifted  up  his  eyes  and  aims,  ajid 
exclaimed  to  lord  Temple  :  "  Good  God  '.  that  I  should  have  entrusted  (he  bte 
of  the  country  and  of  the  administration  to  such  hands."  This  story  was  told  by 
lord  Temple  himself  to  a  near  and  still  surviving  relative,  one  of  my  best  and 
most  valued  friends."    [Mahon's  History  of  England,  IV.,  p.  152.] 

f  Horace  Walpote  makes  the  follonrin);  alluuon  to  lord  Temple,  HI.,  p.  391, 
l6lh  Nov.,  1759.  Letter  to  sir  Horace  Mann.  "  If  Lord  'Temple  hoped  to 
involve  Mr.  Pitt  in  his  quarrel,  it  was  very  wicked  at  such  a  crisis  as  this — aad  if  he 



the  first  men  in  England.  He  had  associated  in  the  best 
society.  The  duke  of  Richmond  and  the  marquis  of  Blandford 
had  sought  commissions  in  his  regiment  He  had  mixed  with 
the  highest  French  nobility  in  Paris.  Lord  Bury  was  his 
intimate  friend.  If  there  was  one  man  with  family  pride,  it 
was  lord  George  Sackviilc,  Wolfe  wrote  to  him  with  the 
same  freedom  as  to  his  intimate  friend  Rickson. 

It  was  owing  to  the  marriage  of  Pitt  with  the  sister  of  lord 
Temple,  the  head  of  the  Grenville  family,  that  Temple 
possessed  influence.  Neither  his  character  nor  his  talents  com- 
manded respect ;  he  was  wealthy,  ambitious,  unscrupulous  in 
his  attempts  to  obtain  position,  untiring  in  his  energy  to  injure 
an  opponent,  and  with  an  exaggerated  idea  of  his  personal 
importance,  and  of  the  dignity  of  the  earldom  his  family  had 
lately  obtained.  We  have  many  glimpses  of  his  character  in 
the  history  of  that  time,  when  his  name  appears,  mostly  in 
connection  with  that  of  Pitt.  We  read  of  his  blundering 
impertinence  to  George  II.,  when  he  told  the  king  that  his 
own  conduct  at  Malplaquet  had  placed  him  in  a  position 
similar  to  that  of  Byng.  His  pertinacious  application  for  the 
vacant  garter  was  the  cause  of  Pitt's  letter  to  Newcastle, 
which  every  admirer  of  Pitt's  career  must  desire  had  remained 
unwritten.  We  read  of  Temple's  intrigues  'with  Wilkes,  in 
the  view  of  increasing  his  own  political  weight,  carried  to  such 
an  extent  that  he  was  dismissed  from  the  lord-lieutenancy  of 
Buckinghamshire  and  his  name  erased  from  the  list  of  privy 
councillors.  In  the  complications  which  arose  relative  to  the 
regency  bill,  Temple's  conduct  was  marked  by  much  want  of 
scruple.  George  III.  had  determined  to  make  a  change  in 
the  ministry,  from  the  dissatisfaction  felt  by  him  owing  to  the 
exclusion  of  his  mother's  name  from  the  regency  bill.  With 
the  desire  of  forming  a  ministry  controlled  by  Pitt,  his  brother 
Geoi^e,  and  himself,  Temple  persuaded  Pitt  not  to  take  office 
coold  1  am  apt  to  believe  he  would — if  he  could  not  it  was  very  silly.  To  ihe 
Garter  nobody  can  have  slenderer  pretensions  ;  his  familj  is  scarce  older  than  his 
earldom,  which  is  of  the  youngest.  His  person  i»  ridiculously  awkward ;  and  if 
chivalry  were  in  vogue,  he  has  given  proob  of  having  no  passion  for  tilt  and 


Il8  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l758 

on  the  conditions  acceded  to  by  the  duke  of  Cumberland  on 
the  part  of  the  king.  In  spite  of  his  better  judgment,  Pitt 
was  induced  to  comply  with  Temple's  request,  and  in  doing 
so  in  his  theatrical  manner  added  a  quotation  from  Virgil.* 
Nevertheless,  in  the  question  of  the  stamp  act,  in  1 766,  Temple 
deserted  Pitt  and  allied  himself  with  his  brother.  Temple's 
intrigues  at  that  day  are  fully  recorded.  Meeting  Pitt  with 
friendliness,  and  separating  from  him  with  kindness  and  good 
feeling,  he  wrote  to  his  brother  George  of  "all  the  insolence  " 
of  the  "  great  luminary."  The  opinion  still  prevails  that  on 
Pitt  taking  office,  the  pamphlets  directed  against  him  were 
written  at  the  suggestion  of  lord  Temple. 

What  is  there  in  lord  Temple's  career  or  character  to  give 
weight  to  his  statements?  We  have  in  contra-distinction  to 
it,  Wolfe's  well-known  life,  his  worth,  his  good  sense,  his 
patriotism,  his  high  standard  of  personal  honour,  his  devotion 
to  truth  and  duty.  There  is  not  a  single  incident  to  suggest 
such  behaviour  as  that  related  to  have  taken  place  on  this 
evening.  After  his  death  much  attention  was  directed  to 
Wolfe's  career.  No  valid  reason  can  be  assigned  for  the 
suppression  of  the  incident  if  it  happened.  When  it  was 
made  known,  there  was  no  cause  for  its  publication  ;  it  was 
simply  a  record  of  historical  gossip.  It  is  a  fact  standing 
apart,  involving  no  reputation  and  affecting  no  principle. 
Until  the  appearance  of  lord  Mahon's  narrative  there  is  not  a 
line  extant  to  suggest  such  an  event  as  possible.  There  may 
have  been  some  warmth  of  expression  on  Wolfe's  part,  for  he 
felt  the  necessity  of  changes  and  reforms  in  the  army.  His 
correspondence  contains  complaints  of  the  professional  ignor- 
ance of  many  officers  and  of  their  reckless  course  of  life.  The 
men  were  subjected  to  no  controlling  influence  but  the  severest 
discipline.  There  were  no  humanizing  influences  over  the 
soldier  and  sailor  to  elevate  them  above  the  coarsest  animal 
pleasures.  Wolfe,  who  raised  the  20th  regiment  to  the 
highest  state  of  discipline,  may  have  spoken  freely  on  the 

*  "  Kxilinisli  me,  teque  suror,  populumque,  putresqite 
Sidonios,  urbemque  luaro  !" — jV.ji.  iv.  683. 



condition  of  the  army,  and,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  minister, 
made  personal  appeals  to  him  on  the  subject.*  Be  this  as  it 
may,  without  hesitation  I  express  the  opinion  that  the  story 
of  lord  Temple  is  to  be  rejected,  on  the  ground  that  it  rests 
upon  his  own  uncorroborated  testimony,  and  that  it  is  at 
variance  with  the  whole  tenor  of  Wolfe's  honourable  and 
chivalrous  career. 

*  In  Junius'  celebrated  letter  10  ihe  king  ten  years  later,  he  describes  the 
regiments  of  the  line  "  iell  to  perish  in  garrisons  abroad,  or  pine  in  quarters  at 
home,  neglected  and  forgotten  .      the  private  men  have  four  pence  a  da;  Co 

exist  upon,  and  four  hundred  lashes  if  they  desert."  Qunius,  letter  XXXV., 
December  19,  1769.] 




The  fortress  of  Louisbourg  had  a  higher  reputation  for 
strength  than  it  deserved  ;  much  of  its  supposed  security  was 
placed  in  the  almost  continuous  surf  which  broke  against  the 
rocks,  and  from  the  supposed  difficulty  of  effecting  a  landing 
under  a  heavy  fire  from  the  batteries  on  shore.  A  harbour, 
protected  from  every  wind,  in  which  several  vessels  of  war 
could  safely  float,  was  formed  between  two  projecting  points, 
and  the  town  and  fortress,  surrounded  on  three  sides  by 
water,  were  established  on  the  western  side.  The  approach 
to  the  line  of  fortifications  on  the  land  side  was  only  attain- 
able over  marshy  ground.  Descending  southerly,  the  four 
bastions  were  known  as  dauphin,  king,  queen,  and  princess. 
There  were  on  the  fortress  and  outworks  419  guns  and  17 
mortars.  The  enceinte  of  the  fortifications  was  about  a  mile 
and  three-quarters  ;  their  length  on  the  land  side  about  4,000 
feet.  Goat  island  stood  in  the  centre  of  the  entrance  to  the 
harbour,  on  which  a  strong  30-pr.  battery  had  been  estab- 
lished ;  and  on  the  northern  line  of  the  harbour,  a  formidable 
battery  armed  with  heavy  guns,  commanded  the  entrance 
and  its  whole  extent.  The  harbour  widened  from  its  entrance 
to  a  mile  to  the  northeast,  and  was  known  as  the  northeast 
harbour.  From  the  central  battery  on  the  north  side,  there 
was  a  length  of  six  thousand  feet  of  water,  two-thirds 
of  a  mile  wide,  of  depth  sufficient  for  ships  of  the  line  to 
anchor.  Extending  further  to  the  west  there  was  a  sheet  of 
water  known  as  the  "  Barachois,"  from  the  side  of  which 
during  the  siege  the  French  frigate,  the  "Ar^thuse"  cannon- 
aded the  British  forces,  to  impede  the  formation  of  the 
redoubts.  There  was  an  inlet  some  few  miles  to  the  east  of 
the  harbour,  known  as  Grand  Laurentbec;*  a  fishing  station 

•  The  word  is  so  given  by  de  Urucour,  Que.  l>oc,  IV.,  p.  14S-  I'he  English 
spelling  has  been  boib  L'Oiembeck  and  Loremb^. 




1758]  LOUISBOURG.  121 

had  been  established  here,  and  it  afTorded  a  convenient  place 
for  landing  on  this  side. 

When  the  landing  was  discussed,  three  points  of  land  on 
the  western  side  came  into  prominence  as  fit  for  the  attempt 
Cape  Noir  was  immediately  south  of  the  fortress ;  "  White 
point "  was  about  6,000  feet  to  the  west ;  the  coast  here  takes 
a  northwesterly  trend,  and  following  the  rocky  line  a  mile 
and  a  half  further  "  Flat  point "  was  reached,  whence  there 
was  a  more  rapid  divei^ence  to  the  north  ;  a  short  two  miles 
from  Flat  point  there  was  a  small  cove,  around  which  the 
rocks  rose  to  such  a  height  that  it  was  thought  that  landing 
was  here  impossible  :  it  was  called  by  the  French  "  La  Cor- 

It  was  to  the  character  of  this  shore  rather  than  to  the 
strength  of  the  fortress  that  the  French  trusted  to  their 
defence,  for  it  had  little  power  of  resistance  against  heavy 
artillery  and  a  strong  attacking  force.  The  security  of  the 
garrison  lay  in  the  prevention  of  any  landing ;  there  was  no 
great  risk  from  any  sea  attack.  There  were  present  the 
battalions  of  Artois,  Bourgf^ne,  and  Cambis,  of  the  regular 
French  force,  excellent  troops,  with  a  battalion  of  "  Volontaires 
Strangers,"  from  which  several  desertions '  took  place  during 
the  siege,  and  which  did  not  command  confidence.  Two 
companies  of  artillery  were  present  to  work  the  guns.  There 
were  twenty-four  companies  of  the  Canadian  marine  force, 
regularly  disciplined.  The  male  residents  had  organized 
themselves  into  companies.  The  total  strength  may  be  set 
down  at  3,800  men.  In  the  harbour  were  five  ships  of  the 
line  and  seven  frigates,  carrying  544  guns  manned  by  3,000 
men.  Late  in  the  siege  a  force  of  Canadians  and  Indians 
arrived,  under  de  Boish^bert,  with  the  object  of  harassing 
the  besiegers.  The  service  performed  by  them  was  unim- 
portant They  remained  in  the  woods  to  the  north  of  the 
town,  whence  they  issued  in  their  attacks. 

Two  thousand  men  were  kept  in  position  along  the  shore 
to  oppose  any  attempt  at  landing,  and  in  no  way  to  relax  in 
watchfulness.    They  were  placed  in  force  at  the  three  locali- 


122  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [i;s8 

ties :  de  St.  JuHen  at  "  la  Cormorandiire,"  the  extreme  west, 
with  985  men  ;  MaraJn  at  "  Flat  point "  with  620  men  ;  and 
Danthonnay  at  "  White  point "  with  250  men.  Pickets  were 
thrown  out  to  keep  the  posts  in  communication,  and  a  force 
was  held  in  reserve  to  be  directed  against  the  point  attacked. 

The  commandant  was  the  chevalier  de  Drucour,  who  had 
been  in  Louisboui^  since  the  15th  of  August,  1754.  In  a 
memoir  sent  to  France*  he  describes  the  fortifications  as  being 
in  ruins,  nothing  having  been  done  to  place  them  in  repair 
since  the  place  was  given  over  to  France  by  the  treaty  of  Aix- 
la-Chapelle.  In  1755,  orders  had  been  sent  to  make  the 
fortress  defensible,  and  the  work  had  been  carried  on  under 

Drucour,  in  his  letter  written  in  England, "f"  describes  himself 
as  threatened  with  famine  once  a  month.  From  that  con- 
tingency he  had  been  relieved  by  the  arrival  of  the  ships  from 
France.  Although  sir  Charles  Hardy  had  been  cruising  in 
front  of  the  harbour,  he  had  been  unable  to  prevent  a  single 
ship  entering  the  port. 

The  British  fleet  sailed  from  Saint  Helen's  on  the  19th  of 
February,  1758,  and  arrived  at  Halifax  on  the  8th  of  May. 
Owing  to  the  absence  of  Amherst,  Boscawen  remained  in 
command  ;  feeling  the  danger  of  further  delay,  he  resolved  to 
put  to  sea.  As  the  ships  were  sailing  out,  the  expedition  was 
met  by  the  commander-in-chief,  Amherst.  There  were  one 
hundred  and  fifty-seven  sail  composing  this  formidable  armada, 
carrying  a  land  force  of  12,260  men. J  The  ships  kept  well 
together  until  the  30th.  On  the  ist  of  June  the  admiral's  ship 
met  captain  Rous  in  the  "  Sutherland,"  who  had  been  cruising 

•  Que.  Doc.  IV.'.  145. 

+  Andover,  1st  October,  Ann.  Reg.  1758,  p.  179. 

*  The  naval  force  was  composed  of  23  ships  of  the  line,  18  frigates,  and  1 16 
other  vessels  and  tmnsporli,  making  a  total  of  157  ships  of  all  descripiions.  The 
land  force  consisted  of 

ijth  [Amherst's]  I7tb  [Forbes'] 

iSlh  [Bragg's]  3S(h  [Olway's] 

40th  [liopson's]  47ih  [Lascelle's] 

48ih  [Webb's]  sSlh  [Anstruiher's] 


1758]  DIFFICULTY   OF   LANDING.  123 

in  front  of  Louisbourg.  It  was  then  known  that  two  ships 
had  entered  the  harbour  the  preceding  day,  and  it  was  believed 
that  there  were  thirteen  vessels  to  aid  in  the  defence.  That 
night  the  admiral's  ship  reached  Gabarus  bay.  The  second 
of  June  was  foggy ;  about  twelve  the  weather  cleared,  when  a 
view  was  obtained  of  the  fortress.  During  the  day  about  a 
third  of  the  troop-ships  arrived  and  anchored  ;  in  the  same 
afternoon  Amherst,  accompanied  by  brigadiers  Lawrence  and 
Wolfe,  reconnoitred  the  shore  as  closely  as  they  could  ap- 
proach. While  they  remarked  the  points  practicable  for 
landing,  they  observed  that  the  line  of  coast  was  strongly 
fortified,  while  the  surf  was  beating  upon  the  shore,  as  if  to 
give  warning  that  no  boat  could  even  approach  within  reach 
of  landing.  So  much  was  said  throughout  the  fieet,  of  this 
danger  in  the  presence  of  a  disciplined  force  provided  with 
cannon,  that  the  admiral,  to  strengthen  his  own  judgment, 
invited  the  captains,  one  after  the  other,  on  board  his  ship  to 
discuss  the  hazard  of  the  attempt.  Had  a  council  been  called, 
most  probably  it  would  have  resulted  in  an  adverse  decision. 
Among  those  summoned  was  captain  Ferguson,  of  the  "  Prince 

6olh  isl  ball.  Royal  Ameiicans,  [SunwU's] 

"    and  "         "  "  [Moncklon't] 

63rd  Frazer  Highlands, 
5  companiei  of  Rangen, 
with  aniller]', 
makins  a  total  of  13,160  men. 

The  Royal  Artillery  train  included  17  officers,  53  non-commiuioned  officers,  63 
gUDnera,  163  matrosset.  The  gans  were  ;  Brass — 36  4-pr5.,  18  Ii-prs.,  6  6-pT5., 
1  13-in.  mortars,  a  lo-in.,  7  Sin.,  to  Sji-io.,  30  ^'/^-'m.  Iron— S  32-prs.,  25 
24-prs.,  4  6-pn.,  ■  13-in.  mortar.  There  were  1  8-in.  and  4  5^-in.  hovritzen. 
Over  43,000  round  shot,  8,380  case,  41,761  shell, besides  afew grape  and  carcasses 
and  4,888  barrels  of  powder. 

Admint  Boscawen  not  only  detached  the  mannes  to  aid  in  working  the  artil- 
lery, he  likewise  sent  4  33-prs,  with  part  of  his  own  ^ip'i  company  for  a  battery. 
[History  of  the  Koyal  R^ment  of  Artillery,  by  major  Francis  Duncan,  R.A., 
pp.  198.300] 

I  have  to  acknowledge  my  obligation  to  colonel  Irwin,  K.A.,  Inspector  of 
Canadian  Artillery,  Tor  directing  my  attention  to  major  Duncan's  valuable  volume, 
likewiae  for  many  pertinent  sugB^lions  with  regard  to  the  military  events  I  have 
endeavoured  10  desciibe. 


124  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['/S^ 

of  Orange"  60.  He  had  seen  much  service,  and  was  dis- 
tinguished by  his  courage  and  conduct :  his  presence  in  the 
fleet  had,  indeed,  been  specially  asked  for  by  Boscawen. 
Ferguson  would  in  no  way  recognize  that  the  impracticability 
of  an  enterprise  was  to  be  assumed  on  account  of  the  danger 
attending  it  In  his  view,  no  argument  which  dwelt  upon  the 
peril  of  an  attempt  should  be  listened  to.  He  counselled  the 
admiral,  for  his  own  honour  and  for  the  glory  of  the  country, 
to  assert  the  power  which  he  possessed  by  virtue  of  his  rank, 
and  not  to  appeal  to  any  council  of  war.  The  appeal  went 
direct  to  the  bold  nature  of  Boscawen  :  his  spirit  rose  with  the 
emergency.  His  instructions  were  to  land  the  troops  on  the 
island  of  cape  Breton,  and  he  resolved  to  place  them  on  shore, 
be  the  risk  what  it  might ;  and  if  the  general  "  thought 
proper  "  to  re-embark  them,  to  cover  their  retreat 

The  determination  of  Boscawen  removed  all  doubt  and 
irresolution  ;  the  ancient  courage  of  the  race  arose  when  it 
was  known  that  the  attempt  was  to  be  made,  Boscawen 
assembled  his  lieutenants,  and  called  upon  them  to  exercise 
the  greatest  diligence,  and  to  aid  the  military  in  every  way  in 
their  power.  On  the  3rd  the  "  Kennington "  frigate  was 
brought  close  to  the  westernmost  defences.  It  was  the  spot 
where  the  New  England  troops  had  landed  in  1745  ;  by  them 
it  was  known  as  "  Freshwater  creek."  The  French  gave  it  the 
name  of  "  la  Corm o ran di fere."  From  this  attack  of  the  frigate, 
in  the  annals  of  the  siege  the  spot  is  known  as  "  Kennington 

On  the  3rd  everything  was  prepared,  but  the  threatening 
surf  suggested  the  danger  to  be  incurred.  During  the  exam- 
ination of  the  coast  the  opinion  had  been  formed  that  less 
risk  would  be  incurred  at  Kennington  cove  than  elsewhere, 
and  it  was  determined  that  the  disembarkation  should  take 
place  at  this  spot.  On  the  4th  the  snow  "  Halifax  "  was  ordered 
to  join  the  "Kennington"  in  the  attack.  To  distract  the 
enemy,  the  "Sutherland"  and  "Squirrel"  cannonaded  Flat 
point,  and  the  "  Diana  "  and  "  Shannon  "  were  brought  to  bear 
on  the  defences  of  White  point.     But  the  weather  continued 


1758]  ATTEMPT  TO  LAND.  125 

SO  rough  that  it  was  not  practicable  to  land.  The  formidable 
coast  defences  could  not  be  attacked  in  a  rough  sea.  On  the 
6th  there  was  a  change  of  weather.  Preparations  were  made 
for  landing,  and  many  of  the  men  embarked,  when  the  fog 
again  came  on,  while  the  swell  increased.  The  admiral  pro- 
nounced the  landing  inadvisable,  and  the  men  were  ordered  to 
their  ships.  Amherst  is  careful  to  explain  that  the  "  reason 
for  so  doing  "  was  made  known  to  them. 

The  weather  on  the  following  morning  was  bad ;  as  it 
improved  in  the  afternoon,  it  was  hoped  that  at  daybreak  the 
landing  could  be  made.  In  the  afternoon  some  sloops  were 
sent  to  Laurentbec,  the  small  cove  to  the  east  of  Louisbourg. 
They  were  despatched  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  fortress, 
to  convey  the  belief  that  the  landing  would  be  made  there. 
The  French  did  not  allow  themselves  to  be  deceived  and 
lulled  into  security.  During  the  preceding  six  days  they  had 
strengthened  their  position,  and  reinforced  the  batteries  to  the 
west  No  force  was  detached  to  Laurentbec,  and  the  vessels 
sailed  to  the  east  without  interference. 

It  was  resolved  that  the  landing  should  be  attempted  on 
the  8th.  At  sunrise  the  frigates  approached  the  shore  and 
commenced  a  furious  cannonade.  The  signal  was  given  for 
embarkation  at  two  in  the  morning :  at  daybreak  the  troops 
detailed  for  the  attempt  had  been  assembled  in  three  divisions. 
Six  regiments,  under  brigadier  Whitmore,  rowed  to  the  right, 
as  if  to  attempt  a  landing  at  White  point.  The  centre,  under 
Lawrence,  made  a  show  of  landing  at  Flat  point.  Thus  the 
whole  force  of  the  enemy  was  kept  employed,  and  no  one 
post  could  be  weakened.  The  left  division,  under  Wolfe, 
consisted  of  four  companies  of  grenadiers,  the  light  infantry, 
the  rangers,  the  Highland  regiment,  and  eight  companies  of 
grenadiers  in  support.  As  the  boats  rowed  towards  the  shore, 
the  cannonade  from  the  frigates  ceased. 

The  French  did  not  throw  away  a  shot,  but  waited  until 
the  near  approach  of  the  boats  to  the  shore.  It  was  then  that 
they  directed  their  whole  fire  upon  them.  The  surf  was  high 
and  strong,  and  it  seemed  impossible  to  find  a  landing  place. 


126  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

The  boats  were  met  in  all  directions  by  the  fire  of  heavy 
cannon  and  swivel  guns.  The  abatis  of  fallen  trees,  with  their 
branches  to  the  sea,  extending  round  the  coves  appeared 
impregnable.  Moreover  the  guns  were  masked,  and  as  the 
boats  came  within  range,  unexpectedly,  red  hot  balls,  grape 
and  round  shot  were  sent  among  them  ;  at  the  same  time,  a 
continual  fusillade  of  small  arms  was  kept  up  from  the  height 
of  fifteen  feet  above  their  level. 

As  the  troops  of  Wolfe's  division  suffered  from  the  fire  of 
the  defences,  they  were  much  exasperated.  It  was,  however, 
plain  to  Wolfe  that  the  defences  were  too  strong  to  be  forced, 
and  that  the  landing  to  be  successful  must  be  attempted  at 
some  other  spot.  It  may  be  asked  if  there  was  not  a  want  of 
judgment  on  the  part  of  the  French  in  this  premature  dis- 
charge of  their  artillery?  Had  they  permitted  the  boats  to 
approach  and  had  opened  fire  when  the  attempt  to  land  was 
being  made,  many  of  the  British  must  have  been  killed  and 
placed  /tors  de  combat ;  and  it  is  questionable  if  the  movement 
would  have  succeeded.  As  it  was  plain  that  a  well  organized 
resistance  was  to  be  experienced,  the  direction  of  the  boats 
was  changed  ;  the  order  was  given  for  passing  to  the  left.  In 
one  of  the  boats  by  which  the  order  was  obeyed,  lieutenants 
Hopkins  and  Browne  with  ensign  Grant  observed  a  place 
which  appeared  to  them  to  admit  of  landing.  With  about 
100  light  infantry  they  dashed  for  the  shore  to  the  right  of 
Kennington  cove,  and  rowed  forward  until  they  found  a  place 
whence  they  could  wade  to  shore.  They  made  their  way  over 
the  rocks  and  irregularities  of  ground,  and  reached  the  spot 
which  had  been  looked  upon  as  impregnable. 

A  small  projecting  cape  had  concealed  the  movement. 
The  escarpment  was  at  this  point  difficult  to  ascend,  and  as  it 
had  been  considered  that  it  was  a  spot  where  no  attempt 
was  possible,  no  force  was  present  to  defend  it.  Here  the 
landing  was  effected,  and  the  higher  ground  reached.  When 
the  small  detachment  came  to  oppose  the  force  in  possession, 
it  was  unable  to  resist  the  attack  made  upon  it,  and  was  beaten 



Wolfe  saw  what  had  been  effected  by  this  movement,  and 
directed  the  remainder  of  the  force  to  support  it.  The 
cannon  now  played  upon  the  men  as  the  boats  went  forward, 
and  they  had  to  undergo  a  discharge  of  musketry  within 
twenty  yards.  One  boat  was  stove  in  and  sunk,  by  which 
some  grenadiers  were  drowned.  Many  boats  were  broken  to 
pieces  on  landing,  but  the  injury  from  the  fire  was  not  serious. 
Those  who  principally  suffered  were  the  sailors  remaining  in 
the  boats. 

Wolfe  Jumped  into  the  surf,  and  struggled  through  the 
obstacles  in  his  path  to  reach  the  shore.  He  had  only  his 
cane  in  his  hand.  He  encouraged  the  men  about  him  to  press 
forward.  As  they  came  on  shore  he  formed  them,  and  led 
them  to  attack  the  force  coming  against  them.  It  was  a  party 
of  the  grenadiers  of  Artois,  which  was  immediately  routed ;  the 
officer  in  command  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner,  with 
several  of  his  men. 

The  two  other  divisions  followed  and  disembarked.  The 
whole  force  was  now  placed  in  column,  and  an  attack  made 
on  the  foremost  French  pickets.  They  rapidly  retreated, 
demoralized  by  the  appearance  of  the  British  force  in  strength. 

The  landing  had  not  been  effected  without  loss  ;  a  great 
number  of  the  boats  were  stove  in,  so  that  many  men  were 
bruised  and  hurt,  and  several  crushed  between  the  boats  and 
rocks.  No  order  could  be  followed  in  gaining  the  shore,  the 
men  wading  through  the  swell ;  in  many  cases  their  muskets 
were  wet  with  sea  water.  It  was  not  until  they  reached  the 
higher  ground,  that  they  could  be  formed  with  any  regularity. 
The  landing  was  a  surprise  to  the  French,  for  they  had  con- 
sidered its  attainment  to  be  impossible,  and  they  were  so 
impressed  by  its  success  that  they  were  seized  by  a  panic  and 
abandoned  their  works.  They  made  no  stand,  but  rapidly 
retreated  to  the  fortress  over  ground  described  by  Amherst  as 
the  roughest  and  worst  he  had  ever  known.  In  the  attack 
they  lost  several  killed,  and  several  prisoners  were  taken; 
among  the  latter  was  an  Indian  chief. 

The  British  pushed  forward  in  pursuit,  and  as  they  came 


128  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

within  range  of  the  fortress  they  were  received  by  a  cannonade 
to  protect  the  retreating  force.  It  did  little  injury,  and  was 
so  far  advantageous  that  it  determined  the  range  of  the  guns, 
and  pointed  out  where  the  troops  could  encamp  in  safety. 
The  loss  experienced  by  the  British  was,  killed,  three  officers, 
43  rank  and  file,  many  of  whom  were  drowned  ;  five  officers, 
54  rank  and  file  wounded.  Of  the  provincial  troops,  an 
officer  and  three  men  were  killed,  two  wounded  and  missing. 
Thirty-five  guns  and  mortars  remained  as  trophies  of  the  day. 
They  were  gathered  from  along  the  shore,  and  were  of  various 
calibre,  some  of  them  24-prs.  These  works  were  occupied  in 
strength,  to  prevent  any  attempt  at  their  re-possession. 

The  weather  continued  so  unfavourable  that  the  stores 
could  not  be  landed  ;  it  was  only  on  the  nth  that  the  tents 
and  artillery  were  placed  on  shore.  Until  the  force  was 
strengthened  by  reinforcements  and  artillery  it  was  in  great 
danger.  Had  a  well-directed  sortie  been  made,  the  besiegers 
might  have  had  difficulty  in  holding  their  ground  ;  the  whole 
attention  of  the  besieged,  however,  was  given  to  making  the 
fortress  capable  of  resisting  attack. 

The  battery  on  the  north  shore  of  the  harbour  commanding 
the  entrance  with  forty  heavy  guns  was  abandoned,  and,  in 
order  to  prevent  the  guns  being  directed  against  the  place, 
they  were  destroyed.  All  the  outposts  were  called  in  ;  the 
buildings  burned  ;  nothing  was  left  within  two  miles  of  the 
town  except  some  chimneys  and  gable  ends.  There  was  a. 
battery  at  the  light-house  point,  at  the  eastern  entrance  to  the 
harbour.  It  was  likewise  dismounted,  and  five  spiked  guns 
left  behind. 

On  the  12th  Wolfe  was  detached  with  1,200  men  to  take 
possession  of  this  post.  Marching  round  the  harbour,  he 
obtained  a  knowledge  of  the  north-eastern  ground  and  the 
possibility  of  establishing  batteries  to  attack  the  shipping.  A 
road  connecting  the  eastern  and  western  works  was  included 
in  the  plan  of  attack.  The  guns  and  stores  were  landed  at 
Laurentbec,  at  which  place  a  large  quantity  of  dried  fish  was 
found  stored.     The  weather  continued  very  bad  and  retarded 



the  works  ;  it  was  not  until  the  19th  that  the  light-house 
battery  was  made  effective,  and  batteries  established  on  the 
northeast  of  the  harbour  to  attack  the  shipping. 

When  the  landing  had  been  effected  and  the  position  of  the 
attacking  force  fully  established,  it  was  foreseen  that,  although 
the  defence  might  be  prolonged  for  a  few  weeks,  its  ultimate 
surrender  was  inevitable.  The  admiral  in  command,  the  mar- 
quis Desgouttes,  was  desirous  of  sailing  out  of  the  harbour  and 
making  an  attempt  to  save  his  ships :  de  Dnicour,  however, 
prevailed  upon  him  to  remain,  so  that  the  defence  could  be 
prolonged,  and  the  British  troops  employed,  and  not  be 
available  to  be  taken  elsewhere.  The  French  commander  had 
been  given  to  understand  that  it  was  the  intention  of  Montcalm 
to  attack  Abercrombie  on  the  15th  of  July.  He  considered 
that  by  this  course  he  was  weakening  the  strength  of  the 
British  force.*  The  probability,  however,  is  that,  had  the 
capitulation  been  made  at  an  early  date,  the  fleet  and  the 
transports  would  have  immediately  sailed  for  Quebec. 

On  the  13th,  "  I'Echo  "  frigate  succeeded  in  escaping  in  the 
fog  with  despatches  to  Quebec,  but  she  failed  to  pass  through 
the  British  cruisers,  and  on  the  19th  was  brought  back  a  cap- 
ture. It  then  became  known  that  the  "Bizarre"  had  left  on 
the  day  of  landing,  and  the  "  Com^te  "  since  that  date. 

The  weather  became  more  settled;  accordingly,  on  the  i6th, 
twelve  days'  provisions  were  landed  from  the  store-ships. 
Some  idea  of  the  perilous  difficulty  experienced  in  getting  the 
guns  and  stores  on  shore  may  be  formed,  when  it  is  stated  that  ■ 
upwards  of  one  hundred  boats  were  lost  in  the  service. 

Wolfe  opened  his  batteries  on  the  eastern  side  on  the  20th. 
His  attack  from  lighthouse  point  was  directed  against  the 
island  battery ;  the  northeast  battery  played  upon  the  ship- 
ping. On  the  25th  the  firing  was  continued  day  and  night 
on  the  island  battery,  which  had  constantly  endeavoured  to 
interrupt  Wolfe's  operations.  It  was  now  silenced  :  to  some 
extent,  owing  to  the  imperfect  construction  of  the  defences,  it 
had  suffered  from  the  discharge  of  its  own  guns. 

•  Que.  Doc.,  IV.,  p.  148. 


I30  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

The  fortress  was  now  exposed  to  bombardment  from  the 
sea.  To  prevent  the  entry  of  the  British  fleet,  the  French 
sunk  four  ships  across  the  harbour ;  a  fifth  was  subsequently 
placed  beside  them.  The  effect  of  this  proceeding  was  to 
cause  the  attack  by  land  to  be  more  vigorously  pushed  for- 
ward. It  had  been  conducted  under  great  obstacles.  The 
weather  remained  unfavourable  ;  the  surf  made  the  landing 
of  stores  a  work  of  danger.  The  roads  necessary  to  the  trans- 
port of  artillery  and  the  operations  of  the  siege  exacted  great 
labour.  They  had  to  be  carried  across  morasses  and  the 
roughest  ground.  The  approaches,  consequently,  exacted 
more  time  than  had  been  looked  for. 

On  the  1st  of  July  a  sortie  was  attempted  against  the  works 
on  the  northern  side  ;  it  was  beaten  back  by  the  light  infantry 
without  injury  to  the  besiegers.  On  the  same  day  Wolfe  took 
possession  of  the  ground  to  the  north  of  the  "  Barachois,"  and 
commenced  raising  works  to  attack  the  fortress  from  that 
direction.  On  the  3rd  he  was  on  the  western  side,  directing 
the  redoubts  which  were  being  constructed  against  the  citadel 

Hitherto  there  had  been  no  interruption  of  the  besiegers' 
works  by  the  irregular  troops.  We  learn  from  de  Drucour 
that  at  the  commencement  of  the  siege  there  were  only  about 
120  Acadians,  with  some  few  Indians.*  Aftfer  the  landing, 
they  mostly  returned  to  their  villages.  Boish^bert,  with  400 
Canadians  and  Indians,  arrived  in  July.  On  the  8th  they 
attacked  the  outposts,  and  were  beaten  back.  They  are  not 
c^ain  heard  of 

A  more  important  sortie  was  attempted  on  the  9th  against 
the  right  of  the  attacking  line  under  brigadier  Lawrence.  It 
consisted  of  five  pickets,  supported  by  600  men.  Writers  of 
the  date  represent  the  French  troops  to  have  been  well  sup- 
plied with  liquor.  They  surprised  in  the  trenches  a  company 
of  Forbes'  Highlanders, under  the  command  of  lord  Dundonald, 
who  was  killed.  Some  of  the  men  also  fell,  aud  some  were 
carried    off   as   prisoners.     Reinforcements   coming   up,   the 

-"[Que.  Doc,  IV.,  p.  (48.] 


1758]  l'arEthuse,  131 

French  were  driven  off  with  some  loss.  On  the  following 
day  they  sent  out  a  flag  of  truce  so  the  dead  could  be  buried : 
the  only  result  arising  from  the  attack. 

There  was  no  halt  or  hesitation  in  the  completion  of  the 
British  lines.  There  was  perfect  accord  between  the  two 
services.  The  officers  were  zealous  in  dischai^e  of  their  duty, 
the  hardship  was  cheerfully  undergone,  and  no  labour  was 
spared  to  effect  the  completion  of  redoubts  by  which  the 
fortress  was  to  be  attacked  from  the  western  side. 

Four  batteries  had  been  constructed  on  the  Martissan 
heights  to  the  west  of  the  town  ;  on  the  i6th  of  July,  at  seven 
in  the  evening,  the  British  in  force  seized  the  heights,  about 
1,500  feet  from  the  dauphin  bastion.  The  French  fired  all 
night  to  dislodge  them,  but  it  was  found  at  daylight  that  the 
British  were  well  established.  The  spot  was  known  as  "la 
hauteur  de  la  justice,"  *  where  public  executions  took  place. 
Owing  to  its  threatening  position,  the  previous  year  the  level 
h<id  been  lowered  seven  feet.  On  the  1 7th  the  fire  was  opened 
from  the  four  redoubts,  and  the  defences  greatly  suffered. 
On  the  following  days  the  fire  was  renewed  with  equal  effect, 
by  which  the  dauphin  bastion  was  much  injured.  The  guns 
of  the  fortress  were  in  every  way  unequal  to  reply  to  the 

The  extreme  northern  lines  were  subjected  to  the  spirited 
attack  of  the  frigate  "  I'Arithuse,"  captain  Vauclain,  which 
took  up  a  position  by  the  "  Barachois,"  and  shelled  the  British 
working  parties,  and  the  fire  was  so  effective  as  to  require  the 
construction  of  a  long  ^paulement  for  their  protection.  This 
work  was  persevered  in,  until  the  completion  of  the  attack 
against  the  dauphin  gate,  and  the  formation  of  a  road  between 
the  eastern  and  western  works.  As  "I'Ar^thuse"  could  no 
longer  be  of  any  service  in  this  attempt,  it  was  determined  to 
send  her  with  despatches  to  France.  She  stole  out  of  the 
harbour  on  the  15th,  and  escaped  the  cruisers,  although 
rockets  were  thrown  up  from  lighthouse  point  notifying  the 
fleet  that  a  vessel  was  endeavouring  to  run  the  blockade. 

■  It  may  be  tmnslated  in  English  b;  "  Gallows  hill." 


132  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l758 

The  fire  was  persistently  continued  during  the  succeeding 
days.  On  the  night  of  the  i8th  the  second  parallel  was  com- 
pleted, and  the  batteries  to  the  south  of  cape  Noir  were 
advanced.  On  the  19th  the  dauphin  bastion  had  ceased  to 
reply,  while  the  British,  although  discharging  but  few  bombs, 
continued  a  heavy  fire.  In  the  meantime  the  dauphin  battery 
had  been  re-established.  But  the  batteries  of  the  besiegers 
had  been  pushed  forward ;  one  to  the  south  attacking  the 
queen's  battery. 

In  these  trying  circumstances  de  la  HouUire,  who  was  in 
command  of  the  land  forces,  oi^nized  a  sortie  of  1,500  men. 
It  was  proposed  to  place  in  position  two  of  the  vessels,  so 
that  their  broadsides  would  be  brought  to  bear  upon  the 
British  works,  De  la  Houliere,  with  1,000  men,  was  to  leave 
by  the  dauphin  gate,  to  attack  the  batteries  in  front  and  flank. 
A  force  was  to  leave  by  the  king's  bastion  to  attack  the  right 
of  the  line.  The  sortie  had  been  arranged  for  the  night  of 
the  22nd,  but  on  the  21st,  at  half-past  two  in  the  afternoon, 
"  le  Cel^bre  "  caught  fire.  It  was  not  possible  to  extinguish 
the  flames,  and  the  fire  was  communicated  by  the  sails  of  the 
vessel  to  the  masts  and  rigging  of  "  I'Entreprenant,"  and  by 
her  carried  to  "  le  Capricieux."  No  sailor  was  lost  in  the 
vessels,  but  many  were  killed  in  the  endeavour  to  extinguish 
the  flames.  The  whole  garrison  was  placed  under  arms,  for 
the  besiegers'  firing  was  continued,  and  it  was  feared  that  an 
assault  might  be  made.  It  was  impossible  to  save  the  vessels, 
and  in  a  short  time  they  were  entirely  destroyed.  The  reso- 
lution was  adhered  to  of  attempting  the  sortie,  but  the  move- 
ment was  deferred,  owing  to  the  necessity  of  guarding  against 
the  danger  of  the  remaining  vessels  taking  fire  from  the 
floating  burning  hulls. 

On  the  following  day  two  batteries  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  cape  Noir  were  opened:  one  mounted  with  thirteen  24-pr5; 
another  of  seven  mortars.  They  were  brought  to  bear  upon 
the  citadel.  Adjoining  was  a  stone  structure,  which  contained 
the  quarters  of  the  officers  and  the  barracks  of  the  men.  A 
part  of  the  building  was  assigned  as  the  governor's  residence. 


1758]  THE  TOWN   ON   FIRE.  IJJ 

The  chapel  was  also  in  the  building.  At  eight  in  the  morning 
a  shell  set  the  barracks  on  fire.  The  governor's  residence  with 
difficulty  was  saved.  It  was  only  by  great  elTort  that  the 
flames  were  subdued,  and  it  was  not  until  three  in  the  after- 
noon that  they  were  extinguished.  The  whole  garrison  was 
kept  under  arms,  and  upwards  of  forty  men  were  killed  when 
engaged  in  this  duty.  All  this  continuous  effort  led  to  the 
men  being  worn  out  by  fatigue.  They  were  denied  any  rest 
The  bombardment  went  on  uninterruptedly:  the  fire  was 
persevered  in  during  the  night,  for  the  moon  was  bright,  "  as 
clear  as  day."*  At  four  o'clock  a  large  portion  of  the  dauphin 
battery  had  been  displaced,  and  had  fallen  away.  The  troops 
were  still  kept  available  to  be  turned  out  at  a  moment's  notice. 
On  the  23rd  the  queen's  battery  was  placed  hors  de  service. 
The  barracks,  shattered  by  bombs,  gave  no  protection  to  the 
soldier  ;  the  troops  were  driven  out  to  find  refuge  where  they 
could  obtain  it ;  where  there  was  shelter  from  the  cannon. 
Thirty-five  were  carried  to  hospital  before  two  o'clock.  The 
king's  battery  was  the  only  one  which  held  out.  There  was 
an  attempt  on  the  night  of  the  23rd  to  repair  the  dauphin 
bastion,  for  the  broken  material  rose  two  feet  higher  than  the 
level  of  the  water  in  the  ditch.  Between  eleven  and  twelve 
the  British  commenced  throwing  bombs  filled  with  explosives. 
The  wooden  barracks  at  the  queen's  bastion  caught  fire ; 
there  were  several  wooden  houses  in  the  neighbourhood,  and 
fears  were  entertained  that  they  could  not  escape.  If  they 
had  once  taken,  the  whole  town,  which  was  mostly  of  wood, 
would  have  been  consumed,  and  the  fire  would  have  reached 
the  hospital  and  the  magazines.  By  demolishing  some  houses 
the  conflagration  was  stopped  ;  fortunately,  a  change  of  wind 
permitted  the  fire  to  be  kept  within  some  limit.  The  garrison 
again  passed  the  night  under  arms.  On  the  24th  another 
battery  was  opened  against  the  king's  bastion  ;  in  a  short 
time  the  whole  line  of  defences  along  the  covered  way,  except 
the  princess  bastion  at  cape  Noir,  was  silenced.  An  attempt 
was  made  to  reply  to  the  attack,  but  from  daybreak  of  the 
■  "  AuMi  Claire  que  le  jour."    Que.  Doc.,  IV.,  p.  181. 


134  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

25th  a.  continuous  heavy  fire  was  directed  against  the  fortress. 
As  night  came  on,  an  attempt  was  again  made  to  repair  the 
bastions.  On  the  morning  of  the  26th,  at  half-past  one,  there 
was  a  heavy  fog,  and  a  loud  commotion  was  heard  in  the 
harbour.  The  cannon  from  the  British  lines  was  still  fired  to 
command  the  attention  of  the  wearied  and  jaded  French 
troops,  and  with  the  purpose  of  concealing  the  operations  by 
the  navy  against  the  two  remaining  vessels  in  the  harbour: 
one  of  the  most  gallant  acts  during  the  war. 

Between  twelve  and  one,  boats  containing  six  hundred 
seamen  left  the  ships,  under  captain  Leforey,  and  rowed  for 
the  harbour,  with  the  design  of  cutting  out  the  two  French 
vessels,  "  le  Prudent  "  and  "  le  Bienfaisant ":  all  that  remained 
of  the  magnificent  fleet  of  two  months  previously.  No  such 
attack  had  been  looked  for  ;  the  crews  made  little  resistance, 
and  the  shots  fired  from  the  quays  towards  the  boats  were  of 
little  effect.  Both  ships  were  taken.  "  Le  Prudent  "  grounded 
as  she  was  being  towed  away  ;  as  it  was  found  impossible  to 
float  her,  she  was  burned,  "  Le  Bienfaisant "  was  taken  to  the 
north-west  harbour  and  anchored  there.* 

The  harbour  was  now  open  for  ships  to  sail  into  its  waters, 
and  bombard  the  town  and  fortress,  with  scarcely  any  resis- 
tance. There  was  no  lull  in  the  land  attack.  Early  in  the 
morning  the  four  pieces  from  the  battery  on  the  height,  /a 
hauteur  de justice,  wcxG  turned  against  the  dauphin  bastion,  and 
the  effect  was  most  damaging.  The  besieged  were  indeed  in 
a  desperate  condition.  The  hospital  was  full  of  wounded ; 
those  who  continued  on  duty  were  worn  out  with  fatigue,  by 
labour  which  never  ceased,  and  from  the  necessity  of  con- 

*  Of  the  ships  in  the  harbonr,  "  le  Prudent,"  74.  was  bonit  by  the  boats  of 
the  fleet  under  oplains  Leforej'  and  Balfour.  "  L'Entreprenant,"  74,  was  blown 
up  and  burnt  by  shot  from  the  marine  battery.  "  Le  Capiicienx "  and  "le 
Cjiebre,"  both  64.  were  burnt  through  catching  fire  from  "  t'Entreprenanl." 
*'  Le  Sienfaisani,"  64,  was  taken  by  the  boats  and  lowed  lo  the  northeast  harbour. 
The  "Apollo,"  50,  and  Ihe  three  frigates  "  Chtvre,"  "  Biche  "  and  "Fidile" 
were  sunk  by  the  enemy  across  the  mouth  of  the  harbour.  The  "Diana,"  36, 
was  taken  by  her  majesty's  ship  "  Boreas,"  T^e  "  Echo,"  26  guns,  was  taken  by 
the  "Juno,"    Thus  the  whole  French  fleet  was  destroyed. 


1758]  THE  SURRENDER.  I35 

stantly  remaining  in  readiness  to  withstand  an  assault.  The 
enemy  was  increasing  the  batteries,  and  advancing  them 
nearer  to  the  place  ;  it  was  also  plain  to  the  besieged,  that  as 
these  efforts  were  on  all  sides  successful,  so  the  greater  energy 
and  perseverance  were  shewn.  The  bastions  were  in  ruins, 
most  of  the  guns  silenced  ;  the  defence  had  been  most 
gallant,  and  what  raises  it  in  character  was  its  continuance  in 
the  face  of  almost  certain  failure.  The  feeling  must  have  been 
general,  that  unless  some  extraordinary  event  intervened, 
such  as  a  tempest  shattering  the  fleet,  the  surrender  of  the 
fortress  was  only  a  question  of  time.  The  force  in  front  was 
so  preponderating,  that  there  could  be  no  hope  of  relief  from 
without,  or  of  a  successful  resistance  within.  The  defence, 
nevertheless,  lasted  fifty-two  days.  Whatever  the  conditions 
of  surrender,  the  defenders  of  Louisbourg  yielded  the  fortress 
to  its  conquerors  without  any  taint  of  dishonour.* 

On  the  morning  of  the  26th  a  council  of  war  was  called. 
A  memoir  of  the  engineer  Franquet  was  read,  when  the 
capitulation  was  unanimously  resolved.  The  aide-major,  de 
Lopineau,  was  sent  to  the  British  camp.  He  there  met  both 
Boscawen  and  Amherst.  They  replied  in  writing,  giving  the 
garrison  one  hour  to  capitulate  as  prisoners  of  war.f 

When  the  council  met  to  consider  this  communication,  as 

*  The  defence  lasted  from  the  4th  of  June  lo  (he  26th  of  July.  D«  U 
Hooliere,  who  wu  io  comniaDd  of  the  laitd  force,  in  >  letler  to  tbe  minister  of  the 
6th  of  August  [Que.  I!>oc.,  IV.,  p.  176],  gives  s  graphic  and  dciailed  account  of 
the  si^e  from  the  l6th  of  July.  The  Utilish  general  he  mentions  as  Kambeik. 
t  The  following  is  the  lelter  sent  by  ihe  iiiitiah  commanders  10  de  Drucour  : 
"In  answer  to  the  proposal  I  have  just  now  had  the  honour  lo  receive  from 
yout  eiceilenc)'  by  the  sieur  Loppinot,  I  have  only  to  tell  your  excellency  that  it 
bath  been  determined  by  his  excellency  admiral  Boscawen  and  me,  that  his  ships 
shall  go  in  to-morrow  to  make  a  general  allack  upon  the  town.  Your  excellency 
knows  very  well  the  situation  of  the  army  and  the  fleet,  and  as  his  excellency  the 
admiral,  as  well  as  I,  is  very  desirous  lo  prevent  ihe  effusion  of  blood,  we  give 
your  excellency  one  hour  after  receiving  this  to  determine  either  to  capitulate  M 
prisoner!  of  war,  or  take  upon  you  all  the  consequences  of  a  defence  against  Ihe 
fleet  and  army. 

Jeff.  Auubrst." 


T36  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l758 

one  man  *  the  opinion  was  expressed  that  the  terms  could 
not  be  accepted,  and  that  it  was  better  to  withstand  the 
general  assault.  Lieut. -colon el  Daubenay,  of  the  "  Vohntaires 
Strangers"  was  dispatched  to  the  British  lines  to  ask  for  a 
similar  capitulation  to  that  granted  to  the  garrison  at  Minorca. 
Daubenay  returned  with  the  written  reply,  that  the  British 
commanders  had  nothing  to  change  in  the  terms  offered. 
Again  the  council  met,  and  it  was  resolved  that  it  was  prefer- 
able to  meet  the  British  with  arms  in  their  hands,  than 
accept  such  conditions,  upon  which  de  Drucour  wrote  back 
that  he  had  to  reiterate  that  his  demands  were  the  same, 
and  that  he  continued  in  the  first  manner  of  thinking.f 

When  this  determination  was  formed,  Franquet  with  de  la 
Houlifere  examined  the  ground  to  select  the  spot  where  the 
last  stand  should  be  made.  It  appeared  to  them  that  it  could 
best  be  attempted  at  the  princess  battery,  the  nearest  to  cape 
Noir.  The  report  of  what  was  happening  came  to  the  ears  of 
Provost,  the  commissary- general.  He  lost  no  time  in  seeing 
de  Drucour.  He  dwelt  on  the  miseries  to  which  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  town  and  the  sick  in  hospital  would  be  exposed 
by  a  hopeless  resistance,  for  the  superiority  of  the  enemy's 
force  removed  every  chance  of  success.  Were  it  otherwise  he 
would  have  been  silent,  but  as  matters  stood,  to  take  the 
desperate  course  resolved  upon  would  only  cause  the  useless 
sacrifice  of  the  lives  of  gallant  men  on  a  point  of  military 
honour.  There  were  4,000  souls  of  the  families  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, 1,000  to  1,200  sick  in  hospital  or  in  tents.  All  these 
would  be  exposed  to  blood  and  carnage,  to  the  horrors 
committed  by  an  unbridled  soldiery  in  a  pretended  resentment 
for  what  had  taken  place  in  Canada.  The  allusion  is  here  to 
the  events  at  William  Henry  of  the  previous  year,  and  to  the 
attraction  of  plunder.  It  was,  continued  Provost,  not  merely 
the  question  of  cape  Breton,  which  might  be  looked  upon  as 
lost  to  the  king  of  France,  but  some  consideration  should  be 

t  qu'it  leur  reiljroit,  que  son  parti  ilsit  le  mfine,  et  qu'il  penistoit  dsns  la 
premiere  ftjon  de  penser.    Que.  Doc.,  JV.,  p.  185. 



given  to  the  other  colonies  of  the  kingfdom.  For  if  Louisbourg 
suffered  a  cruel  fate,  the  memory  of  it  would  act  as  a  terror 
to  deter  merchants  from  carrying  on  commerce  with  the 
colonies,  and  would  prevent  the  workman  and  the  husband- 
man from  proceeding  to  them.  It  might  be  a  matter  of 
military  duty  to  make  such  a  stand,  and. he  .was  not  surprised 
that  it  should  be  contemplated.  Both  the  governor  and 
himself,  however,  were  chained  with  the  civil  administration 
of  the  colony,  aad  they  had  from  that  position  to  consider 
the  view  he  had  felt  it  his  duty  to  express.* 

His  intervention  had  the  effect  hoped  for.  He  influenced 
de  Drucour  to  send  a  messenger  after  M.  de  Lopineau,  who 
had  been  entrusted  with  the  letter,  and  to  recall  him.  What- 
ever the  cause,  the  latter  had  not  proceeded  any  great  distance  ; 
indeed,  he  had  only  reached  the  covered  way,  so  he  was  easily 
overtaken.  The  letter  was  withdrawn,  and  Daubenay,  who 
understood  English  well,  was  sent  in  company  with  de 
Lopineau  to  obtain  what  modification  of  the  conditions  offered 
were  possible  ;  in  a  word,  the  best  terms  which  would  be 
granted  by  the  British  commanders.  The  latter,  however, 
adhered  to  the  views  expressed  in  their  first  letter,  but  some 
consideration  was  shewn  with  regard  to  the  inhabitants.  At 
noon  the  French  officers  returned  with  the  reply  they  had 
obtained.  No  course  was  open  to  de  Drucour  but  its  ac- 
ceptance. There  were,  as  Provost  had  stated,  1,200  soldiers 
and  sailors  wounded  and  sick  in  tents  and  in  the  hospital. 
The  walls  were  in  ruins ;  and  the  batteries  of  the  besiegers 
were  becoming  daily  more  effective  from  their  strength,  De 
la  Houliere  describes  them  as  armed  with'  forty-two  mortars 
from  25  to  30  inches  ;  and  sixty-five  cannon,  36-prs.  and  24- 
prs.  While  this  attack  of  heavy  guns  is  explanatory  of  the 
damaged  condition  of  the  fortress,  it  speaks  forcibly  of  the 
energy  and  labour  which  had  been  called  forth  in  landing 

•  "  Repr^tenutioiu  (iiitM  4  M.  le  chevalier  de  Dnicout  au  conseil  de  guerre 
tenu  i  Loaiibou^  le  a6th  juiUel,  1758,"  par  M.  Prjvosi,  conunuttire.g^fral 
de  la  marine,  ordonnateui  i  Ille  Rofale.     Dussieux,  p.  327. 


138  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

them  in  the  heavy  surf,  and  had  carried  them  over  the  morass, 
to  the  commanding  position  of  the  British  lines. 

The  articles  of  capitulation  were  signed  before  midnight. 
They  stipulated  that  the  garrison  should  surrender  as  prisoners 
of  war,  and  be  sent  to  England  in  British  ships ;  that  the 
artillery,  provisions  and  arms  in  the  islands  of  cape  Breton 
and  of  tie  Saint  Jean  (Prince  Edward  island)  should  be 
surrendered  ;  the  troops  stationed  there  to  embark  in  vessels 
sent  for  them  ;  dauphin  gate  was  to  be  given  over  at  eight 
o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  27th  to  a  British  force ;  the 
garrison  and  all  carrying  arms  to  assemble  on  the  esplanade, 
and  there  lay  down  their  arms,  colours  and  insignia  of  war, 
to  be  constituted  prisoners  of  war,  to  proceed  on  board  ship 
to  be  transported  to  England  ;  the  sick  were  to  be  cared  for ; 
the  non-combatants  to  be  allowed  to  return  to  France.  The 
number  of  prisoners  which  surrendered  was  5,637,  with 
221  cannon  and  18  mortars,  with  a  considerable  quantity  of 
ammunition  and  stores. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  27th  major  Farquhar  took 
possession  of  the  west  gate,  and  brigadier  Whitmore  with  a 
strong  force  marched  to  the  esplanade  to  receive  the  surrender. 
It  was  not  only  by  the  gate  that  entry  could  be  obtained. 
The  walls  were  so  battered  that  there  were  two  different  spots 
at  which  access  could  be  had  over  the  heaps  of  stone  and 
material.  Sentries  were  placed  at  these  openings  to  prevent 
the  pillage  of  the  town  by  the  camp  followers  always  present 
on  such  occasions. 

The  French  troops  assembled  on  the  esplanade,  gloomily 
grounded  their  arms,  and  marched  to  the  boats  to  be  taken 
on  shipboard.  The  besieging  force  took  possession  of  the 
town  and  fortress.  Brigadier  Whitmore  was  appointed  gov- 
ernor, and  the  British  flag  was  hoisted  from  the  citadel, 
proclaiming  that  the  contest  was  ended. 

The  news  of  the  conquest  was  carried  to  England  by  cap- 
tain Amherst,  the  general's  brother.  At  the  same  time  he 
was  the  bearer  of  the  eleven  French  standards  which  had  been 
surrendered.     They  were   received  by  the  king  as  material 


17S8]  REJOICINGS  AT   HOME.  139 

tokens  of  victory.  With  great  parade,  and  a  large  escort, 
drums  beating  and  trumpets  sounding,  they  were  borne  from 
Kensington  palace  to  St.  Paul's,  and  there  deposited,  during 
a  salute  of  artillery,  and  the  most  animated  demonstrations 
of  public  joy.  The  conquest  of  Louisbourg  was  indeed 
the  first  gleam  of  triumph  reflected  on  the  British  arms  in 
America.  Hitherto  there  had  been  a  series  of  reverses,  and  so 
distinguished  a  success  was  not  only  to  be  looked  upon  as  a 
new  national  honour  ;  it  was  a  promise  of  future  victory.  It 
had  struck  a  blow  at  French  power  on  the  western  continent 
in  its  most  vital  part,  the  end  of  which,  although  not  foreseen, 
was  looked  for  with  confidence  and  hope.  All  classes  in 
London  expressed  their  unmistakeable  satisfaction.  The 
court,  the  legislature,  men  of  learning  and  science,  the  cor- 
porated  merchants,  the  prosperous  tradesmen,  the  struggling 
populace,  were  in  accord  as  to  the  importance  of  the  event 
The  sentiment  was  participated  in  by  the  great  provincial 
towns.  The  feeling  arose  that  the  country  was  emerging  from 
the  condition  of  sloth  and  despondency  into  which  it  had  been 
sunk  by  political  venality,  and  the  want  of  honesty  and  ability 
of  the  governing  classes.  The  victory  was  not  regarded  alone 
as  the  triumph  of  bravery  and  endurance.  It  gave  assurance 
of  a  wiser  government,  of  a  more  honest  administration  of 
affairs ;  that  merit  and  worth  would  obtain  recognition.  It 
was  believed  and  hoped  that  the  national  dignity  had  ceased 
to  be  the  plaything  of  incompetence  and  unscrupulousness. 
The  material  advantages  were  on  all  sides  admitted.  The 
fortress  had  been  destroyed,  the  very  establishment  of  which 
was  a  threat  to  New  England,  which  existed  with  the  avowed 
intention  of  paralyzing  her  commerce  and  destroying  her  fish- 
eries, and  of  finally  regaining  Nova  Scotia;  to  be  re-named  the 
Acadia  of  former  days.  All  these  probabilities  had  passed  away 
with  the  uprooting  of  the  power  which  had  projected  them. 

Boscawen  was  a  member  of  the  imperial  parliament.  On 
taking  his  seat  he  received  the  thanks  of  the  house  of  com- 
mons, which  had  been  voted  to  him  in  common  with  Amherst : 
their  names  are  the  only  two  specified,  those  of  Wolfe  and  the 


I40  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

Other  brigadiers  not  appearing.  Amherst  further  received  the 
appointment  of  governor  of  Vii^inia,  an  office  which  in  those 
days  was  regarded  as  a  sinecure.  The  duties  were  performed 
by  the  lieutenant-governor,  and  residence  in  England  followed 
as  a  matter  of  course.  Amherst,  regarding  it  as  a  reward 
for  his  military  services,  accepted  the  appointment  with  the 
understanding  that  he  was  not  personally  to  administer  the 

In  1760  Louisbourg  was  demohshed,  its  fortifications,  as  far 
as  possible,  razed  to  the  ground.  Their  site  can  still  be  traced 
by  the  mounds  which  show  where  the  bastions  once  stood, 
and  by  the  imperfect  lines  which  mark  the  direction  of  the 
streets.  Some  fishermen's  huts  have  been  constructed  near 
the  ocean,  and  some  houses  arc  on  the  hills.  They  are  the 
only  memorials  of  the  scene  1  have  attempted  to  describe. 
Everything  of  value  was  taken  away.  The  boucharded  stones 
of  any  account  were  afterwards  used  in  the  public  buildings 
of  Halifax.  The  wisdom  of  the  step  is  manifest.  On  the  one 
hand  it  prevented  the  re-occupation  of  the  fortress  by  the 
French,  by  a  second  treaty  of  cession,  and  as  a  port  Louis- 
bourg is  not  of  paramount  value  to  British  America.  No  two 
naval  stations  such  as  Halifax  and  Louisbourg  are  required 
by  the  same  power.  Even  if  the  sea  voyage,  by  landing  at 
Louisbourg,  be  shortened  some  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles, 
the  gut  of  Canso  has  to  be  crossed  before  the  main  land  is 
reached  ;  it  is  about  a  mile  and  a  half  wide,  with  a  rapid 
current.  So  little  time  is  gained  by  the  preference  of  Louis- 
bourg to  Halifax,  that  it  would  be  difficult  to-day  to  advocate 
its  re-establishment,  either  on  the  ground  of  military  or 
commercial  requirements.    The  decision  of  the  able  men  who 

*  Fiveyearsaflerihe  treaty  of  Paris,  in  1768,  Amherst  was  called  upon  to  resign 
the  positioti,  objections  having  been  raised  in  the  province  against  his  non-resi- 
dence. On  the  ground  that  the  office  had  been  given  as  a  reward  for  services,  he 
claimed  that  it  should  be  replaced  by  other  emoluments.  After  much  unpleasajil- 
ness,  which  affected  even  bis  relations  with  the  king,  Amherst's  representations 
nere  admitted,  and  he  was  appointed  governor  of  Guernsey.  He  became  even- 
tually the  recipient  of  higher  honours,  including  a  peerage,  and  tbe  appointment 
of  commander-in-chief. 



doomed  it  to  destruction  at  the  time  of  the  conquest  will  still 
be  remembered,  if  wisdom  and  honesty  govern  the  public 
councils  in  the  dominion.* 

In  America  the  feeling  of  satisfaction  was  equally  strong. 
There  was  great  rejoicing  in  the  cities  of  Boston,  New  York 
and  Philadelphia.  The  certain  benefit  which  the  destruction 
of  the  fortress  conferred  on  New  England  was  known  and 
felt,  but  by  all  account  it  would  have  been  preferred  if  it  had 
been  eiTected  by  New  England  troops,  whereas  it  was  entirely 
an  imperial  triumph  r  a  debt  of  safety  obtained  through  the 
intervention  of  the  mother  country.  It  is  not  possible  to  set 
out  of  view  the  fact  that  at  this  date  there  was  a  strong  desire 
in  the  American  provinces  to  be  independent  of  all  home 
control :  even  when  their  very  existence  depended  on  the  power 
which  Great  Britain  would  put  forth  to  maintain  them. 
Until  the  taking  of  Louisbourg,  French  encroachments  to 
narrow  the  colonial  territory  to  the  Allagheny  had  not  been  a 
mere  visionary  dread.  It  was  British  power  which  alone 
assured  the  nationality  of  the  American  colonist ;  which 
stayed  the  depredation  on  his  commerce  on  the  ocean, 
imposed  a  limit  on  the  encroachment  of  France  from  the 

•  II  WHS  not  unlil  the  isi  of  June,  1760,  ihat  the  unintemipled  dealrnction  of 
the  works  wu  commenced  under  captain  Mnckelt,  of  the  company  of  miners, 
assisted  bj  working  panics  from  the  infantry,  of  strength  varying,  according  to 
the  work,  frou  160  to  220  daily.  The  miners  and  artificers  numbered  a  Utile 
over  100.  The  whole  work  was  completed  on  the  loth  of  November,  1760,  there 
having  been  only  two  days'  intermission  besides  Sundays,  one  being  the  king's 
birthday  and  the  other  being  midsummer's  day.  The  reason  for  keeping  this 
latter  day  is  thus  mentioned  in  a  MS.  diary  of  the  mining  operations  at  Louis- 
bourg, now  in  the  royal  artillery  office,  which  belonged  to  sir  John  Seymour : 
"  According  to  tradition  among  the  miners,  Midsummer  was  the  lirst  that  found 
out  the  copper  mines  in  Cornwall,  for  which  occasion  they  esteem  this  a  holy  day 
and  all  the  miners  come  from  below  ground  to  carouse  and  drink  to  the  good  old 
nun'i  memory." 

[History  of  the  royal  regiment  of  artillery,  by  major  Francis  Duncan,  R.A., 
pp.  203-4.) 

The  order  for  the  destruction  of  Louisboui^  was  sent  by  Pitt  to  Amherst  on 
the  9th  of  February,  1760.  It  was  communicated  by  Amherst  to  Whitmore  on 
the  33rd  of  April,  captain  Ruvyne  being  specially  sent  from  New  York  to  super- 
intend the  work  of  demolition.     [Can.  Arch.,  A.  &  W.  I.,  93.1,  p.  190.] 


142  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['758 

north  towards  New  England,  and  on  the  west  towards  Albany 
and  Philadelphia,  both  so  long  and  so  powerfully  threatened. 
It  was  the  first  act  in  the  final  drama,  in  which  the  British 
colonist  was  to  become  the  undisputed  master  of  North 


It  is  generally  staled  that  Mde.  de  Dnicoar  showed  great  courage  during  the 
siege,  frequentlr  visiting  tbe  soldier*  to  encoarage  them,  especially  (he  guoDcrt, 
and  that  daily  she  heiself  fired  off  three  cannons.  I  can  find  no  authority  for  this 
beyond  Pichon,  who  relates  the  fact  io  his  "Lillrts  et  Mimeirts  four  scrvir  d 
rhiitaire  naturtUi,  civile  et  felitiqut  du  cap  Breton,  defids  ien  ittUilititme*t  jitiqti 
i  la  nprite  de  ctlte  itUpar  Us  Anglaii  m  1758."  This  book  was  published  in 
London  in  1760,  and  in  Paris  in  1761.  It  is  written  to  convey  the  idea  that  the 
writer  was  present  during  the  siege.  The  statement  is  a!so  repeated  by  the  Abbtf 
Raynal  in  his  "  ffistoire  PAUaiephiqiu,"  hax  published  in  1774  at  the  Hague. 
Raynal  cannot  therefore  be  accepted  as  an  authority.  No  weight  can  be  attached 
10  Pichon's  statement.  He  was  taken  prisoner  at  the  si^e  of  Beausijour,  and 
remained  in  Halifax  until  175S,  when  he  went  to  London,  to  remain  in  England 
■until  the  year  of  bis  death,  1781. 

T  am  especially  led  to  doubt  the  fact,  because  it  is  not  mentioned  by  Wolle, 
for  in  a  letter  to  his  mother  he  relates  that  he  paid  a  visit  to  the  ladies.  "  T  went 
jnto  Louisbourg  this  morning  to  pay  my  devoirs  to  the  ladies,  bat  found  them  all 
so  pale  and  thin  with  long  confinement  tn  a  casemate,  that  I  made  my  visit  very 
short.  Tbe  poor  women  have  tieen  heartily  frightened,  as  well  they  might,  but  no 
real  harm,  either  during  tbe  siege  or  after  it,  has  befallen  any."  [Wright's  Wolle, 
p.  446.]  Could  any  extraordinary  statement  have  been  made  regarding  Mde.  de 
Drucour,  Wolfe  would  have  mentioned  it  10  his  mother,  for  he  was  fond  of  giving 
her  news.  Fichon  makes  another  statement,  [p.  381],  which  also  partakes  of  the 
marvellous.  He  tells  us  that  after  the  surrender  was  resolved  upon,  the  evening 
before  tbe  Stilish  took  possession,  the  French  soldiers  without  restraint  were  per- 
mitted to  plunder  the  king's  stores,  and  that  the  whole  night  the  priests  were  busy 
marrying  ihe  young  girls  to  anyone  willing  to  accept  the  responsibility  of  wedlock, 
the  object  being  to  prevent  them  becoming  the  wives  of  the  heretic  conquerors. 
The  abb£  Raynal  does  not  record  this  statement. 





From  the  taking  of  Louisbourg  to  the  Capture 
OF  Quebec  :  1759. 





When  the  expedition  against  Louisbourg  was  organized,  no 
long  resistance  was  anticipated,  and  it  was  the  plan  of  the 
campaign  that,  after  the  conquest  of  cape  Breton,  the  fleet, 
without  delay,  should  sail  to  the  attack  of  Quebec,  but  much 
happened  that  was  unforeseen.  Campaigns  on  paper,  made 
in  the  quiet  of  an  office,  even  when  carefully  and  wisely  con- 
sidered, invariably  change  much  of  their  character  in  the  field. 
The  siege  exacted  longer  time  than  had  been  foretold.  The 
most  sanguine  of  those  who  urged  the  expedition  had  counted 
upon  a  quiet  sea,  and  believed  that,  with  an  attacking  force 
of  sufficient  strength,  but  few  days  of  resistance  would  be 
experienced.  The  greatest  cause  of  difficulty  and  delay 
proved  to  be  the  stormy  weather ;  the  defence  at  the  same 
time  had  been  obstinate,  and  it  was  not  until  the  end  of  July 
that  the  capitulation  was  made.  The  first  Impulse  of  the 
conquerors  was  to  sail  to  Quebec  ;  a  few  days  consideration 
shewed  the  design  to  be  impracticable.  Indeed,  the  surrender 
of  the  fortress  was  only  preliminary  to  the  further  movement 
of  troops  to  assure  the  occupation  of  the  territory  ceded,  and 
in  the  midst  of  this  irresolution  the  news  arrived  of  the  repulse 
of  Abercrombie  before  Ticonderoga,  which  I  have  shortly 
to  relate.* 

When  Abercrombie  heard  of  Amherst's  success,  he  wrote, 
to  learn  his  intention  with  regard  to  the  campaign.  Amherst 
replied  that  he  was  unable  then  to  judge,  but  hoped  it  would 
be  "  found  practicable  to  get  to  Quebec,  which  is  what  I  wish 
much  to  do  ; "  f  a  statement  so  far  important,  as  it  shews  the 
design  was  entertained  in  1758. 

*  The  Dews  came  at  the  close  of  the  siege.     Wolfe  mentions  it  in  his  letter  to 
his  father  on  the  dajf  of  the  surrender,  the  27th  of  July.    [Wright,  p.  448.] 
+  Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I.,  87,  II.,  p.  355. 


148  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  (1758 

It  was  well  known  in  Louisbourg,  that  if  the  fleet  was  to  sail 
for  the  saint  Lawrence,  no  time  could  be  lost  There  was 
really  but  fifteen  weeks  available  before  the  commencement 
of  a  Canadian  winter.  Wolfe,  whose  feelings  were  strong  on 
the  point,  in  his  letters  dwelt  upon  this  necessity,  and  on  the 
6th  of  August  he  brought  the  matter  to  the  notice  of  Amherst. 
The  latter  admitted  that  the  season  was  indeed  passing  away, 
and  he  added  that  he  had  spoken  of  the  expedition  to  the 
admiral,  who  "seemed  to  think  it  impracticable."  Wolfe 
accordinglyoffered  his  services  to  proceed  with  reinforcements 
to  Abercrombie,  "whose  army  is  cut  deep."  The  reply  of 
Amherst  *  was  to  the  effect  that  it  had  been  his  intention  to 
proceed  with  the  entire  force  to  Quebec,  which  he  was  still 
convinced  was  the  best  that  could  be  done,  but  in  consequence 
of  the  unlucky  affair  at  Ticonderc^a,  it  was  advisable  to  rein- 
force Abercrombie  with  Ave  or  six  battalions.  He  would  also 
send  some  regiments  to  the  bay  of  Fundy,  and  detach  a  force 
to  the  gulf  of  Saint  Lawrence.  Wolfe  had  written  that  if 
nothing  further  had  to  be  done,  he  must  ask  leave  to  quit  the 
army.  Amherst  could  in  no  way  agree  to  the  request,  as 
Wolfe's  assistance  was  indispensable  in  the  operations  for  the 
good  of  his  majesty's  service. 

There  was  no  delay  in  the  removal  of  the  French  garrison, 
and  in  the  occupation  of  the  territory  ceded  in  the  capitula- 
tion :  by  the  month  of  August  the  French  troops,  with  the 
private  persons  desirous  of  returning  to  France,+  were  em- 
barked on  board  the  vessels  which  were  to  carry  them  first  to 
England.  J 

Steps  were  taken  to  assure  the  possession  of  ile  Saint  Jean 
(prince  Edward  island) ;  lord  RoIIo  was  sent  with  the  3Sth 
regiment  and  two  battalions  of  the  60th,  to  receive  the  island 
from  the  governor,  de  Villegouin,  who,  with  the  garrison,  was 
placed  on  board  the  transports.     This  island  had  only  risen 

*  Chatham  Correspondence  I.,  p.  3}!. 

t  or  ihe  3,400  French  inhabiunu  of  cape  Breton,  independently  of  the 
garrison,  1,700,  in  accordance  with  their  desire,  were  sent  to  France  ;  ihe  re- 
mainder conlinned  in  the  island,  and  accepted  the  new  government. 

;  Can.  Ateh.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I„  Sj.3,  p.  363. 


1758]  PRINCE  EDWARD  ISLAND.  149 

into  importance  within  the  last  ten  years.  Its  greatest  length 
is  130  miles  ;  its  greatest  breadth,  34  miles :  in  its  narrowest 
part,  towards  the  centre,  it  is  but  four  miles  wide.  At  the 
time  of  Law,  in  1719,  a  company  was  formed  to  develop  the 
fisheries  and  to  place  settlers  on  the  land.  The  count  de 
Saint-Pierre,  first  equery  of  the  duchess  of  Orleans,  was  the 
chief  personage  of  the  project :  at  the  same  time  he  obtained 
the  concession  of  the  Magdalen  islands  and  of  ile  Miscou. 
The  enterprise  failed,  and  ile  Saint  Jean  ceased  to  attract 

After  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  de  Saint  Ovide  took  steps  to 
establish  the  Acadian  population  on  the  island  :  nevertheless, 
in  1720,  there  were  only  seventeen  families,  numbering  about 
one  hundred  of  a  population.  During  the  following  fifteen 
years  the  number  only  increased  to  541.  In  1749,  there  were 
about  1,000  souls.*  The  capture  of  Beaus^jour  and  the 
deportation  of  the  Acadians  in  1755  led  to  several  of  the 
latter  seeking  a  home  there.  When  lord  Rollo  took  pos- 
session of  the  island,  there  was  a  population  of  4,100  souls.f 
He  describes  the  farms  as  being  in  good  order,  some  of  them 
yielding  annually  i,200  bushels  of  wheat :  he  found  10,000 
head  of  cattle  on  the  island.  The  principal  market  for  its 
produce  had  hitherto  been  Louisbourg  ;  there  had  also  been 

*  Canadian  census  1870-71,  p.  zi, 

t  It  vat  reported  by  lord  Rollo  u  follows  : — 

^              Point  le  Prince. 700 

St.  Peiet's    700 

North  point 500 

N.  E.  River 

Wen  and  North  River 200 

The  last-named  places  were  settlements  on  the  waters  leading  to  the  present  city 
or  Charlotteiown.  Point  le  Prince  is  evidently  intended  Tor  point  Prim.  The 
whole  of  these  waters  was  known  as  port  la  Joye  by  the  French.  The  Acadian 
families  which  remained  soon  abandoned  the  island.  In  1764  the  surveyor- 
general,  captain  Holland,  wrote  to  the  earl  of  Hillsborough  :  "There  are  about 
thirty  Acadian  families  on  the  island,  who  are  regarded  as  prisoners,  and  kept  on 
the  same  footing  as  those  at  Halifax.  They  are  extremely  poor,  and  mabtain 
themselves  by  their  induilrr  in  gardening,  hshing,  fowling,  etc" 


I50  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['758 

some  intercourse  with  Quebec  in  the  supply  of  com  and  beef. 
The  island  had  exercised  the  mischievous  function  of  furnish- 
ing an  asylum  to  the  Nova  Scotian  Micmacs,  and  to  such  of 
the  Acadians  who,  disguised  as  savages,  participated  in  their 
expeditions.  It  was  but  a  few  hours'  paddle  or  sail  from  any 
part  of  the  main  land  ;  and  inroads  into  Nova  Scotia,  effi- 
ciently organized,  could  be  easily  made.  Lord  Rollo  found 
the  trophies  of  these  expeditions  in  the  form  of  several  scalps 
of  the  Nova  Scotian  colonists,  and  of  soldiers  of  the  garrison 
caught  away  from  their  barracks.  They  were  a  portion  of  the 
ornaments  which  decorated  the  governor's  residence. 

Rollo's  instructions  were  to  follow  the  policy  observed  with 
regard  to  the  civil  inhabitants  of  Louisbourg  :  to  send  back 
to  France  such  as  were  not  desirous  of  becoming  British  sub- 
jects, and  to  permit  those  to  remain  who  were  willing  to 
swear  allegiance.  Rollo  had  to  deal  with  the  compound  of 
national  and  religious  feeling,  which,  even  under  favourable 
circumstances,  had  refused  to  accept  British  sovereignty  ;  but 
this  bitterness  of  sentiment  had  been  exasperated  by  the 
sufferings  which  the  Acadians  had  undergone.  The  popula- 
tion was  with  few  exceptions  Acadian.  About  1,500  were 
embarked  on  transports  to  be  carried  to  France.  On  the 
northern  part  of  the  island  several  French  sloops,  some  of 
which  were  armed,  received  many  of  the  inhabitants  and 
their  effects,  and  carried  them  to  Canada  and  MiramichL 
There  was  little  attempt  to  interfere  with  these  operations : 
had  such  been  the  policy,  the  naval  force  was  of  sufficient 
strength  to  have  driven  off  these  vessels.  Owing  to  some  of 
the  parishes  being  far  distant  from  the  place  of  embarkation, 
the  inhabitants  failed  to  reach  the  ships,  aud  they  remained 
on  their  farms  without  interference.*  On  the  completion  of 
a  fort,  so  that  the  garrison  could  be  placed  in  safety,  lord 
Rollo  returned  to  Louisbourg,  and  the  island  was  placed 
under  government  of  Nova  Scotia. f 

"  Lieuiennm  I,eslie  to  Wolfe,  30lh  Oct.,  1758,  Chiiham  correspondence, 
I.,  p.  384. 

-t  The  official  praclamalion  was  not  i)sued  until  7ih  October,  1763,  after  th« 


1758]  THE   SAINT  JOHN.  151 

Major  Dalling  was  sent  with  a  strong  detachment  to  port 
d'Espagnol,  now  Sydney,  to  hold  the  harbour,  to  prevent  the 
establishment  of  an  Acadian  population,  which  would  refuse 
to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance. 

Three  hundred  regulars  and  some  rangers  landed  at  cape 
Sable  under  major  Morris  to  break  up  a  settlement  of 
Acadians  which  had  commenced  to  be  troublesome ;  two 
armed  vessels  were  stationed  off  the  shore  to  prevent  escape 
by  canoes.  Captain  Goreham  surprised  and  took  prisoners 
between  sixty  and  seventy  men,  women  and  children,  who, 
with  a  Roman  catholic  priest  named  Desenclaves,*  were  sent 
to  Halifax. 

Monckton.with  the  35th,  the  and  battalion  Royal  Americans, 
some  rangers  and  artillery,  sailed  for  the  Saint  John.f  He 
landed  with  his  force  without  opposition,  and  took  possession 
"f  the  fort  which  had  been  abandoned,  and  hoisted  the  British 
colours.  He  subsequently  heard  that  two  hundred  Indians 
nad  been  awaiting  his  arrival.  Their  chief  would  not  allow 
"•em  to  fire ;  so  their  priest,  father  Germain,  expecting 
9ue/gues  coups  de  trahison  "•  on  their  part,  marched  them  off  to 
Canada.    The  site  of  the  fort  was  objectionable,  inasmuch  as  it 

^y  of  Paris.  In  November,  179E,  aa  act  was  passed  to  change  the  name  to 
Police  Edwarf  Ulind,  in  honour  of  the  duke  of  Kent,  father  of  her  majeslf,  who 
™*  arrived  there  during  the  year.  The  royal  consent  was  obtained  on  the  isl  of 
ebruaiy^  1799,  and  was  promulgated  bjr  the  I ieul ..governor  Fanning  on  the  13th 
"Jon,.  ,,55. 

Jean  Baptiste  Dcsenclaves  originally  arrived  from  France  in  1728  ;   he  had, 

^'"efoie,  been  thirty  years  in  the  country.     He  had  seen  the  mischievous  intet- 

^^''c^  of  the  priests  with  the  political  condition  of  the  Acadians,  and  from  his 

■^"^eration  he  was  disliked  by  Le  Loutre  and   his   successor,  father   Germain. 

Uwing  (0  J  letier  of  Desendaves  to  Mascarene,  which  afGrmed  that  "  ye  Spiritual 

"*  So  connected  with  the  temporal  as  sometimes  not  to  be  able  to  be  divided." 

■"ascarene  replying  in  a  friendly  spirit  [i  June,   1741,  Nova  Scotia  Archives, 

"'  '"-III],  pointed  out  that  the  "missionaries  have  too  often  usurped  the  power 

^'^''c  themselves  the  sovereign  judges  and  arbitrators  of  all  causes  amongst  the 

'^P'*.""  .  .  .  so  as  "  to  render  themselvestheonlydistributorsof  justice  amotigsl 

^*"P'*  bred  up  in  ignorance,"  adding  "  that  this  is  one  of  the  blocks  on  which  I 

■^  **'^*"  fcre"*"**^  y°"  "*"  to  stumble."     In  1759  Desenclaves  was  a  prisoner 

"*  other  Acadians  in  Massachusetts. 

'•'  C«n.  Arch.,  Series  A.  4  W.  1.,  87.8,  p.  397. 



was  overlooked  by  some  high  ground  from  which  it  could  be 
attacked.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  convenient  for  landing, 
and  commanded  the  harbour.  Its  possession  was  therefore 
maintained  ;  it  received  the  name  of  fort  Frederick,  and  six 
hundred  men  were  set  to  work  to  place  it  in  repair. 

As  the  vessels  in  which  Monckton  had  arrived  drew  too 
much  water  to  ascend  the  river,  some  sloops  of  light  draught 
and  whale  boats  were  obtained  from  fort  Cumberland.  On 
the  2ist  of  October  Monckton  passed  his  vessels  above  the 
falls  ;  in  doing  so,  however,  the  sloop  "  Ulysses  "  was  wrecked, 
and  the  crew  was  only  saved  with  difficulty.  Leaving  captain 
Bellew  in  charge  of  the  fort,  Monckton  embarked  his  force, 
i,2oo  strong,  and  with  a  fortnight's  provisions.  He  reached 
Grimrosse,  on  the  western  bank  above  Jemseg.  It  was  a 
settlement  of  forty  or  fifty  houses,  occupied  by  inhabitants 
who  had  escaped  from  Beaus^jour.  On  the  appearance  of  the 
troops  they  took  to  the  woods.  The  houses  were  burned. 
Some  fifty  hogsheads  of  lime  were  found  ;  they  were  recc^- 
nized  as  part  of  the  cargo  of  a  schooner  bound  for  fort 
Cumberland,  taken  by  a  privateer  fitted  out,  it  was  believed, 
at  this  place.  At  ile  Mettis,  higher  up  the  river,  some  canoes 
laden  with  com  were  discovered.  The  corn  was  taken  for  use 
and  the  canoes  burned.  Monckton  endeavoured  to  ascend 
beyond  this  point,  but  the  vessels  ran  aground,  and  it  was 
found  impossible  to  proceed,  so  he  returned  towards  the  fort, 
destroying  Jemseg  and  all  the  houses  on  the  banks  as  he 
descended  the  river. 

Major  Scott  with  the  light  infantry  and  rangers  were  sent 
to  the  river  Petitcodiac  to  uproot  the  settlements  there,  and 
to  destroy  some  privateers  which  had  been  mischievous,  and 
which  had,  it  was  reported,  taken  refuge  in  the  river.  Scott 
found  a  schooner  and  a  sloop  of  this  character  in  two  different 
creeks  at  the  head  of  the  stream  ;  at  the  same  time  he  made 
prisoners  of  thirty  men,  women  and  children.  The  houses 
were  all  empty  ;  they  had,  however,  the  appearance  of  having 
been  lately  evacuated.  They  were  burned,  with  much  grain, 
and  the  cattle  killed.    The  houses  and  barns  were  numbered 


1758]  THE  SAINT  JOHN.  I  S3 

at  one  hundred  and  fifty.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  remained 
lurking  in  the  woods,  and  a  lieutenant  and  three  men  of  the 
force,  stra^ling  from  the  main  body,  were  seized  and  carried 

Monckton  sailed  for  Boston  on  the  17th  of  November, 
leaving  a  garrison  of  three  hundred  men  in  the  fort  under 
major  Morris. 

A  few  months  later,  an  expedition  was  undertaken  up  the 
river  Saint  John  against  the  settlers  above  the  point  reached 
by  Monckton.  On  the  19th  of  February  a  detachment 
started,  under  the  command  of  captain  McCurdy.  As  he  was 
killed  by  the  fall  of  a  tree,  lieutenant  Hazzen  assumed  com- 
mand, and  proceeded  to  the  attack  of  the  settlements  above 
Saint  Anne  (Fredericksburg),  Some  resistance  was  experi- 
enced, when  six  of  the  French  were  killed,  and  six  taken 
prisoners  ;  five  escaped.  Hazzen  burned  upwards  of  one 
hundred  houses  with  other  buildings,  and  killed  the  cattle,  so 
as  to  make  the  continuance  of  settlement  impossible.  Thus 
the  whole  valley  of  the  Saint  John  was  freed  from  the  presence 
of  any  of  the  Acadian  population.  Some  of  the  young  men, 
who  were  established  there,  had  escaped  from  Annapolis 
in  i755.« 

Wolfe  was  ordered  to  Gasp^  with  the  15th,  the  28th,  and 
the  s8th  regiments:  he  sailed  on  the  29th  of  August.  The 
fleet  convoying  this  strong  detachment  consisted  of  seven  ships 
of  the  line  and  three  frigates,  under  sir  Charles  Hardy.  On 
the  30th  of  September  Wolfe  reported  from  Louisbouig  that 
he  had  fulfilled  the  duty  Intrusted  to  him.  The  instructions 
he  received  were  to  ascend  the  Saint  Lawrence  river  and 
destroy  the  settlements  along  the  banks,  in  order  to  disturb 
the  minds  of  the  enemy  at  Quebec,  and  to  pave  the  way  for 
a  definite  expedition  in  the  spring.  Not  a  serious  duty,  as 
Wolfe  wrote  his  father,f  to  rob  the  poor  fishermen  of  their 
nets  and  to  burn  their  huts.  When  reporting  its  accomplish- 
ment to  Amherst,  Wolfe  describes  the  equipment  as  "improper 

*  Can.  Arch.,  A.  &  W.  I,,  89.2,  p.  455. 
t  2ltl  Aufput  175S.     Wright,  p.  455. 


154  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l758 

for  the  business  ;  and  the  numbers,  unless  the  squadron  had 
gone  up  the  river,  quite  unnecessary."  "  We  have  done  a 
great  deal  of  mischief,"  he  continues,  "  spread  the  terror  of 
his  majesty's  arms  through  the  whole  gulf,  but  have  added 
nothing  to  the  reputation  of  them." 

If  Wolfe  dealt  sternly  with  the  property  and  the  provisions 
he  was  to  destroy,  he  was  careful  that  the  inhabitants  were 
treated  with  consideration,  and  in  no  way  abused  or  personally 
injured.  There  were  large  quantities  of  dried  fish  in  the 
stores, "  30,000  lbs.  of  the  finest  dried  cod."  It  is  to  be  presumed 
that  it  was  eaten  by  the  men  of  the  expedition.  The  maga- 
zines were  stored  with  corn,  dried  fish  and  barrelled  eels, 
designed  for  transportation  to  Quebec.  The  supplies,  which 
could  not  be  brought  away,  were  burned  with  the  buildings. 
The  main  object  of  the  expedition  was  to  alarm  the  govern- 
ment for  the  safety  of  Quebec,  so  that  the  troops  should  be 
disposed  to  be  available  for  its  defence,  and  not  marched 
against  Abercrombie.  This  service  over,  Wolfe  returned  to 
Louisbourg,  and  sailed  thence  in  the  "  Namur  "  with  Boscawen 
for  England,  to  arrive  there  on  the  1st  of  November. 

There  is  a  passage  in  Wolfe's  life  in  connection  with  this 
voyage  to  Gaspe  which,  from  his  personal  eminence,  and  as 
the  protagonist  in  the  conquest  of  Canada,  in  my  humble 
view,  may  be  regarded  as  a  part  of  the  history  of  the  time. 
By  Amherst's  instructions,  Wolfe  was  ordered  on  his  return 
to  proceed  to  Halifax,  where,  writes  Amherst,  "  I  imagine  you 
will  receive  orders  from  England."  A  postscript  is  added, 
"  As  you  tell  me  that  by  your  letter  of  service  when  you  left 
England,  you  think  yourself  authorized  to  return  to  England 
as  soon  as  the  siege  of  Louisbourg  is  over,  you  will  leave 
the  above  orders  with  the  eldest  officer  whenever  you  think 
proper  to  go  after  your  return  from  the  river  St  Lawrence." 
The  orders  in  question  were  the  destruction  of  the  settlements 
at  Gasp^. 

From  what  follows  it  is  plain  that,  in  spite  of  this  friendly 
communication,  Amherst  sent  an  unofficial  communication  to 
Pitt,  announcing  Wolfe's  proposed  return,  and  strongly  op- 



posing  it.  It  is  not  an  incident  to  throw  a  favourable  light  on 
Amherst's  character,  for  he  privately  conveyed  information  ■ 
which  undoubtedly  created  a  prejudice  in  Wolfe's  disfavour. 
The  consequence  was  that  a  letter  was  written  from  the  war 
office  on  the2ndof  October  to  Wolfe,  giving  him  positive  orders 
not  to  return  to  England,  which  can  only  be  read  as  the  lan- 
gu^e  of  censure.*  The  letter  was  not  received  by  Wolfe  until 
the  following  year  at  Louisbourg,  when  he  was  on  the  point 
of  starting  for  Quebec,  and  he  replied  to  it  from  the  "  Neptune 

*  The  following  i(  the  Wit  of  Lord  Dan-inglon's  letter  and  Wolfe's  reply  ; — 
"  and  October,  1758. 

"Sir, — Mr.  Secretary  Pilt  having  acquainled  me  that  he  finds  by  a  letter  from 
General  Amherst  that  jrou  had  (old  the  general  that  you  thought  yourself  autho- 
rized by  your  letter  of  service,  dated  33rd  January  last,  to  return  to  England  as 
soon  as  the  siege  of  Ixniisbourgh  was  over,  that  he  was  a  stranger  to  any  such 
pover  given  to  you,  and  was  apprehensive  of  the  greatest  prejudice  Co  the  King's 
service  in  case  you  should,  on  your  relum  I0  Hallifai  from  the  expedition  up  the 
St.  Lawrence,  so  interpret  your  letter  of  service  and  return  lo  England  accord- 
ingly without  the  King's  orders  for  so  doing.  I  am  much  surprised  at  this,  there 
being  no  such  meaning  in,  the  Idler  of  service  dated  13rd  January  last,  which  I 
wrote  10  you  :  but  to  clear  all  doubt  whcncesoever  it  may  arise.  I  do  hereby  signify 
to  you  His  Majesty's  pleasure  thai  you  do  not  return  to  England  from  America 
without  farther  orders  from  His  Majesty  or  your  superior  officers  there. 


■'  To  Brigadier  Wolfe."  

"  My  Lord, — Since  my  arrival  in  America,  I  have  had  the  honour  to  receive 
two  tetters  Irom  your  Lordship,  one  of  old  dale,  concerning  my  stay  in  this  country, 
in  answer  to  which  I  shall  only  say  that  the  Marshal  told  me  I  was  to  return  at 
the  end  of  (he  campaign  ;  and  as  General  Amhersl  had  110  other  commands  than 
to  send  me  to  winter  at  Hali&x  under  the  orders  of  an  oflicer  who  was  bul  a  few 
months  before  put  over  my  head,  I  thought  it  was  much  belter  to  get  into  the  way 
of  service,  and  out  of  (he  way  of  being  insulted;  and  as  the  style  of  your  lordship's 
Ie(ter  is  prcdy  strong,  1  must  lake  the  liberty  lo  inform  you  that,  (bo'  I  should 
have  been  very  glad  10  have  gone  with  Gen.  Amherst  lo  join  the  army  upon  the 
lakes,  and  offered  my  services  to  carry  reinforcements  10  Mr.  Abercrombie,  if 
Quebec  waa  not  (o  be  attack'd,  yet,  rather  than  receive  orders  in  the  government 
of  an  officer  younger  than  myself  (iho'  a  very  worthy  man).  I  shou'd  cer(ainly 
have  desir'd  leave  to  resign  my  commission,  for,  as  I  neither  ask  nor  expect  any 
favour,  so  I  never  intend  to  submit  to  any  ill-usage  whatsoever. 


156  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

at  sea,"  on  his  way  thither.  His  emphatic  protest  against  this 
treatment  must  be  read  with  deep  sympathy,  and  with  no 
ordinary  interest,  especially  when  the  circumstances  under 
which  it  was  written  are  brought  to  our  minds.  The  date  is 
within  a  trifle  more  than  three  months  of  his  death,  when  on 
his  way  to  achieve  the  triumphal  service  which  has  made  his 
name  immortal. 

During  the  period  that  operations  were  being  carried  on 
against  Louisbourg  events  had  happened  on  the  shores  of  lake 
Champlain,  in  the  disputed  territory  between  Canada  and  the 
state  of  New  York,  which,  although  without  ultimate  influence 
on  the  war,  had  added  to  the  national  exultation  of  the  French, 
reawakened  their  hope,  and  cheered  and  encouraged  them 
in  their  firm  determination  not  only  to  defend  New  France 
from  attack,  but  vigorously  to  extend  its  frontier,  When  Pitt 
had  resolved  to  attack  Canada,  at  all  points  he  applied  to  the 
colonies  to  furnish  20,000  men,  undertaking  that  the  expense 
would  be  participated  in  by  the  imperial  government.  For  the 
time  the  provinces  were  to  clothe  and  furnish  the  pay  of  the 
soldier ;  the  arras,  camp  equipage  and  provisions  were  to  be 
supplied  by  the  British  government.  The  number  of  troops 
voted  by  the  provincial  legislatures  was  17^480,  of  which 
number  Massachusetts  furnished  two-fifths,  7,000  men,* 

Pownall,  then  governor,  showed  great  energy  in  the  emer- 
gency and  the  province  answered  his  powerful  appeal.  The 
number  was  not  obtained  entirely  without  difficulty,  and  in  the 
other  provinces  many  delays  intervened.  The  troops  were 
assembled  towards  the  end  of  June;  between  the  7th  and  20th 
7,510  arrived  from  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  Pownall 
established  good  discipline  in  the  Massachusetts  regiments? 

*  The  following  u  (he  deuil  o(  the  levies  : — 

New  Hampshire 800 

Miusachuselts 7.000 

Rhode  Island 1,000 

Connecticut   5>ooo 

New  York a,68o 

Kewjeriey 1,000 

Total 17,480 


1/58]  ABERCROMBIE.  157 

He  abolished  the  custom  of  officers  acting  as  slop  sellers  and 
sutlers ;  he  made  efficient  arrangement  for  the  issue  of  cloth- 
ing and  necessaries,  he  recommended  to  Abercrombie  to  try 
any  officer  by  court-martial  who  carried  on  "  suttling."  There 
was  a  great  want  of  arms  and  tents.  Abercrombie  could 
obtain  but  a  limited  supply  of  the  former,  even  by  purchase  ; 
accordingly  the  old  arms  were  sought  out,  and  all  that  were 
available  were  repaired  and  placed  in  good  condition.  The 
tents  were  an  easier  matter  ;  the  material  for  them  was  pur- 
chased and  they  were  made.  The  Hudson*  furnished  the 
channel  of  communication.  It  was  necessary  to  provide  boats 
for  the  navigation  of  lake  George,  which  any  expedition  to 
Canada  must  descend.  The  work  of  constructing  them  was 
given  to  Bradstreet,  who  energetically  carried  out  the  duty. 
Fifteen  hundred  boats  were  necessary  for  the  advance :  by 
the  end  of  May  nine  hundred  were  finished,  and  the 
remainder  required  little  work  for  their  completion.  A 
special  corps  of  eight  hundred  bateau  men  was  raised  ;  but 
only  four  hundred  and  fifty  were  enrolled,  and  the  number 
wanting  was  partially  supplied  by  volunteers  from  the  regulars 
and  provincials,  and  partially  "  pressed." 

Owing  to  Abercrombie's  repulse  in  the  attack,f  his  name 
has  been  mercilessly  dealt  with  by  writers  who  have  not 
investigated  the  causes  of  the  reverse.  He  has,  accordingly, 
come  down  to  us  with  the  reputation  of  l>eing  incompetent, 
inert  and  irresolute  :  even  his  personal  courage  has  been  called 
in  question.  However  his  generalship  on  this  occasion  may 
be  censured,  Abercrombie  deserves  no  such  blame.  He  was 
of  the  school  of  officers  who  meet  difficulties  by  stubborn 
courage  rather  than  by  skilful  combinations,  and  he  certainly 

•  There  were  three  portaps  between  Albany  and  fort  Edward  ;  the  first,  in 
certain  seasons,  «ii  miles  in  length,  never  less  than  three,  was  between  Half  Moon, 
the  mouth  of  the  Mohawk,  and  Stillwater ;  the  second,  two  miles  above  Sara- 
toga,  was  a  quarter  of  a  mile  long ;  the  third,  five  miles  higher  up,  opposite  fort 
Miller,  of  four  hundred  yards. 

t  Some  writers  describe  Abercrombie's  failure  as  a  "defeat."  The  proper 
word  appears  to  me  to  be  "  repulse,"  there  being  a  distinct  difTereoce,  to  my  mind, 
in  the  meaning  of  the  two  expressions. 


IS8  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  ['758 

entirely  misunderstood  the  character  of  the  defences  which 
he  undertook  to  storm.  His  correspondence  shews  that  he 
was  an  intelligent  and  efficient  officer ;  in  a  position  where  his 
duty  was  plain,  and  a  gallant  obedience  to  orders  the  first 
essential,  he  would  have  acquitted  himself  with  ability  and 
credit  His  generalship  on  this  unfortunate  day  can  only 
be  remembered  to  his  disadvantage,  for  it  is  a  proof  of  his 
ignorance,  and  of  his  miscalculation  of  the  character  of  the 
war  in  which  he  was  engaged.  His  fault  lay  in  attempting 
what  was  impossible.  It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the  expe- 
dition was  unprovided  with  artillery.  But  such  was  the  case. 
This  one  fact  was  the  cause  of  his  misfortune ;  and  it  is  the 
strongest  censure  which  can  be  passed  on  a  general,  that  his 
force  was  improperly  constituted,  owing  to  his  want  of  foresight 
and  intelligence.  Some  artillery  is  mentioned  as  being 
mounted  on  rafts,  but  the  few  guns  were  simply  designed  to 
cover  the  landing  of  the  troops.* 

*  Thefaci  is  dearly  proved  bf  the  siaie  at  the  zgih  June,  a  few  days  before  the 
inarch  o(  the  troops  to  Ticonderoga. 

37th,   Blakencf's 664 

4ind,  Lord  John  Murray's 1,000 

44ih,  Abercrombie's 970 

46th,  Thomas  Murray's 665 

55th,  Lord  Howe's  683 

60th,   1st  Battalion  Royal  Americans,  Slanwin's 568 

6o(h,  4Ih  Battalion,     "                "        Prerost's 932 

Col.  Gage's  Light  In&ntry 403 

Rangers 520 

Pro-inclrt.  ^'^^^ 

Massachusetts,  Colonel  Ruggles 449 

"      Doty 869 

"  "      Peeble .515 

"      William  WiUiams. 563 

"  "       Partridge,  Lt.  Inraniry 442 


New  York  "      De  Lancey 1,715 

New  Jersey ....-.' 921 

Connecticut 475 


No  artillery  is  named  in  the  stale  as  being  present. 

The  force  reported  by  Abercrotnbie  in  his  despatch  at  the  nth  or  Julytsset 
forth  as  6,367  regulars,  9,034  provincials,  including  6a/eau  men. 



In  no  quarter  was  there  any  theory  expressed  of  its  neces- 
sity, and  it  is  to  this  deplorable  want  of  judgment  that  the 
repuise  must  be  traced.  The  incompetent  engineer  who 
accompanied  the  troops,  on  viewing  the  intrenchments  from 
the  height  at  the  opposite  side  by  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
pronounced  that  it  was  practicable  to  storm  them.  Aber- 
crombie  accepted  the  opinion.  Had  even  the  few  guns  with 
the  expedition  been  brought  up,  and  a  breach  made,  that  a 
storming  party  could  have  entered,  it  is  not  quite  improbable 
that  there  would  have  been  a  different  result. 

Abercrombie  was  engaged  from  the  i  ith  of  May,  when  he 
arrived  in  Albany  in  the  organization  of  the  expedition. 
During  this  time  the  French  continued  active  in  their  attacks 
of  la  petite  guerre.  Early  in  the  month  eighty  Indians  sur- 
prised the  settlement  on  the  German  flats,  and  scalped  thirty- 
two  of  the  settlers,  retreating  before  even  their  presence  was 
known  at  the  neighbouring  fort,  and  the  troops  called  out. 
Abercrombie  arrived  at  fort  Edward  on  the  9th  of  July,  and 
lord  Howe  was  placed  In  command  at  Half-way  brook,  with 
the  42nd,  44th,  S5th,  and  four  companies  of  rangers.  It  was 
known  that  many  parties  of  the  enemy  were  out,  with  the 
design  of  intercepting  convoys.  A  party  of  200  men  was 
placed  at  each  of  the  stations  of  the  Half  Moon,  Stillwater, 
Saratoga,  and  fort  Miller.  A  stockaded  fort  was  constructed 
on  the  site  of  fort  William  Henry  at  lake  George,  with  another 
work  on  the  rising  ground  to  the  east.  Brigadier  Stanwix 
was  posted  at  the  carrying-place  of  the  Mohawk  with  the  four 
New  York  independent  companies,  1,400  provincials,  and  a 
company  of  rangers. 

Before  commencing  the  campaign  one  duty  was  imperative, 
the  establishment  of  the  position  of  the  troops  who  had  been 
included  in  the  capitulation  of  William  Henry.  The  British 
authorities  contended  that  the  conditions  had  been  broken  by 
the  French.  A  long  correspondence  took  place  between  the 
respective  commanders.  Finally,  on  the  2Sth  of  June,  1758, 
Abercrombie   issued    a   general   order  *   from   fort    Edward, 

"  Can.  Arch.,  Seriei  W.  Si  A.  I.,  87.1,  p.  3. 



stating  that  the  capitulation  of  the  9th  of  August  had  been 
"  broke  in  a  most  notorious  and  flagrant  manner,  consequently 
major-general  Abercrombie  declares  the  terms  of  the  capitula- 
tion '  null  and  void,'  and  the  officers  and  soldiers  included  are 
empowered  and  commanded  to  serve  as  if  no  such  capitulation 
had  been  made."  The  order  was  to  be  read  at  the  head  of 
every  corps.  Not  only  in  Canada  was  the  manifesto  pub- 
lished, it  was  also  made  known  to  the  army  before  Louisbourg.* 
•  Knox,  I.,  p.  486. 



CHAPTER  II.    ■ 

With  the  exception  I  have  named,  the  absence  of  artillery, 
a]l  accounts  agree  in  the  completeness  with  which  the  ar- 
rangements were  made.  When  Montcalm  engaged  in  the 
attack  of  Oswego  and  William  Henry,  he  brought  with  him 
heavy  guns,  and  it  was  owing  to  the  service  of  his  artillery 
that  he  had  succeeded.  Had  his  attempt  been  made  without 
this  provision,  he  would  have  fared  no  better  than  the  oppo- 
nent he  repulsed  at  Ticondcroga.  There  was  no  great 
difficulty  in  moving  the  guns  up  the  Hudson  :  the  serious 
labour  commenced  at  the  first  portage  north  of  Albany,  and 
after  reaching  fort  Edward  to  carry  them  by  land  to  lake 
George.  The  cannon,  which  had  previously  been  at  fort 
William  Henry,  had  been  taken  or  destroyed  at  the  siege  of 
1757  by  Montcalm. 

Abercrombie  has  himself  given  an  account  of  the  embarka- 
tion. He  tells  us  that  the  artillery,  stores  and  provisions  were 
placed  on  the  rafts  and  bateaux  on  the  morning  of  the  4th. 
I  cannot  discover  that  there  were  any  other  guns  than  those 
named  as  mounted  on  rafts  to  protect  the  landing.  There 
were  900  bateaux,  with  135  whale  boats.  The  tents  were 
struck  at  daybreak  of  the  sth.  The  numbers  embarked  were 
6,367  regulars  and  9,024  provincials  including  the  bateau 
men.  At  five  in  the  evening  they  reached  Sabbath  day  point, 
25  miles  from  the  head  of  the  lake,  and  the  troops  remained 
here  five  hours  to  rest,  and  to  bring  the  expedition  together. 
The  start  was  again  made  at  ten  at  night,  and  the  boats 
reached  the  landing-place  of  the  French  position  at  ten  in  the 
morning  of  the  6th.  There  was  no  opposition  to  the 

*  Lake  Geatg«,  visited  Tor  the  beaul]'  of  its  scen«r7,  at  the  same  time  return 
iti  hUtorical  iDterest.    It  hu  been  frequently  meiitioDed  in  this  histoiy.    These 


l62  THE   mSTORV  OF  CANADA.  [l7S8 

During  June  the  attention  of  the  French  had  been  directed 
to  Abercrombie's  movements.  The  prisoners  brought  in  by 
the  partizan  leaders  gave  the  information  that  20,000  men 
were  being  assembled.  One  circumstance  had  confirmed  the 
opinion  that  a  forward  movement  by  the  British  force  would 
be  made.  Wolf,  a  French  officer  who  had  been  sent  by  de 
Vaudrcuil  with  a  party  carrying  a  flag  of  truce  on  the  subject 
of  the  exchange  of  prisoners,  had  been  detained  some  days: 
a  proceeding  looked  upon  as  unnecessary.  It  was  therefore 
supposed  that  the  step  had  been  taken  with  the  design  of 
preventing  his  return,  when  he  would  undoubtedly  have 
notified  Montcalm  of  the  preparations  which  he  could  not  fail 
to  have  observed.  Indeed,  he  only  reached  Carillon  on  the 
10th,  two  days  after  the  attack. 

Montcalm  arrived  at  Ticonderoga  on  the  30th  of  June. 
He  ordered  de  Bouriamaque  to  occupy  the  ground  where  lake 
George  discharges  into  the  little  river  by  which  its  waters 
descend  to  lake  Champlain.  De  Bouriamaque  was  there 
encamped  with  the  battalions  of  la  Reine,  Guienne  and  B^arn. 
Montcalm  had  established  himself  at  the  saw  mill  at  the  foot 
of  the  falls  with  the  battalions  of  la  Sarre  and  de  Berry,  placing 
two  battalions  on  the  left  of  the  stream.  The  troops  of  the 
marine  and  the  Canadian  militia  were  quartered  at  the  stone 
fort  His  next  duty  was  to  select  a  spot  for  an  intrenched 
camp.  The  engineer,  M.  de  Pontleroy,  was  instructed  to 
trace  it  out,  and  the  second  regiment  of  de  Berry  was  set  to 
the  work  of  constructing  it. 

Lake  George  gradually  narrows  towards  the  south,  until  the 
little  river  by   which  it   discharges  itself   is  reached.     The 

waters  formed  the  toule  which  Ihe  Iroquois  followed  in  iheir  irruplion  into  Cuiada, 
afler  leaving  ihe  Hudson,  where  the  portage  was  made.  It  was  iheir  route  to 
take  Champlain  and  the  Richelieu.  It  was  originall]'  known  as  the  lac  its 
Iroquois.  "  lloricon,"  as  ibe  lake  is  called  on  some  maps,  is  evidently  a  cormp- 
tion  of  this  word.  Jogues,  who,  in  1646,  was  killed  in  the  neighbourhood,  when 
on  his  journey  to  establish  a  mission  [Ante.  Vol.  I.,  189J,  described  it  as 
"  lac  du  Saccement,"  and  it  was  so  known  by  Ihe  French  until  the  conquest. 
Afler  the  repulse  of  Dieskau  by  sir  William  Johnson,  Ihe  name  was  changed  lo 
lake  George,  by  which  these  waters  are  now  only  known. 




I7S8]  THE   LANDING.  163 

rapids  follow  the  half  circumference  of  an  irregular  oval,  and 
from  the  last  fall,  the  water,  with  a  slight  current,  runs 
smoothly  into  lake  Champlain.  The  carrying-place  was 
formed  directly  across  the  chord  of  the  semi-oval,  and  was 
used  as  the  travelled  road  by  which  the  waters  above  the 
rapids  were  reached.  Following  the  stream,  the  distance 
between  the  two  lakes  is  about  eight  miles.  There  is  about 
two  miles  of  quiet  water  before  the  rapids  commence.  The 
latter  are  some  three  and  a  half  miles  in  length,  descending 
in  the  distance  some  265  feet ;  the  last  fall  is  about  25  feet  in 
height,  and  it  was  here  that  the  saw  mill  had  been  built. 
The  distance  thence  to  lake  Champlain  is  about  two  and  a 
half  miles  by  the  stream. 

The  fort  was  constructed  at  the  extreme  point  where  the 
lake  widens  out  from  the  discharge  of  Wood's  creek,  which 
has  its  source  not  far  from  the  neighbourhood  of  fort  Edward. 
The  fort  Carillon,  commenced  in  17SS,  was  not  perfectly 
completed,  and  was  not  defensible  for  any  length  of  time 
against  heavy  artillery.  The  ruins  still  remain  of  the  massive 
masonry,  shewing  that  it  was  capable  of  resisting  an  ordinary 
attack.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  attack  was  not 
made  on  the  fort,  but  on  the  intrenchment,  3,500  feet  distant 
from  it. 

Parties  of  observation  had  been  sent  out  to  watch  the  lake, 
with  instructions  immediately  to  report  any  hostile  movement. 

On  the  evening  of  the  5th  de  Langy,  who  was  in  command, 
brought  in  the  news  of  the  British  advance,  and  in  consequence 
de  Bourlamaque,  at  five  in  the  evening,  sent  out  a  detachment 
of  three  hundred  men,  under  the  orders  of  captain  Tr^pezet, 
to  observe  the  enemy,  and,  if  possible,  to  oppose  the  landing. 
On  the  approach  of  the  armament,  de  Bourlamaque,  seeing 
that  with  his  force  he  would  make  no  efficient  resistance  to 
Abercrombie,  abandoned  his  position,  and  retreated  upon 
Montcalm.  Upon  learning  the  strength  of  the  British  force, 
Montcalm  passed  over  to  the  left  bank  of  the  river,  and  took 
ground  at  the  new  intrenchment,  destroying  the  bridge  in 
his  march. 


164  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['758 

In  the  morning  Tr^pezet  sent  for  orders  ;  his  messenger 
was  taken  prisoner,  and  did  not  return.  Thus  left  to  act  as 
he  best  could,  he  endeavoured  to  join  the  main  body,  but  in 
his  march  he  found  that  the  British  columns  had  crossed  his 
h'ne  of  communication.  He  was  without  a  guide,  his  Indians 
having  abandoned  him,  and  he  lost  his  way. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  the  landing  of  the 
British  force  had  been  made  without  opposition.  The  troops 
were  immediately  formed  into  four  columns,  the  regulars  in 
the  centre,  the  provincials  on  the  flanks. 

A  strong  force  was  sent  on  to  the  carrying-place  at  the 
head  of  the  rapids,  where  the  French  advance  posts,  composed 
of  one  battalion,  had  been  established  in  a  camp  intrenched 
by  a  barricade  of  logs.  The  camp  was  deserted.  The  French 
had  set  it  on  fire,  and  endeavoured  to  destroy  it.  The  attempt 
was  imperfectly  carried  out,  and  many  articles  belonging  to 
them  had  been  left  uninjured.  One  prisoner  and  a  dead  man 
were  found  in  the  camp. 

The  main  body  of  the  force  advanced  to  the  west  of  the 
small  river  through  the  woods,  with  the  view  of  marching 
against  the  French  position.  The  forest  was  filled  with  heavy 
timber  and  the  brushwood  was  exceedingly  thick,  so  that  the 
passage  of  so  large  a  body  of  men  became  very  difllicult,  and 
the  columns  consequently  were  disoi^anized. 

It  was  from  this  rapidity  of  movement  of  Abercrombie  that 
the  return  of  the  French  party  was  impeded.  The  advance 
guard  of  the  British  came  unexpectedly  upon  them,  it  was  the 
right  centre  column  headed  by  lord  Howe.  There  was  an 
interchange  of  shots.  Four  only  of  the  British  force  fell, 
among  them  lord  Howe.  The  French,  outnumbered,  were 
immediately  dispersed.  They  suffered  severely  :  forty  or  fifty 
were  killed,  one  hundred  and  forty-eight  taken  prisoners, 
among  whom  were  five  officers  and  three  cadets.  A  mere 
remnant  of  the  force  only  rejoined  the  main  body. 

The  death  of  lord  Howe  was  felt  in  every  rank  of  the  army. 
Abercrombie,  even  in  his  official  report,  speaks  of  the  grief  and 


i;S8]  DEATH  OF  LORD  HOWE.  165 

consternation  his  fate  called  forth.*  His  character  was  much 
that  of  Wolfe.  He  was  an  ardent  student  of  military  science, 
and  had  the  faculty  of  identifying  himself  with  all  ranks.  He 
was  particularly  careful  in  showing  consideration  to  the 
provincial  officers.  In  social  life  his  charm  of  manner  was 
everywhere  felt  No  name  is  more  affectionately  remembered 
at  this  date  in  the  United  States.  His  reputation  has  survived 
him.  Massachusetts,  not  forward  in  the  admiration  of 
imperial  officers,  erected  a  tablet  to  his  memory  in  the  south 
aisle  of  the  nave  in  Westminster  Abbey.  He  possessed  rare 
qualities,  he  was  the  soul  of  personal  honour  and  truth,  and 
the  first  thought  of  his  life  was  unselfishly  and  chivalrously  to 
fulfil  his  ob ligations. f 

The  news  of  his  death  reached  Louisbourg  in  August, 
Wolfe  wrote  to  his  uncle,  J  that  by  his  death  there  was  an  end 
of  the  expedition,  for  he  was  the  spirit  of  the  army,  and  the 
very  best  officer  in  the  king's  service.  On  two  or  three  occa- 
sions in  his  correspondence  this  opinion  is  repeated. 

I  cannot  myself  see,  that  had  he  lived  there  would  have  been 
any  change  in  the  result  of  the  day.  This  opinion  has, 
however,  been  advanced  by  writers  who  command  respect 
The  fault  lay  in  the  composition  of  the  force,  as  I  have  pointed 
out,  being  unprovided  with  artillery.  It  is  difficult  to  under- 
stand how  the  order  of  attack  would  have  been  different, 
unless  it  had  been  determined  thaf'none  should  be  made ;  in 

•  C«n.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I.,  87.2,  p.  3o6. 

t  George  Aupiatns  Howe,  third  viscount  in  the  peerage  of  IreUnd.  His  body 
WIS  taken  to  Albany  and  buried.  Abercrambie  wiote  :  "  I  caused  hil  body  to 
be  taken  off  the  fitid  of  battle  and  sent  to  Albany,  with  a  design  to  have  it 
embalmed  and  sent  home,  if  his  lordship's  relatioos  had  approved  of  it,  but  the 
weather  being  very  hot,  Brigadier  Slanwix  was  obliged  to  liave  it  buried."  The 
monument  in  Westminster  Abbey  has  the  following  inscription  :  "  The  Province 
t>r  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New  England,  by  an  order  of  the  great  and  genera,! 
Court,  bearing  date  February  ist,  1759.  caused  this  Monument  to  be  erected  to 
the  tnemoty  of  George,  Lord  Viscount  Howe,  Brigadier  General  of  his  Majesly'i 
forces  in  North  America,  who  was  slaiti  July  6th,  1758,  on  his  march  to  Ticon- 
deroga,  in  the  34th  year  of  his  age  :  in  testimony  of  the  sense  they  had  of  his 
services  and  military  virtues,  and  of  the  affection  their  officers  and  soldiers  bOTe 
to  bis  command." 

;  Wright,  p.  448. 


l66  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  ['758 

Other  words,  that  nothing  should  be  done.  It  is  not  possible 
to  form  any  such  opinion. 

It  has  been  stated  that  Howe  had  been  sent  out  specially  to 
influence  and  to  control  Abercrombie.  It  is  a  view  not  war- 
ranted by  facts.  Howe  was  colonel  of  the  5Sth,  In  the 
autumn  of  1757,  before-Pitt  was  in  power  as  chief  minister, 
he  was  in  command  at  Schenectady,  when  de  Bellaitre 
attacked  the  palatine  settlement.  Lord  Loudoun  was  then 
commanding-in-chief.  On  the  recall  of  the  latter,  Aber- 
crombie assumed  the  command  in  March,  1758.  There  is 
nothing  to  shew  that  lord  Howe  had  any  duty  assigned  him 
beyond  his  position  as  brigadier  ;  as  an  ofllicer  of  his  rank. 

Montcalm's  force  consisted  of  2,900  regulars  and  600  of  the 
colonial  corps.  The  fort,  narrow  in  its  accommodation,  was 
incomplete  ;  the  stock  of  provisions  was  limited.  As  a  sci- 
entific soldier,  Montcalm  could  not  have  contemplated  that 
the  advance  of  a  British  force  would  be  made  without  artillery, 
and  the  means  of  carrying  on  the  siege.  In  his  judgment,  the 
occupation  of  the  fort  would  have  subjected  him  to  the  fate  of 
William  Henry  of  the  previous  year ;  cut  off  from  his  com- 
munications, when  his  provisions  had  been  exhausted,  he 
would  have  had  no  alternative  but  that  of  surrender.  At  one 
time  he  contemplated  the  abandonment  of  the  position,  and 
retreating  to  Crown  Point ;  the  course  pursued  the  following 
year  on  the  advance  of  Amherst  with  a  force  of  less  strength 
than  that  of  Abercrombie.  Correctly  judging  the  depressing 
consequences  of  so  acting,  he  determined  resolutely  to  make 
a  stand,  and  to  fight  where  he  was.  It  was  the  resolution  of 
desperation.  Of  the  two  courses  open  to  him,  he  took  the 
boldest  r  from  the  bad  generalship  of  his  opponent,  in  attempt- 
ing an  assault  uiisustained  by  artillery,  it  proved  the  safest. 

The  intrenchments  can  still  be  distinctly  traced,  and  the 
spot  where  the  struggle  took  place  is  easily  recognizable. 
The  present  earth  works,  however,  were  of  subsequent  erec- 
tion. The  ground  is  of  a  higher  level  than  the  adjoining 
plain,  a  mamelon  without  being  a  pronounced  escarpment 
It  is  distant  about  3,500  English  feet  *  or  so  from  the  fort. 

*  550  French  loises. 


1758]  THE  ABATIS.  167 

The  southern  lines  are  about  500  feet  from  the  river,  which 
quietly  flows  beside  it  towards  lake  Champlain.  In  that 
direction  there  is  a  more  rugged,  abrupt  descent.  The 
intrenchments  were  protected  at  this  place  by  a  battery  of 
six  cannon.  The  whole  ground  was  surrounded  by  an  in- 
trenchment  of  about  eight  feet  in  length,  laid  out  in  the  form 
of  bastions.  It  was  formed  of  fallen  trees,  squared,  so  that 
they  could  be  placed  one  on  the  other,  pinned  into  position  ; 
a  defence  sufficient  to  protect  those  behind  it  from  musket 
shot,  but  which  a  few  discharges  of  cannon  would  have  rapidly 
destroyed.  The  main  defence  lay  in  the  mass  of  fallen  trees 
placed  in  front,  with  their  slighter  branches  cut  off ;  the  larger 
were  pointed,  and  placed  outwards.  Row  succeeded  row 
of  these  "abatis,"  so  that  their  removal,  even  under  ordinary 
circumstances,  would  have  been  a  work  of  immense  labour. 
Under  a  heavy  continuous  fire,  they  impeded  all  advance.  It 
was  impossible  to  penetrate  them  ;  they  were  a  series  of 
gigantic  ckevaux  de  frise.  The  arrangement  for  the  supply  of 
water  and  provisions  had  been  prudently  carried  out. 

The  British  force  bivouacked  on  the  night  of  the  6th  in  the 
woods  where  they  then  were  ;  the  greater  part  of  them  under 
arms.  On  the  morning  of  the  7th  they  were  much  fatigued. 
They  had  been  in  the  boats  during  the  night  of  the  sth  until 
early  in  the  morning  of  the  6th,  when  they  landed.  They 
had  been  on  their  feet  for  the  whole  period  since  that  hour. 
Several  of  the  men  likewise,  in  the  difficulty  of  moving  through 
the  forest,  had  thrown  away  the  provisions  they  were  carrying. 
Under  these  circumstances  it  was  considered  advisable  to 
return  to  the  landing-place,  at  which  the  troops  arrived  at 
eight  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

About  eleven,  Bradstreet  was  sent  olT  with  the  44th  regi- 
ment, six  companies  of  royal  Americans,  the  bateau  men  and 
some  rangers,  and  a  regiment  of  provincials  to  take  possession 
of  the  saw  mill.  He  found  the  bridge  destroyed  ;  accordingly 
Bradstreet,  with  the  readiness  and  efficiency  for  which  he  was 
distinguished,  replaced  it  by  a  new  structure,  so  the  stream 
could  be  crossed,  and  the  left  bank  of  the  river  reached,  on 


l68  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l758 

which  the  intrenchment  was  situated.  On  Bradstreet  sending 
a  report  of  his  proceedings,  Abercrombie  moved  up  the  force, 
and  established  himself  on  the  night  of  the  7th  at  this  place. 

The  information  obtained  from  the  prisoners  led  Abercrombie 
to  believe  that  Montcalm  was  intrenched  with  eight  battalions, 
some  colonial  troops  and  Canadian  militia,  amounting  in  all  to 
6/xxJ  men,  and  that  de  L.ivis  was  hourly  expected  with  a 
reinforcement  of  3,000  men.  He  accordingly  drew  the  infer- 
ence that  it  was  important  for  the  attack  to  be  made  before 
the  arrival  of  de  L^vis.  He  was  but  a  short  distance  from  the 
intrenchment  and  there  was  no  reason  to  defer  his  advance  if 
it  was  expedient  to  make  it 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  8th,  Mr,  Clerk,  the  engineer, 
was  sent  across  the  river  to  ascend  the  high  ground  on  the 
opposite  bank,  known  as  Rattle-snake  hill,  to  reconnoitre  the 
enemy's  intrenchments.  This  engineer  officer  was  simply  a 
lieutenant  of  the  27th  infantry,  in  the  casualties  of  which 
regiment  his  name  appears  as  the  one  officer  killed  ;•  he  must 
have  been  a  young  man  for  he  had  not  a  year's  service-f  This 
fact  will  give  some  idea  of  the  imperfect  constitution  of  the 
expedition.  The  regiments,  numerous  and  well  disciplined, 
behaved  with  gallantry,  as  the  unfortunate  consequence  of  the 
attack  attested  ;  but  the  engineer  was  a  subaltern,  without 
experience,  and  there  were  no  guns.  Clerk  reported  that  the 
works  were  incomplete,  and  that  if  attacked  before  they  were 
finished  it  was  practicable  to  carry  them.  It  was  resolved  to 
storm  them  without  delay. 

It  is  difficult  to  see  that  the  presence  of  lord  Howe  would 
have  changed  matters.  It  was  too  late  to  repair  the  original 
imperfection  of  the  force.  The  fire  of  guns,  concentrated 
on  a  narrow  limit,  would  have  shattered  the  abatis  and  have 
made  a  practicable  breach;  moreover,  the  open  intrenchments 
themselves    being   shelled   would    have    become    untenable. 

*  In  the  first  statement  the  engineer  officer  is  reported  as  wounded.  Tbe 
infeience  is  he  died  from  his  wounds. 

t  Malhew  Clerk,  commissioned  snb-engineer  and  lieutenant  the  4th  of 
January,  1758. 


I7S8]  THE  ATTACK.  169 

As  a  contemporary  French  writer  remarks:  "If  Mr.  Aber- 
crombie  had  advanced  his  artillery  at  the  head  of  his  columns, 
the  effect  alone  of  the  splinters  carried  about  from  the  trees 
would  have  gained  him  the  victory.""  There  was  no  such 
provision,  and  it  was  resolved  to  storm  the  intrenchment  with 
the  bayonet 

The  French  had  been  encouraged  on  the  night  of  the  7th 
by  the  arrival  of  de  L^vis.  On  the  28th  of  June  de  Vaudreuil 
had  been  informed  by  Montcalm  of  the  threatened  movement ; 
he  immediately  ordered  de  L^vis  to  sustain  Montcalm  with 
what  troops  he  could  bring  together.  A  detachment  of  his 
force  detailed  for  the  west  was  already  en  route,  and  had 
reached  Lachine  ;  they  were  recalled.  On  the  4th  of  July  de 
L^vis  left  with  de  S^nerzergue  and  400  men.  With  all  the 
despatch  which  he  could  use,  he  was  only  able  to  reach 
Ticonderoga  on  the  night  of  the  7th  and  8th.  No  arrival 
could  have  been  more  welcome.  The  confidence  felt  in  his 
character  added  to  the  courage  of  the  defenders ;  and  the 
reinforcement,  though  small,  increased  their  confidence-  De 
L^vis  joined  Montcalm  in  council  as  to  the  distribution  of  the 
troops.  He  was  placed  in  command  of  the  right  defence  of 
the  camp  t  although  exposed  during  the  four  hours  of  the 
attack,  he  came  out  of  it  uninjured  ;  two  balls,  however, 
passed  through  his  military  cap.  De  Bourlamaque,  who  was 
placed  in  charge  of  the  left,  was  severely  wounded.  Montcalm 
retained  the  chief  command  in  the  centre. 

Abercrombie,  having  resolved  upon  the  attack,  made  his 
dispositions  to  carry  it  out.  The  rangers,  the  light  infantry 
and  the  right  wing  of  the  provincials  were  ordered  out  of 
cannon  shot,  and  to  form  line  in  rear  of  the  attacking  column, 
their  right  towards  lake  George,  so  that  the  columns  could 
reform  in  their  rear.  Abercrombie  massed  the  regular  troops 
in  three  columns,  and  it  was  to  them  that  the  duty  of  storm- 
ing the  intrenchments  was  assigned.     The  order  was  given  to 

■  "  si  M.  Abercromby  ellt  feil  porler  de  i'flrtillerie  k  la  lete  de  ses  colonnes  le 
scul  effel  d«  fcUti  des  arbres  Ini  enl  fait  remporter  ta  victorie."  Uemoiret  depuU 
'749'i''i<iue^  1760,  p.  III. 


170  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [l7S8 

march  briskly,  to  rush  upon  the  enemy,  and  not  to  fire  until 
within  the  breastworks.  They  reached  the  abatis  to  discover 
that  they  could  make  no  further  progress ;  they  became 
entangled  in  the  labyrinth  of  branches,  and  as  they  endeav- 
oured to  clear  away  the  fallen  trees  were  shot  down.  The  light 
infantry  with  the  rangers  and  bateau  men  skirmished  from 
the  vef^e  of  the  small  clearing,  and  kept  up  a  fire  upon  the 
intrenchment.  The  storming  parties  again  and  again  advanced, 
and  in  the  fruitless  attempt  to  make  their  way  through  the 
abatis  not  only  failed,  in  their  efforts,  but  suffered  severely 
from  the  fire  poured  into  them.  These  attacks  commenced  at 
half  past  twelve,  and  were  repeated  for  four  hours  until  nearly 
five.  The  French  relate  that  some  sorties  were  made  with  the 
design  of  reaching  the  rear  of  the  attacking  columns.  They 
were  without  importance  and  had  no  influence  on  the  action. 
The  loss  of  the  British  was  experienced  in  the  vain  attempt  to 
penetrate  the  abatis. 

Some  barges  had  been  brought  over  the  portage  and  placed 
upon  the  river  below  the  rapids,  from  which  an  attack  on  the 
escarpment  was  commenced.  There  were  twenty  boats  so 
engaged.  Two  were  immediately  shattered  by  the  guns  in 
position  so  the  attempt  was  discontinued  and  those  engaged 
in  it  retired.  The  Canadians  who  were  stationed  at  this  part 
of  the  defence  were  not  again  assailed,  and  their  fire  was 
directed  against  the  attacking  columns. 

The  losses  of  the  regular  troops  show  the  courage  and 
determination  with  which  the  assault  was  made,  and  its  four 
hours'  duration  is  an  equal  proof  of  the  tenacity  of  purpose 
with  which  it  was  persevered  in.  Finally,  the  fact  became 
recognized  that  it  was  an  impossibility  to  enter  for  any  distance 
within  the  thicket  of  this  defence  under  the  fire  of  thirty-six 
hundred  men,  whatever  the  force  sent  forward  to  make  the 
attempt  The  long  continuance  of  the  fight  and  the  heavy 
losses  furnished  the  painful  proof  that  no  success  could  be 
hoped  for,  and  the  order  was  given  for  the  columns  to  retire. 

These  repeated  attacks,  in  every  way  failing  in  the  result 
sought,  cannot  be  placed  on  record  without  great  blame  being 


1758]  THE  REPULSE.  I71 

cast  upon  the  capacity  of  Abercrombie.  One  element  of 
generalship  is  surely  to  judge  what  is  practicable  and  possible : 
whether  the  non-attainment  of  a  purpose  is  the  consequence 
of  want  of  conduct  of  those  attempting  it,  or  that  the  object  is 
in  itself  unattainable.  In  this  emergency  the  sense  and 
capacity  of  lord  Howe  might  have  been  successfully  exercised. 
If,  however,  he  made  no  expostulation  regarding  the  con- 
stitution of  the  expedition,  and  the  evidence  is  against  the 
supposition,  he  might,  with  Abercrombie,  have  been  unable 
to  understand  how  futile  the  attempt  was,  whatever  the  gal- 
lantry with  which  it  was  made,  until  conviction  had  been 
forced  upon  him  by  the  shattered  condition  of  the  repulsed 
battalions.  As  Abercrombie  is  alone  responsible  for  per- 
severance in  the  attack,  the  censure  of  its  continuance  must 
rest  upon  his  memory,  Had  he,  with  the  eye  of  a  general, 
early  discovered  the  wealtness  of  the  assault  against  the 
opposition  to  be  overcome,  his  remedy  was  easy  of  attain- 
ment His  overpowering  force  against  Montcalm  was  weak 
in  the  one  element  of  artillery.  He  was  in  command  of  the 
lake.  His  line  of  communication  was  perfectly  free  from  even 
a  prospect  of  interruption,  and  his  supply  of  provisions  was 
sufficient.  Had  he  early  in  the  day  withdrawn  his  force,  and 
intrenched  himself  within  easy  reach  of  the  lake,  and  sent 
messengers  to  fort  Edward  for  artillery  to  be  forwarded  night 
and  day  until  it  should  reach  him,  he  could  in  a  few  hours 
have  advanced  to  the  attack  to  cannonade  an  opening  by 
which  the  intrenchment  could  have  been  stormed.  The  neglect 
of  this  course  is  the  capital  fault  of  Abercrombie ;  not  that  on 
the  following  day  after  his  heavy  losses  with  his  dispirited 
battalions  he  did  not  recommence  his  most  unwisely  con- 
ceived attack,  again  to  experience  a  repulse,  and  to  meet  losses 
possibly  increased  in  magnitude. 

When  the  retreat  was  determined,  it  was  orderly  and  well 
conducted.  The  light  infantry  and  rangers  were  formed  to 
cover  the  march  of  the  main  body,  and  the  skirmishing  was 
continued  until  half  past  seven  when  they  themselves  retired. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  8th  sir  William  Johnson  arrived 


172  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [l758 

with  three  hundred  Indians.  They  posted  themselves  on 
Rattle-snake  hill,  whence,  from  time  to  time,  they  fired  a  volley. 
Otherwise  they  took  no  part  in  the  action,  and  in  the  evening 
they  withdrew. 

The  troops  retreated  to  the  saw  mills  where  the  head- 
quarters had  been  established  and  a  provincial  regiment  had 
been  left  The  wounded,  as  they  were  collected  on  the  battle- 
field, were  sent  to  this  spot  They  were  now  carried  to  the 
landing-place  and  placed  in  the  boats.  As  they  amounted  to 
1,357  in  number  it  would  not  be  surprising  that  some  of  those 
who  suffered  severely  had  been  left  unattended  to  in  the  belief 
that  they  were  dead.  Some  few  may  have  fallen  in  inaccessible 
spots  and  could  not  be  recovered.  In  a  subsequent  corres- 
pondence Montcalm  informed  Abercrombie  that  thirty-four 
wounded  prisoners  only  had  been  taken  after  the  attack  and 
had  been  sent  to  Montreal.* 

The  main  body  bivouacked  at  the  saw  mill.  Early  on  the 
morning  of  the  9th  the  main  body  marched  to  the  landing- 
place  and  embarked  to  return  to  William  Henry.  These  dates 
entirely  destroy  the  narrative  of  a  precipitate  and  disorderly 
retreat.  When  the  head  of  the  lake  was  reached,  the  wounded 
who  could  be  removed  were  taken  to  Albany. 

No  attempt  was  made  on  the  part  of  the  French  to  interfere 
with  the  embarkation  of  the  British  troops.  They  indeed 
looked  forward  to  the  recommencement  of  the  attack  on  the 
following  day,  and  they  passed  the  night  in  strengthening 
their  position  and  in  cleaning  their  arms.  Their  loss  was  14 
officers  and  92  rank  and  file  killed,  with  18  officers  and  248 
wounded,  being  106  killed  and  266  wounded,  the  total  hors  de 
combat  being  372. 

On  the  loth  de  L^vis  advanced  to  the  saw  mill,  and  satisfied 
himself  that  no  enemy  was  present ;  the  British  force  was 
entirely  re-embarked,  and  had  reascended  the  lake.  He 
speaks  of  the  traces  of  a  hasty  retreat ;  but  all  he  specifies  of 
the  stores  left  behind  is  some  quarters  of  flour,  which  had  been 
thrown  into  the  lake,  which  he  was  successful   in  obtaining 

•  Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W,  I.,  87.2,  p.  213. 


1758]  THE  BRITISH  LOSS.  173 

On  the  I  ith  the  French  buried  the  dead.  De  Livis  represents 
them  as  8cx>  in  number;  the  real  number  was  551.  He 
estimated  the  British  loss  at  4,000 ;  in  reality  it  was  1,945.* 

United  States  writers  have  been  lavish  in  blame  on  Aber- 
crombie,  and  have  endeavoured  to  cover  his  name  with 
ridicule,  for  the  reason  that,  with  his  preponderating  force,  he 
did  not  renew  the  fight  in  the  morning.  Abercrombie 
believed  that  he  had  been  opposed  by  6,000  troops,  and  that 
a   reinforcement  of  3,000  men  was  hourly  expected.,   The 

*  The  following  is  the  official  deUil  of  the  killed  and  wounded  in  the  repulse 
of  the  8th  of  July.     [Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I.,  87.1.  p.  213.] 

Regulan.  " Orti«n- — - — .— h       — — Bank  and  File.- — ..      Tcml. 

zjth,  Blakeney's 

42nd,  Lord  John  Mumfs  . .       7 

44th,  Abercrombie's I 

46th,  Thomas  Murray's 8 

55th,  Lord  Howe's 5 

60th,   1st  Battalion i 

"     4lh      "        Prevost's.       i 

Light  Infantry I 


69         438      87       1049 

Colonel  Preble's. . . , 
'•       Ruggle's... 

"      Williams'... 

"      Doty 

New  Vorlt 

New  Jersey 

Colonel  Babcock.. . . 

"      Fitch 

"      Wooster... 

"      Partridee... 

Grand  total, 34 

n  1086  strong ;  they  therefore  proximately  lost  every 


174  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['758 

losses  had  amounted  to  nearly  2,000  men,  so  the  strength  of 
his  army  was  1 3,500:  a  formidable  body  of  troops,  in  itself  also 
an  argument  to  shew  that  the  retreat  was  in  no  way  precipi- 
tate. The  repulse  of  the  8th,  however,  had  clearly  established 
the  fault  of  Abercrombie  in  commencing  the  campaign  without 
proper  preparation.  There  was  no  error  as  to  the  disposition 
of  the  forces  for  storming  the  intrenchments ;  the  gallantry 
with  which  the  attempt  had  been  made  was  unquestionable. 
An  assault  which  lasted  four  hours,  during  which  2,000 
men  had  been  placed  hors  de  combat,  could  not  be  considered 
to  have  failed  for  want  of  courage  and  conduct.  The  attempt 
had  been  made  as  resolutely  as  soldiers  could  make  it,  and  its 
failure  had  established  that  the  impediments  to  be  overcome 
were  insuperable.  To  have  repeated  the  attack  on  the  follow- 
ing day  would  have  been  to  court  a  similar  disaster,  with  the 
additional  risk  that  the  French  might  have  become  the 
assailants,  and  the  British  army  have  greatly  suffered.  Had 
Abercrombie  shewn  half  as  good  generalship  in  the  organiza- 
tion of  his  force  as,  when  recognizing  the  impossibility  of 
success,  he  ordered  a  retreat,  there  would  be  no  such  unfor- 
tunate chapter  in  the  records  of  British  history.  The  fact  is 
that  the  strength  of  the  abatis  had  been  not  only  underrated, 
but  its  character  was  unknown.  A  repetition  of  the  attempt, 
to  force  them,  would  have  been  little  short  of  madness;  never- 
theless, the  French  looked  for  the  renewal  of  the  attack,  and 
when  the  scouts  brought  the  news  that  the  British  force  had 
departed,  it  seemed  to  the  French  that  a  miracle  had  been 
wrought  in  their  behalf.* 

An  incident  happened  during  the  attack,  which  is  testified 
to  by  an  eye-witness-f     A  captain  of  the  Royal  Rousillon, 

■  The  profound  sensalion  caused  by  this  repulse  throughoul  Ihe  army  was 
]>ainful  to  Ihe  last  degree.  Forbes  at  the  time  wrole  to  Bouquet,  23rd  July, 
[Can.  Arch.,  A.  &  \V.  I.,  p.  157.]  "  I  send  jrou  enclosed  a  melancholy  list  of 
our  killed  and  wounded  at  this  very,  very  sad  affair."  Wolfe  wrote  10  Rickson 
on  his  return  to  England  months  after  the  event,  1st  Dec,  175S  :  "This  defeat 
at  Ticonderoga  seemed  to  slupify  us  that  were  al  Louis bourg."  Indeed,  it  appeared 
inexplicable  as  it  remains  lo-day,  unless  we  accept  ihe  cause  as  stated  in  the  text 
(o  be  Ihe  absence  of  artillery. 

+  Pouchot,  I.,  p.  113. 



having  placed  a  red  flag  at  the  end  of  a  musket,  waved  it 
towards  the  British  column.  It  has  been  represented  that  it 
was  done  without  design,  as  a  freak  of  the  moment,  but  it 
was  attended  with  serious  consequences.  It  was  accepted  by 
the  British  as  a  signal  for  surrender.  Accordingly,  they 
advanced,  holding  their  guns  in  the  air  and  crosswise  on  their 
breasts  as  a  proof  of  peaceful  intention.  The  French  troops 
regarded  the  proceeding  as  an  abandonment  of  the  attack, 
and  as  a  desire  to  be  received  within  the  intrenchment  as 
prisoners.  The  firing,  accordingly,  ceased  on  both  sides,  and 
the  men  placed  themselves  along  the  intrenchment  to  wait  for 
the  British  to  come  in.  One  of  the  officers,  M,  de  Fontbonne, 
called  to  his  company  to  tell  the  men  to  drop  their  arms  and 
they  would  be  received.  Pouchot,  who  had  been  temporarily 
absent,  returned  at  this  crisis,  and,  judging  the  situation  differ- 
ently, calling  out  "  Don't  you  see  that  these  men  will  take 
you?"  ordered  them  to  fire.  The  French,  consequently,  fired 
a  volley  which,  according  to  Pouchot,  placed  from  two  to 
three  hundred  of  the  advancing  column  hors  de  combat.  The 
French  were  reproached  at  the  time  as  having  been  guilty  of 
an  unpardonable  want  of  military  conduct.*  There  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  any  deliberate  breach  of  good  faith  on  the 
part  of  the  French,  and  it  may  be  accepted  in  the  form  it  is 
narrated.  It  was  a  crisis  in  the  event  of  the  day  ;  had  the 
men  of  the  column  obtained  a  footing  within  the  intrenchment 
the  probability  is  that  they  would  have  held  their  ground. 

All  that  Pouchot  can  describe  as  having  been  gathered  from 
the  retreat,  is  500  pairs  of  shoes  and  buckles  left  behind  in  the 
boggy  ground,  with  700  quarters  of  meal  taken  from  the  lake 
in  which  it  had  been  thrown.  Lord  Mahon  magnifies  this 
statement  as  many  boat  loads  of  provisions.-f-  Smollett  tells  us 
that  Abercrombie's  attack  "  was  condemned  as  rash  and  his 
retreat  as  pusillanimous" :  \  a  question  of  his  generalship,  not 
of  a  disorderly  retreat. 

*  Entick.v,  III.,  p.  257,  gives  an  account  of  the  incident  inamannerunravoui- 
able  10  the  French. 

+  History  of  England,  IV.,  p,  136. 

;  Chap.  19,  7, 


1/6  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

The  facts  related  clearly  establish  that  Abercrombie  with- 
drew from  the  attack  without  interference  from  the  French, 
and  that  with  deliberation  he  took  the  steps  which  he  conceived 
necessary  to  his  own  safety.  It  is  not  impossible  that  he  may 
have  contemplated  the  renewal  of  the  assault,  but  better 
counsel  eventually  prevailed.  The  embarkation  of  the  troops 
on  the  morning  of  the  9th  was  conducted  in  a  regular  and 
orderly  manner.  The  troops  were  in  no  way  demoralized,  and 
they  retreated  up  the  lake  with  the  same  discipline  with  which 
they  had  advanced  to  the  attack,  however  depressed  they  may 
have  been  in  spirit. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  find  any  writer  of  military  history, 
received  as  an  authority,  who  can  recognize  the  wisdom  of  the 
proposition  that  Abercrombie  should  have  abandoned  his  basis 
of  operation  at  the  head  of  the  lake,  sacrificing  the  advantages 
of  being  within  reach  of  his  supplies,  without  the  slightest 
improvement  in  his  position,  to  occupy^  spot  difiiicuit  of  access. 
To  have  abandoned  his  lines  of  communication  would  have 
been  madness.  The  argument  has  been  advanced  that 
Abercrombie  could  have  looked  for  the  immediate  arrival  of 
Amherst.  Those  who  so  write  must  be  ignorant  of  the  fact 
that  the  capitulation  of  Louisbourg  took  place  nineteen  days 
after  Abercrombie's  repulse  ;  indeed  it  was  only  known  to 
Abercrombie  on  the  28th  of  August.*  Whatever  the  first 
fault  of  Abercrombie,  after  the  repulse  he  acted  with  judgment, 
and  his  conduct  is  beyond  reproach. 

The  news  of  the  disaster  on  reaching  England  on  all  sides 
caused  great  emotion.  Pitt  was  greatly  depressed.  The  fact  is 
plain  by  the  letters  written  him  by  Bute  and  George  Grenville. 
Bute  wrote  that  the  troops  had  done  their  duty,  and  that  to 
him  might  be  attributed  the  revival  of  the  courage  which  had 
cost  some  brave  lives.  George  Grenville  endeavoured  to  com- 
fort him  by  the  reflection  that  although  this  misfortune  must 
be  sensibly  felt, affairs  still  had  a  promising  aspectf 

•  Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I.,  87.1,  p.  355. 

t  Chuham  correspondence,  I.,  p.  335. 




No  advantage  was  gained  by  the  French  from  the  repulse 
of  the  British  at  Ticonderoga.  Abercrombie  continued  to 
hold  his  position  at  the  head  of  the  lake,  which  he  fortified. 
His  force  was  so  large  that  it  was  inconceivable  to  the  French 
that  he  should  remain  passive  and  defensive.  He  constructed 
a  sloop,  armed  with  six  guns,  for  cruising  on  lakeGeorge,  and  to 
watch  any  movement  from  Ticonderoga.  The  French  generals 
believed  that  Abercrombie  would  revisit  them.  Montcalm 
described  himself  as  threatened  with  a  second  attack,  and 
wrote  that  the  only  thought  of  the  French  was  the  protection 
of  that  side  of  the  frontier  during  the  campaign." 

One  duty  was  imposed  on  Abercrombie,  to  safeguard  the 
convoys,  for  much  activity  was  shewn  by  the  French  in  their 
incursions.  The  Massachusetts'  regiment  of  colonel  Nichols 
was  placed  at  Half-way  brook,  specially  charged  with  the  duty 
of  sending  out  scouting  parties  ;  his  instructions  were  imme- 
diately to  notify  Abercrombie  at  the  lake  of  any  trace  of  the 
enemy's  approach.  Nichols  so  badly  fulfilled  his  duty,  that  a 
party  often  were  attacked  near  the  post,  nine  of  whom  were 
scalped  ;  one  escaped  to  give  notice  of  the  attack.  A  detach- 
ment was  turned  out  in  pursuit,  and  came  up  with  the  enemy. 
The  men  are  reported  to  have  behaved  badly,  and  to  have 
deserted  their  officers,  who  in  vain  appealed  to  them  to  follow 
them  to  the  attack.  Of  the  officers  three  captains,  two  lieu- 
tenants, and  one  ensign  were  kitted  ;  of  the  men  nine  privates 
and  two  non-commissioned  officers  ;  three  were  wounded, 
seven  missing.  Abercrombie  heard  of  the  affair  too  late  to 
send  out  a   reinforcement ;    Nichols,  however,  was  relieved 

•  Montcsim  to  deCremille,  Carillon,  list  October,  t7s8  {N.Y.  Doc.,  X.,  p. 
885];  alio  de  Bougainville  to  the  same,  lb.,  p.  8ES.  De  Cremille  had  been 
appoinled  minister  of  wac  in  connection  with  de  Betle-Iile  in  April,  1758. 


178  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [l758 

from  his  post,  and  replaced  by  200  regulars,  with  some 
rangers  and  provincials.* 

A  colonel  Hart,  of  New  Hampshire,  does  not  figure  credi- 
tably in  the  records  of  the  time.  On  the  day  of  his  arrival  at 
fort  Edward,  the  27th  of  July,  he  was  called  upon  to  convoy 
thirty  ox  teams  with  provisions  on  the  following  morning. 
He  excused  himself,  on  the  ground  that  his  men  had  marched 
the  preceding  day,  and  were  greatly  fatigued,  as  the  extent  of 
this  depressing  effort  had  been  sixteen  miles  the  reply 
attracted  attention  unfavourable  to  him.  The  teams  were  dis- 
patched with  an  escort  of  170  men  ;  they  had  gone  about 
half  way  to  the  brook,  when  they  were  attacked  by  300 
Canadians  and  Indians.  Several  of  the  escort  were  killed, 
several  taken  prisoners  in  the  surprise  and  the  petty  skirmish 
which  followed. 

A  system  of  signals  had  been  established,  by  which  these 
attacks  could  be  made  known,  when  assistance  was  required,  so 
that  a  force  to  support  any  detachment  in  difficulty  could  be 
sent  out  On  the  concerted  signal  being  heard,  colonel  Hart 
was  ordered  to  go  to  the  assistance  of  the  escort.  He  came 
upon  the  scene  of  the  attack  to  find  that  the  cattle  had  been 
killed,  the  teams  rendered  useless,  and  much  of  the  provisions 
scattered  about.  Many  of  the  Canadian  party  had  freely 
partaken  of  the  liquor  they  had  captured.  The  fact  was  after- 
wards known,  that  several  of  them  were  incapable  of  resistance, 
and  with  resolute  men  against  them  they  might  have  been 
cut  to  pieces  and  destroyed.  Hart  refused  to  follow  on  the 
trace  of  the  enemy  ;  he  would  go  no  further,  and  the  Canadian 
detachment  escaped  with  their  spoil  and  their  prisoners. 
Hart's  conduct  was  universally  condemned.  He  was  subse- 
quently tried  by  a  court-martial-  of  provincial  officers,  of 
which  colonel  Schuyler  was  president. 

On  hearing  of  the  affair,  Abercrombie  sent  out  a  party  of 
700  men,  under  Rogers,  with  instructions  to  intercept  the 
French  at  a  narrow  pass  at  Wood's  creek.  They  left  at  two 
in  the  morning.     A  further  detachment  of  i,ooo  men  followed, 

■  Can.  Arch.,  Serie*  A.  &  W.  I.,  87,8,  p.  297, 


1758]  THE  SKIRMISH.  179 

under  Haviland,  to  cover  them.  Haviland  returned  with  the 
report  that  Rogers  and  his  party,  in  spite  of  their  diligence  in 
reaching  the  place,  were  two  hours  too  late  in  their  attempt  to 
intercept  the  French. 

As  it  was  evident  that  there  were  parties  in  the  field  from 
Ticonderi^a  actively  watching  every  opportunity  to  attack 
detachments,  when  not_of  sufficient  strength  to  resist  them, 
Rogers,  with  a  force  of  the  rangers,  major  Putnam,  and 
some  Connecticut  men,  and  a  wing  of  the  light  infantry 
under  captain  Dalzell,  in  all  about  700,  was  ordered  to  sweep 
round  the  country  and  come  out  at  fort  Edward.  The  de- 
tachment took  post  at  South  bay,  but  failed  to  intercept  any 
of  the  enemy  ;  but  on  the  8th  of  August  they  came  up  with  a 
party  of  Canadians  and  Indians,  under  Marin,  of  about  450 
in  number.  Marin  had  received  information  of  the  presence 
of  Rogers  in  the  field,  and  not  knowing  the  strength  of  his 
force,  determined  to  intercept  him.  He  had  heard  shots  in 
the  morning,  and  placed  himself  in  ambush  within  two  miles 
of  fort  Anne.  The  Connecticut  regiment  was  in  front, 
followed  by  the  light  infantry,  the  rear  being  brought  up  by 
the  rangers,  with  Rogers.  Owing  to  the  difficulty  of  move- 
ment through  the  thick  bush,  the  line  of  march  was  straggling, 
and  the  French  force,  having  chosen  their  ground,  had  the 
advantage  of  surprise  and  their  masked  position.  Putnam, 
who  was  in  front,  before  he  was  aware  of  any  attack  was  seized 
by  some  Indians ;  an  officer  and  three  men  who  were  near 
him  were  likewise  surprised.  The  Connecticut  men  fell 
back  until  the  light  infantry  and  the  rangers  could  come 
to  their  help.  After  a  fight  of  two  hours,  the  French  gave 
way  and  retreated,  carrying  away  their  prisoners.  It  was  at 
this  critical  moment  that  Putnam's  absence  was  felL  He  had 
been  missed  early  in  the  fight ;  his  corps  amounted  to  nearly 
half  the  force,  and  there  was  nobody  to  command  it,  one  of  the 
lieutenants  being  absent.  It  was  the  more  unfortunate,  as  the 
men  had  been  Putnam's  own  selection,  and  they  could  not  be 
collected  to  pursue  the  French  force.  The  loss  on  the  British 
side  was  forty-nine  killed.     They  were  buried  where  they  fell; 


l8o  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [1758 

the  wounded  were  taken  on  Utters  to  fort  Edward.  Abcr- 
crombie  reports  the  loss  of  the  French  at  1 50  killed  :  only  two 
prisoners  were  taken.  Many  were  scalped.  The  scalps  were 
numbered  by  Abercrombie  as  fifty-six,  fifteen  of  which  were 
Indians.  A  party  was  sent  from  fort  Edward  to  bury  the 
French  dead,  and  it  is  to  be  presumed  that  it  was  from  this 
source  that  the  official  number  was  given.  Rogers  was  highly 
spoken  of  by  Abercrombie  for  his  "  great  calmness  and  officer- 
like  conduct."  * 

Abercrombie  learned  from  the  prisoners  taken  that  most  of 
the  regular  troops  in  Canada  were  still  at  Ticonderoga.  They 
consisted  of  eight  battalions  of  500  men  each,  some  colonial 
troops  and  Canadian  militia,  with  600  Indians,  making  a  total 
of  13,000  men.  The  fact  was  corroborated  by  some  deserters 
and  by  some  prisoners  who  had  made  their  escape.  Fresh 
intrenchments  with  new  batteries,  had  been  added,  and  the 
defence  of  the  abatis  generally  increased.  The  fort  had  been 
strengthened.  A  strong  force  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
portage  and  at  the  saw  mills,  and  strong  intrenchments 
thrown  up  at  the  landing  place  to  oppose  any  attempted 

If  the  failure  at  Ticonderoga  had  proved  dispiriting  to  the 
British  provinces,  and  had  created  fears  of  an  invasion  qf 
northern  New  York,  the  French  were  equally  perplexed  as  to 
the  designs  of  Abercrombie.  The  large  British  force  which 
remained  at  the  head  of  lake  George,  and  the  active  prepara- 
tions which  were  known  to  be  continued,  were  interpreted  by 
the  French  as  the  design  to  recommence  the  attack  under 
different  and  more  favourable  conditions.  Accordingly,  the 
concentration  of  the  French  force  was  continued  at  Carillon, 
and  the  paralyzing  influence  of  this  uncertainty  was  the  cause 
that  all  other  operations  were  neglected.  The  projected  expe- 
dition to  the  Mohawk  under  de  L^vis  was  abandoned.  The 
detachment  detailed  to  ascend  the  Saint  Lawrence,  which  had 
been  stopped  at  Lachine,  was  not  replaced  :  thus  fort  Fron- 
tenac  remained  imperfectly  garrisoned.  The  French,  however, 
felt  that  their  possession  of  lake  Ontario  was  unassailable. 

*  Can.  Arch.,  Seriu  A.  &  W.  I.,  87.3,  pp.  304-6,  \yi\i  August. 


'7S8]  WINTER  QUARTERS.  l8l 

On  hearing  of  the  arrival  of  Amherst  in  Halifax,  Aber- 
atimbte  informed  him  of  the  disaster  at  Carillon,  and  asked 
that,  if  active  operations  were  not  to  be  carried  on  in  the  east, 
troops  might  be  sent  to  Albany  by  the  way  of  New  York. 
The  letter  did  not  reach  Amherst,  for  he  had  left  Halifax  for 
^ton.  The  troops  landed  at  Boston,  and  marched  overland 
'fom  Albany.  They  disembarked  on  the  13th  of  September; 
they  commenced  their  march  on  the  i  sth,  and  reached  Albany 
on  the  3rd  of  October. 

The  lesson  which  Abercrombie  had  received  had  taught  him 

•he  necessity  of  obtaining  artillery.     In  a  letter  to  Amherst 

he  stated  his  great  need   in   this  respect,  the  guns  having 

™n  taken  to  accompany  Loudoun's  expedition.     He  likewise 

asked  for  engineer  officers.     He  set  forth  these  requirements, 

lot  in  the  view  of, any  aggressive  movement,  but  as  necessary 

to  the   defence   of  the   territory  from   lake  George   to   the 

Wudson  ;  and  on  the  Mohawk  to  the  carrj'ing-place.     Aber- 

^fombie  had  formed  the  opinion  that  any  attempt  upon  Ticon- 

oeroga  could  only  be  undertaken  with  greater  preparation,  and 

1"^*  the  place  must  be  approached  in  a  regular  siege,  and  with 

"•^'plined    artillery  under  competent  engineers  :  moreover, 

^'  the  operations  would  require  more  time  than  the  season 

°   the  year  would  admit  before  the  approach  of  winter.     He 

""^^    still   the   general- in-chief,  and  he  directed  Amherst  to 

^*ve   his  command  with  the  senior  officer,  and   proceed   to 

^^  George,  to  discuss  the  course  to  be  followed.     Amherst 

*^iVed  on  the  sth  of  October ;  a  council  was  held,  at  which 

"^Sa-dier  Gage  was  present,  when  it  was  determined  that  the 

^  '^^nnpt  should  not  be  repeated  that  year.     The  troops  lately 

*'''^Wed  were  accordingly  placed  in  quarters  opposite  to  Albany, 

'Wd  Amherst  again  went  eastward. 

An  event,  however,  had  taken  place,  which,  although  not 
attended  by  the  renown  which  gratifies  and  flatters  national 
pride,  nevertheless  achieved  important  political  results,and  was 
indirectly  the  cause  of  more  important  consequences.  Indeed, 
it  may  be  named  as  the  first  step  towards  the  entire  destruction 
'  Can.  Arch.,  Series  A,  ft  W.  I.,  Sy.i,  p.  381. 


l82  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

of  French  power  in  the  west  and  on  the  lakes.  It  must  ever 
be  a  matter  of  surprise  that  the  French  left  the  important  fort 
of  Cataraqui  or  Frontcnac  so  perfectly  unprotected,  and  that  its 
value  as  a  depot  for  the  west,  at  the  foot  of  the  lakes,  did  not 
suggest  its  protection,  so  that  it  could  resist  an  ord  inary  attack 
until  relief  could  be  sent.  Its  value  in  all  respects  was  known, 
even  for  aggressive  purposes.  It  had  been  the  starting  point 
of  Montcalm's  attack  on  Oswego,  and  it  had  been  selected  as 
the  place  of  assembly  for  the  projected  expedition  of  de  Levis 
to  the  Mohawk  river:  it  was  the  point  from  which  the 
reinforcements,  with  provisions  and  stores,  could  be  most 
advantageously  despatched  to  Detroit  and  to  the  Ohio:  it 
was  the  magazine  where  the  provisions  could  be  best  collected 
to  be  sent  in  schooners  to  Niagara,  or  by  canoes  to  lake  Erie 
From  its  central  position  it  conferred  great  advantages ;  indeed, 
it  was  the  first  fortified  place  above  Montreal ;  la  Presentation, 
or  Ogdcnsburg,  being  merely  a  mission  with  its  Indian  village. 
In  the  autumn  of  1757  Bradstreet  had  proposed  to  Loudoun 
to  attempt  the  conquest,  but  the  proposition  was  not  enter- 
tained. After  the  repulse  from  Ticonderoga  Bradstreet  again 
submitted  the  offer  to  Abercrombie.  In  the  depressed  con- 
dition of  the  army,  and  owing  to  the  many  attacks  of  the 
French  parties  from  the  head  of  lake  Champlain,  in  which  the 
convoys  suffered  loss,  Abercrombie  was  ready  to  welcome 
any  movement  which  promised  to  cast  a  gleam  of  good  fortune 
upon  the  British  arms.  Peisonally,  he  had  full  confidence  in 
Bradstreet,  which  had  been  called  forth  by  his  unexceptionable 
conduct.  As  it  was  necessary  to  determine  the  strength  of 
the  several  garrisons  for  the  rest  of  the  year,  at  the  time 
Bradstreet  advocated  the  expedition  Abercrombie  agreed  to 
place  3,000  men  at  his  disposal  for  the  attempt.  Bradstreet* 
proceeded  to  the  Oneida  carrying- place  to  complete  the 
organization.  General  Stanwix  was  there  in  command, 
engaged  in  the  construction  of  the  fort  which  bore  his  name. 
The  expedition  did  not  immediately  promise  success.  Aber- 
crombie wrote  to  Pitt  on  the  igthof  August*  that  he  had  heard 
•  Can.  Arch.,  Series  A,  i:  \V.  I.,  87.8,  p.  308, 



Skeleton     Map 

allowing      thm 


Lake  Ontario  K^River  Saint  L 

wiA  At 

River  Sudson  and  Lake   Chamj- 

DiqitizeabyC      )0»^|C 

I7S8]  BRADSTREET.  183 

from  Stanwix  that  Bradstreet's  force  had  been  greatly  reduced 
by  sickness  and  desertion :  nevertheless  that  the  latter  had  said 
if  "  the  Numbers  be  reduced  so  low  that  we  cannot  malte  out 
above  1,000  men  fitt  to  proceed  to  Lake  Ontario  with  them, 
I  will  do  my  best."  As  Abercrombie  heard  that  there  was 
little  opposition  to  be  met,  he  communicated  the  information  to 
Bradstreet  through  Stanwix,  at  the  same  time  adding  that  he 
did  not  mean  to  encourage  the  undertaking,  unless  Bradstreet 
himself  thought  it  practicable.  On  the  20th  Stanwix  reported 
that  Bradstreet  had  started  •  and  had  reached  Oswego,  and 
that  the  force  was  about  to  embark  on  lake  Ontario.  On 
September  the  8th  he  heard  that  the  place  had  been  taken. 
The  news  came  in  the  form  of  a  private  letter,  but  the 
particulars  were  so  circumstantial  that  they  could  not  be 
doubted.  Two  days  later  Bradstreet's  report  arrived.-f-  The 
narrative  is  brief  He  landed  on  the  25th  of  August,  about  six 
in  the  afternoon.  That  night  the  men  lay  under  arms.  Next 
morning  they  placed  their  cannon  in  position  within  400  feet 
from  the  fort  As  little  damage  was  effected,  it  was  resolved  to 
make  a  nearer  approach,  and  the  guns  remained  silent  for  the 
rest  of  the  day.     At  night,  possession  was  taken  of  an  old 

"  The  following  is  ihe  detail  of  Bradstreet's  force  as  il  is  given  in  the  slale 
of  the  isth  of  August,  1758.     [Series  A.  &  W.  I.,  87.2,  p.  370.] 

Royal  artillery 3  24 

Regular  troops.,,. 8  146 

Col.  Williams' battalion 19    .  415 

"    Dotj's 10  132 

"    de  Lancey's 38  1055 

"    Johnson's 16  389 

Babcock's. 24  293 

Rangers i  60 

119  2.614 

Sa/tauratn 300 

Indians 70 

Total 2,984 

i  The  letter  was  addressed  by  lieutenant  Arch.  McAuley  to  captain  Horatio 
Gates.  [Can.  Arch.,  A,  &  W,  1.,  87.2,  p.  372.]  Bradstreet's  despatch  is  dated 
3i«  August,  Oswego.    [lb.  87.2,  p.  374.] 


l84  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

intrenchment  close  to  the  fort,  from  which  at  daybreak  the  fire 
was  opened.  It  was  so  effective  that  at  seven  the  surrender 
was  made.  There  were  about  one  hundred  and  ten  men  in  the 
garrison,  besides  women  and  children.  Nine  vessels  armed 
with  from  nine  to  eighteen  guns,  were  taken,  seven  of  them 
were  burned,  with  the  fort,  and  its  contents  which  could 
not  be  removed.  Sixty  pieces  of  artillery  were  found  in  the 
fort  with  a  great  quantity  of  stores  and  goods.  Fourteen  of 
the  besiegers  were  wounded,  none  were  killed.  There  were 
seven  Indians  in  the  fort  who  made  their  escape.  Much  of  the 
provisions  and  stores  and  most  of  the  goods  were  destined  for 
the  posts  on  the  Ohio.  It  was  admitted  by  the  prisoners  that 
the  seizure  of  these  stores  would  greatly  embarrass  the  western 
forts.  The  destruction  of  the  vessels  left  the  French  without 
a  single  ship  on  lake  Ontario. 

The  garrison  surrendered  as  prisoners  of  war,  to  be  ex- 
changed for  equal  numbers  with  the  observance  of  rank. 
Bradstreet's  first  intention  was  to  have  taken  them  to  Albany ; 
he  however  considered  it  more  advisable  to  allow  them  to 
proceed  to  Montreal  on  parole,  the  exchanges  to  be  sent  to 
lake  George. 

Abercrombie  subsequently  stated  that  at  least  800,000  livres 
worth  of  booty  had  been  taken.  It  consisted  of  furs,  and 
goods  for  trade  with  the  Indians,  and  to  be  delivered  to  them 
as  presents.  They  were  distributed  in  equal  proportions 
among  the  men  ;  Bradstreet  in  no  way  reserved  a  share  for 
himself,  or  in  the  least  obtained  material  profit  from  the  trans- 
action. The  vessels  in  which  he  brought  them  to  Oswego 
were  burned  ;  the  guns  and  powder  taken  by  him  were 
delivered  at  fort  Stanwix.* 

The   French  commandant  was  M.   Noyan  :f   among  the 

•  Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  Si  W.  I.,  87.1.,  p.  391. 

+  The  coitimandant  de  Payan  de  Noyan,  of  an  ancient  Normandy  famil]',  was 
lieutmaiit  ilt  toy  at  TTiree  Riven,  The  post  at  Frontenac  had  been  given  him 
that  he  mighl  belter  his  fortunes,  which  were  in  a  bad  condition,  for  the  position 
had  been  looked  upon  as  below  his  merit.  He  was  a  man  of  much  culture,  fond 
of  science,  and  had  included  medicine  in  his  studies  ;  he  was  a  poet,  and  his  veri 
di  soticli,  often  having  the  piquancy  of  ill-natured  satire,  had  created  for  him 


I7S8]  FORT   FRONTENAC.  185 

ladies  were  Mde.  du  Vivier  and  Mde,  Barillon.  The  prisoners 
taken  were  eventually  exchanged  for  colonel  Schuyler  and 
others,  who  reached  fort  Edward  under  a  flag  of  truce. 

The  importance  of  fort  Frontenac  was  well  known  to  the 
French  officers:  a  contemporary  writer  describes  its  destruction 
as  of  greater  injury  to  the  colony  than  the  loss  of  a  battle.* 
The  danger  had  in  vain  been  represented  to  de  Vaudreuil. 
With  the  Canadians  of  the  colony,  he  believed  that  the  British 
were  without  the  strength,  or  the  courage  to  attack  this  part  of 
the  territory.  The  news,  therefore,  that  Bradstreet  had  landed 
caused  great  feeling  in  Montreal  ;  at  the  same  time,  much 
irresolution  was  felt  as  to  the  course  to  be  taken.  Finally,  de 
Vaudreuil   despatched    Duplessis,   major  of  Montreal,   with 

many  enemies.  He  nts  ihen  sixiy-eight.  Age  bad  brought  wiih  il  some  physical 
inlirniiiy,  but  the  keenness  of  his  intellect  vas  unimpaired.  He  had  seen 
de  LoDgueuil  when  on  his  Indian  mission,  and  he  had  learned  from  him  that  the 
fort  might  be  attacked.  De  Longueuil  had  promised  lo  represent  the  fact  to 
■de  Vaudreuil,  and  had  left  with  de  Noyan,  a  member  of  his  stafT  of  some  ability, 
to  aid  de  Noyan  in  his  transactions  with  the  Indians.  Several  ot  the  Oneidas, 
seeing  the  preparations  at  fort  Slanwii,  had  also  given  notice  ot  the  proposed 
a.ltBck.  In  this  certainly  of  being  assailed  without  means  of  defence,  de  Noyan 
iti^ntly  pces&ed  de  Vaudreuil  to  [cinfotce  the  garrison.  All  (hat  de  Vaudreuil 
would  do  was  to  send  up  a  single  man,  d'Imon  la  Ptanle,  full  of  courage,  but 
without  talent  and  eiperience,  with  one  aim,  disabled.  On  no  assistance  being 
sent  lo  de  Noyan,  in  conformity  with  his  earnest  demands,  correctly  judging  the 
situalion,  he  asked  to  be  relieved  from  the  fort,  preferring  that  the  surrender, 
which  he  saw  to  be  inevitable,  should  be  made  by  another.  De  Vaudreuil,  on 
receiving  the  letter,  shrugged  his  shoulders,  with  the  expression  "  that  this  ofheer 

The  penally  of  the  loss  of  Cataraqui  fell  upon  de  Noyan,  who  allowed  himself 
to  be  persuaded  by  de  Vaudreuil,  whom  in  no  way  he  distrusted,  lo  leave  to 
de  Vaudreuil  the  narrative  of  the  cause  of  the  disaster.  De  Noyan  had  no  ground 
for  self-reproach  :  the  cause  of  (he  failure  lay  with  de  Vaudreuil  alone. 
Accordingly  he  gave  no  ofRcial  written  account  of  the  surrender,  leaving  de  Vaud- 
reuil to  make  his  own  explanations.  The  governor  threw  the  whole  blame  on 
de  Noyan,  slating  that  age  had  weakened  his  judgment,  at  (he  same  time  asking 
for  his  retirement  The  advice  was  acted  upon,  and  de  Noyan  became  the 
dupe  of  his  good  failh  and  generosity  of  character.  When  he  was  informed 
of  the  course  taken  wiih  regard  to  him,  be  complained  to  the  court  in  France.  It 
was  the  old  sloiy  :  justice  and  eonsideraiion  were  refused,  and  all  his  expostulation 
was  unavailing. 

"  "  ct  nuisit  plu«  par  celte  expedition  4  la  eolonie  que  n'auroit  fait  la  perte 
d'une  bataille."     M^oires  1749-1760,  p.  116. 


l86  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

3,000  Canadians  and  all  the  Indians  he  could  collect,  on  his 
route  to  fort  Frontenac*  Duplessis  heard  of  the  surrender 
when  a  few  miles  above  Lachine.  He,  however,  continued 
his  voyage  to  La  Presentation  and  waited  for  orders.  The 
engineer-in-chief  of  the  colony,  de  Pontleroy,  with  a  detach- 
ment, went  as  far  as  fort  Frontenac  to  observe  its  condition  : 
he  reported  that  it  could  be  re-established  at  no  great  expense. 
The  walls  generally  remained  in  good  condition  :  six  cannon 
had  been  left  behind,  with  many  utensils.  Duplessis  was 
instructed  to  send  a  detachment  under  de  Montigny  to  rein- 
force Niagara.  He  himself  went  as  far  as  Frontenac,  with  the 
view  of  retaining  the  Indians  under  French  influence.  After 
remaining  some  days,  he  left  on  the  26th  of  October.  On  his 
arrival  at  La  Presentation,  he  found  orders  waiting  for  him  to 
send  chevalier  Benoit  to  Frontenac,  with  a  detachment  of 
troops  and  some  Canadian  mtlitia.  The  fort  was  to  be  rebuilt 
to  protect  the  canoes  arriving  with  provisions.  Benoit  is 
described  as  being  of  a  Parisian  family  ;  one  of  those  men  of 
no  account,  because  they  know  themselves  to  be  so  ;  chimeri- 
cal in  his  views,  a  devotee,  with  some  capacity,  but  little 
education,  affecting  the  tone  of  a  philosopher,  possessing 
courage,  and  capable  of  obtaining  credit  in  the  discharge  of 
his  duty.  The  construction  of  two  schooners  was  ordered, 
and  de  Cress^,  aide  constructeur,  was  sent  to  Frontenac  to 
superintend  the  work.  The  necessary  timber  could  not  be 
conveniently  procured,  so  he  descended  the  river  and  estab- 
lished himself  on  the  north  shore,  at  a  place  known  as  Point 
au  Baril,  some  short  distance  above  La  Presentation. +  Benoit 
was  subsequently  removed  from  Frontenac  and  put  in  com- 
mand at  La  Presentation,  replacing  de  Lorimer.  Fort  Fron- 
tenac was  thus  entirely  abandoned.  Point  au  Baril  was 
considered  more  defensible  than  La  Presentation  ;  it  was 
accordingly  selected  for  a  permanent  establishment,  and  the 

*  This  number  is  mcniioned  by  de  Levis.  Journal,  p.  149.  The  writer  of 
the  mimaire  states  that  1,500  were  sent. 

t  Point  au  Baril  is  described  as  being  about  seven  and  a  half  miles  above 
Ogdensburg.  Its  site  must  have  been  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  present 
village  of  Maitland. 


1758]  DE  RICAUD.  187 

buildings  were  intrenched.  For  the  time  it  took  the  place  of 
fort  Frontenac.  The  events  of  the  following  year  caused  its 
abandonment,  and  the  place  passed  out  of  notice  for  half  a 

Bradstreet  obtained  some  important  information  affecting 
the  Indians  from  the  prisoners  taken  at  the  surrender. 
From  what  he  learned,  it  was  evident  that  the  French  had 
succeeded  with  the  Six  Nations,  to  a  great  extent,  in  obtaining 
their  confidence,  and  in  alienating  them  from  the  British 
alliance.  The  disaster  at  Ticonderoga  must  have  greatly 
impaired  their  faith  in  the  strength  of  British  power.  The 
Indian  cannot  be  blamed  for  his  desire  to  be  on  the  strongest 
side  On  the  part  of  the  French  there  was  always  an  influence 
to  appeal  to  his  imagination.  The  Roman  catholic  missionary 
was  ever  present  to  administer  the  rites  of  his  church,  and  to 
place  in  prominence  all  that  could  console  the  devotee  ;  at  the 
same  time  proclaiming  the  punishment  which  would  follow 
any  want  of  faith  in  the  teaching  given  him.  Thus  enthusiasm 
was  awakened  for  the  French  cause  as  representative  of  the 
true  religion. 

Politically,  the  French  were  unceasing  in  their  attempts  at 
conciliation.  The  value  of  the  Indian  in  the  inroads  of 
destruction  into  the  enemy's  country  was  well  known.  In 
July  of  the  present  year  de  Vaudreuil  despatched  de  Rigaud 
with  a  detachment, and  nine  canoes  of  merchandise  as  presents, 
to  meet  the  Six  Nations  in  the  spirit  of  conciliation.  In  his 
journey,  hearing  of  the  repulse  at  Ticonderoga,  he  went  as 
far  as  Chouagen  (Oswego).  He  was  accompanied  by  de 
Longueuil,  who  had  lately  succeeded  his  father,  and  had  much 
experience  in  Indian  affairs.  He  had  there  an  interview  with 
some  Oneidas  and  Onondagas.  His  presents  were  accepted, 
and  he  strove  to  retain  their  adherence  to  France.  He  had 
the  satisfaction  of  being  received  in  state  and  with  friendliness, 
and  for  a  time  it  looked  as  if  his  mission  had  been  successful. 
The  capture  of  fort  Frontenac  was  a  powerful  argument 
against  him,  to  counterbalance  the  courtesies  of  many  such 


l88  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

There  was  another  powerful  inRuence  which'  seriously 
affected  the  Indian.  There  was  with  the  two  European 
peoples  a  cardinal  difference  in  the  relationship  with  the 
native  race.  The  Canadian,  readily  domiciled  in  the  Indian 
wigwam,  took  a  squaw  as  his  partner  in  life,  and  made  no 
attempt  to  make  a  settlement  on  the  hunting  grounds  of  the 
tribe.  The  British  population  had  difficulty  in  recognizing 
these  rights,  and  they  did  not  see  that  any  infringement 
upon  them  was  regarded  by  the  Indians  as  an  intrusion  to  be 
resented.  There  was  consequently  in  the  British  provinces  a 
constant  attempt  to  gain  possession  of  land  as  property.  So 
long  as  the  trader  dwelt  among  the  Indians,  confining  himself 
to  buying  and  selling,  and  making  himself  rich  by  petty 
frauds,  which  the  Indian  did  not  understand,  or  if  he  did  see 
through  them,  was  not  painfully  shocked,  for  they  accorded 
with  his  own  ethics,  so  long  there  was  neither  dissatisfaction 
nor  complaint  The  Indian  continued  his  relationship  with 
the  traders,  as  he  could  obtain  goods  cheaper  from  them  than 
from  the  French,  and  the  rum  was  as  palatable  as  French 
brandy,  and  cheaper.  But  when  the  population  at  the  limit 
of  settlement  attempted  to  push  forward  and  occupy  land, 
without  treaty  or  permission  from  the  Indian,  and  in  spite  of 
his  protest,  the  hold  of  the  British  on  the  Indian  mind  became 
weakened.  In  some  cases  it  had  been  entirely  alienated  ; 
such  had  been  the  case  on  the  Ohio,  where  settlement  had 
been  attempted  far  beyond  the  mountains.  The  desire  to 
drive  back  this  settlement,  with  other  causes,  had  powerfully 
influenced  the  Ohio  Indians  to  join  the  French  in  their 
expeditions  against  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia.  The  defeat 
of  Braddock  had  done  much  to  exalt  French  prestige.  So 
pertinacious  had  been  their  attack  under  French  organization 
during  the  succeeding  years,  that  in  Pennsylvania  settlement 
lad  been  driven  back  to  Carlisle.  In  Vii^iniaand  Maryland 
he  limit  to  population  was  fort  Frederic  or  the  Potomac.  The 
six  Nations, with  no  friendly  eye,  looked  on  the  establishments 
vhich  were  being  made  on  the  Mohawk,  and  late  events, 
oined  to  their  own  doubts  and  fears,  had  led  them  to  incline 



to  France,  as  much  from  the  spirit  of  self-preservation  as  from 
any  other  feeling. 

Bradstreet's  information  was  of  importance,  as  it  established 
the  extent  to  which  these  influences  were  at  work.  He 
learned,  on  what  he  regarded  to  be  good  authority,  the  fact 
that  the  Six  Nations  had  promised,  with  2,000  men,  to  meet 
de  L^vis  at  Oswego.  The  design  was  to  attack  the  Mohawk 
settlements  ;  500  Oshawas  and  some  Mississaguas  had  been 
gathered  at  Montreal.  They  were  to  proceed  to  Frontenac 
and  there  receive  provisions  and  necessaries,  guns  and  ammu- 
nition The  whole  of  the  Six  Nations  had  shown  such  an 
inclination  to  accept  French  interests,  that  vigorous  measures 
were  required  to  avoid  the  evii  consequences  of  their  taking 
this  step. 

By  the  middle  of  October  the  autumn  rains  were  making 
the  roads  impassable  for  heavy  vehicles  ;  accordingly,  on  the 
17th  the  artillery,  ammunition,  stores  and  bateaux  were 
removed  from  the  head  of  lake  George  to  the  Hudson.  Some 
of  the  latter  boats  left  behind  were  scuttled,  the  naval  stores 
were  buried  in  the  encampment  The  sloop  which  had  been 
constructed  since  July  was  dismantled  and  sunk;  the  whale 
boats  were  hid  in  the  woods.* 

On  the  20th  of  October  Abercrombie  himself  left  lake 
George,  leaving  Gage  to  bring  up  the  rear.  The  troops  went 
into  winter  quarters,  many  of  them  suffering  from  scurvy. 

The  fort  at  the  Oneida  carrying-place,  fort  Stanwix,  was 
now  complete.  It  contained  casemates  for  400  men,  with  a 
ditch  and  glacis.     It  was  fortified  with  guns  en  barbette. 

Abercrombie's  letter  of  recall,  dated  the  1 8th  of  September, 
reached  him  on  the  ist  of  November.  There  can  be  little 
doubt  but  that  it  was  caused  by  the  events  of  the  8th  of  July. 
General  Amherst  was  appointed  his  successor,  .  No  displeasure 
was  expressed  in  the  communication  ;  for  in  acknowledging 
it,  Abercrombie  thanks  the  minister  for  the  expression  of 
good  wishes  and  for  the  assurance  that  a  just  sense  of  his  zeal 
for  the  king's  service  is  entertained.f 

•  Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  1.,  87.3,  p.  384. 
+  C«n.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I.,  87.2,  p.  376. 


I90  THE  HISTORY  OK  CANADA.  [l758 

The  French  remained  at  Ticonderoga  uncertain  what  course 
to  take.  On  the  28th  of  October  Wolf  had  been  sent  to  fort 
Edward  with  a  letter  from  de  Vaudreuil.  On  his  return  he 
reported  that  it  was  evident  the  British  force  was  leaving  lake 
George  for  winter  quarters.  Montcalm  sent  out  two  parties  : 
one  under  de  Florimond,  to  make  a  reconnoissance  along  the 
road  to  fort  Edward  ;  the  second  under  de  Charly,  who,  from 
the  heights  overlooking  the  British  camp,  was  to  observe  its 
condition.  A  deserter  arrived  on  the  30th  and  confirmed 
Wolfs  statement.  De  Charly  returned  and  reported  the  camp 
to  be  abandoned.  De  Florimond  brought  back  a  prisoner 
belonging  to  the  rear  guard  ;  possibly  a  straggler.  De 
Florimond,  however,  represented  that  he  had  attacked  the 
detachment  and  killed  seven  or  eight.  From  this  prisoner  the 
news  was  confirmed,  and  the  French  learned  the  arrival  of  the 
battalions  from  Louisbourg. 

Having  heard  from  the  deserter  that  the  British  had  made 
caches  of  provisions  and  utensils,  of  their  boats  and  bateaux, 
Montcalm  sent  captain  de  la  Pause  with  a  party  to  William 
Henry  to  see  what  could  be  found.  What  of  value  was  dis- 
covered was  brought  away  ;  the  other  property  was  burned. 
The  finishing  blow  was  given  to  the  intrenchments  which  the 
British  had  imperfectly  attempted  to  destroy. 

The  French  troops  went  into  winter  quarters.  Four  hun- 
dred men,  under  d'H^becourt,  were  left  at  Carillon,  and  two 
hundred  at  fort  Saint  Frederick,  Crown  Point,  under  de 
Lusignan.  On  the  4th  of  November  Montcalm  and  de  L^vis 
started  for  Montreal  and  arrived  there  on  the  9th.  Shortly 
afterwards  they  heard  that  Abercrombie  had  been  recalled,* 
•     *  Journal  of  de  Levis,  pp.  159-161.  1 




The  attack  of  fort  Dusquesne,  included  by  Pitt  in  the 
season's  campaign,  was  in  no  way  looked  upon  as  an  object 
of  secondary  importance.  Indeed,  it  had  been  placed  in  equal 
prominence  with  the  siege  of  Louisbourg  and  the  advance 
upon  lake  Champlain.  It  embraced  in  itself  more  than  a 
struggle  for  the  valley  of  the  Ohio  :  it  involved  the  sovereignty 
of  the  west.  The  French,  once  firmly  in  possession  of  the 
river  and  its  northern  tributaries,  would  have  closed  access  to 
further  advance  westward  of  the  British  provinces,  and  im- 
posed upon  them  the  Aileghanies  as  a  boundary. 

The  three  provinces  directly  interested  were  Pennsylvania, 
Maryland,  and  Virginia  ;  they  had  fully  felt  the  destructive 
influence  which  the  French  fort  had  exercised  on  their  condi- 
tion. In  the  three  years  which  had  followed  the  defeat  of 
Braddock,  the  country  west  of  Carlisle,  in  Pennsylvania,  and 
effort  Frederick,  in  Maryland,  had  been  devastated  by  Indians 
headed  by  French  officers,  accompanied  by  French  troops. 
Wherever  there  was  an  unprotected  settlement,  it  had  been 
surprised,  and  the  dwellers  in  it  killed,  or  carried  away  to 
servitude.  Step  by  step  settlement  had  been  driven  back,  for 
no  effectual  effort  had  been  made  to  restrain  these  inroads ; 
and  the  inhabitants  who  had  occupied  the  country  had  aban- 
doned  it,  when  it  could  only  be  held  at  risk  of  life. 

The  officer  placed  at  the  head  of  the  expedition  was  briga- 
dier Forbes.  There  is  scarcely  an  illustrious  name  less  known 
in  English  history ;  nevertheless,  he  was  a  man  of  rare  and 
noble  qualities,  and  there  are  few  who  have  been  distinguished 
by  more  important  services  rendered  to  the  commonwealth. 
In  spite  of  broken  health  and  physical  suffering,  he  carried  out 
the  duties  entrusted  to  him  with  unrelaxed  tenacity  of  pur- 
pose, with  judgment  and  with  ability ;  it  was  to  his  skill  as  a 


192  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  ['758 

diplomatist  and  his  foresight  as  a  soldier  that  the  end  desired 
was  fully  attained. 

John  Forbes  was  born  in  Petincrief,  in  Fifeshire,*  He 
entered  the  army  in  1710.  On  the  29th  of  November,  1750, 
he  became  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  2nd  dragoons,  the  "  Scots 
Greys,"  In  1757  he  succeeded  general  Richbell  as  colonel  of 
the  17th  foot,  and  the  same  year  arrived  at  Halifax  with 
Hobson's  force  in  the  expedition  designed  against  Louisbourg. 
Owing  to  its  postponement,"!-  he  remained  in  Nova  Scotia 
until  instructed  to  relieve  Stanwix  in  South  Carolina,  who  had 
been  appointed  to  duty  on  the  Mohawk.  On  the  14th  of 
April  he  received  orders  to  proceed  to  New  York,  and  thence 
to  Philadelphia,  in  view  of  the  approaching  campaign  to  be 
undertaken  against  fort  Duquesne.  He  was  to  endeavour  to 
reconcile  matters  between  the  governor  and  the  assembly,  and 
to  obtain  a  vote  for  one  hundred  thousand  pounds  towards 
the  expedition.  Forbes  was  directed  to  address  his  despatches 
personally  to  Pitt. 

No  feature  in  the  character  of  Forbes  comes  more  into 
prominence  than  his  diplomatic  talents.  Always  courteous 
and  considerate  in  his  intercourse  with  the  provincial  authori- 
ties, particularly  with  the  officers,  he  gave  full  attention  to 
their  representations,  but  when  he  had  maturely  weighed  the 
policy  which  he  considered  it  was  his  duly  to  follow,  he  adhered 
to  it,  even  when  not  in  accord  with  provincial  opinion,  as  a 
rule  avoiding  unpleasantness  and  embarrassment. 

The  bill  passed,  and  the  provincial  troops  were  ordered  to 

*  Forbes  is  not  included  in  the  talest  edition  of  British  biography,  itlthoagh 
several  pages  are  given  to  eminent  men  of  the  nune.  In  the  United  States 
biographies  he  is  represented  to  have  been  bom  in  1710,  and  to  have  died  in  his 
49Ih  year.  This  slalement  is  made  on  the  authority  of  the  Pennsylvania  Gatttle 
of  the  ISth  of  March,  1759.  The  narrative  in  the  teit  is  taken  from  the  official 
record  of  ihe  imperial  iTlh  regitnent,  [p.  51].  No  doubt,  as  was  the  custom  in 
Ihose  days,  he  obtained  his  commission  in  his  fourteenth  or  fifteenth  year,  so  he 
must  have  been  about  sixty.rour  at  his  death.  We  are  told  by  United  States 
writers  that  he  was  on  the  staff  of  lord  Stair,  general  Ligonier,  general  Campbell, 
and  was  quartermaster-general  under  the  duke  of  Cumberiand.  He  is  likewise 
represented  as  having  practised  medicine.  This  statement  cannot  possibly  be 
correct,  seeing  the  early  brc  at  which  Forbes  entered  the  army. 

+  Anle  p.  35. 



be  augmented.  There  were  frequent  misunderstandings',  how- 
ever. Forbes  described  the  situation  "  as  everything  going  on 
siowly  except  disputes,  which  arose  daily."*  In  1757  Mary- 
land had  voted  that  the  troops  should  be  disbanded.  Had 
not  lord  Loudoun  pledged  the  credit  of  the  imperial  govern- 
ment to  meet  the  cost  of  the  garrison  of  fort  Loudoun,  it 
would  have  been  abandoned,  and  its  fate  would  have  been  to 
have  been  seized  by  the  French.  In  this  emergency  the 
legislature  agreed  to  vote  ;f8o,ooo,  but  as  Forbes  explained, 
little  would  be  available  for  use,  as  they  would  vote  £25,000 
or  .^30,000  for  the  services  of  the  assembly,  and  the  remainder 
would  be  consumed  for  arrears  and  pay. 

Vii^inia  voted  that  the  provincial  troops  should  be  increased 
to  2poo.  There  were  three  independent  companies  in  South 
Carolina,  but  their  presence  was  required  in  the  western  part 
of  the  state,  near  Georgia.  The  regular  troops  at  Forbes' 
command  were  thirteen  companies  of  Montgomery's  hjgh- 
landers,  and  four  companies  of  the  1st  battalion  of  the  Royal 
Americans.  There  was  no  artillery,  and  a  scarcity  of  arms 
and  tents.  It  was  Forbes'  duty,  out  of  this  chaos,  to  organize 
a  fighting  column,  to  see  that  it  was  clothed,  fed,  and  cared 
for,  and  to  march  it  through  an  uninhabited  country  of  two 
hundred  miles.t 

•  C«n.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I.,  87.2,  p.  44S. 

t  According  la  a  writer  in  "Olden  Time,"  II.,  p.  284.  the  following  was  the 
full  strenglh  of  the  force  when  finally  constituted  ! — 

1st  Battalion  Royal  Americans 363 

6ind  R^ment  of  Highlanders 1,367 


1st  Virginia  R^ment 781 


3  North  Carolina  Companies 141 

4  Maryland  Companies Z70 

tsl  Battalion,  Pennsylvania. 7$$ 

md      "  "         666 

Jfd       "  "         77' 

The  three  lower  counties. 163 



Total   5,980 


194  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['758 

Abcrcrombie  had  sent  to  Forbes,  an  officer  of  artillery,  with 
nine  men  ;  with  this  nucleus  he  endeavoured  to  form  a  siege 
corps.  He  "scraped  together"  guns  of  different  calibre,  and 
caused  some  howitzers  to  be  cast ;  he  bought  and  borrowed  a 
good  many  firelocks.  He  took  care  every  man  should  have 
a  blanket,  and  his  determination  was  to  obtain  provisions 
for  three  months  for  6,000  men,  before  the  advance  should 

At  the  end  of  April,  Bouquet,  second  in  command  to  Forbes, 
had  arrived  at  Carlisle  to  examine  into  the  question  which 
route  should  be  followed  in  the  campaign.  The  road,  which 
Braddock  had  opened  out,  more  or  less  existed:  it  had  become 
somewhat  cumbered  up,  and  had  fallen  into  a  bad  condition. 
In  that  point  of  view  it  was  to  be  preferred  to  a  new  route 
which  had  to  be  cut  out  of  the  forest  and  entirely  formed. 
What  impressed  Forbes  was  the  strong  objection  that  fort 
Cumberland,  122  miles  distance  from  fort  Duquesne,  was  to  be 
held  as  a  base  of  operations.  Early  on  his  arrival  the  quarter- 
master-general, sir  John  Sinclair,  had  pointed  out  that  a 
preferable  route  lay  through  Pennsylvania.  Forbes  had 
formed  the  theory  that  a  stockaded  camp  and  blockhouse, 
with  magazines  for  provisions,  should  be  constructed  every 
forty  miles  ;  so  that  if  it  were  not  thought  expedient  to  make 
settlements  on  the  Ohio,  such  posts  would  furnish  protection 
to  the  road,  which  thus  would  remain  practicable  ;  and  in  case 
of  retreat  in  any  expedition,  they  would  furnish  refuge  to 
the  troops  if  hard  pressed. 

The  matter  of  route  was  in  itself  a  revival  of  the  old  terri- 
torial dispute  between  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania.  Virginia 
saw  with  extreme  disfavour  the  prospect  of  opening  out  an 
independent  line  of  road  in  the  neighbouring  northern  pro- 
vince, and  strongly  advocated  that  the  line  of  communication 
from  fort  Cumberland  only  should  be  maintained.  It  is  plain 
from  Forbes'  correspondence  that  he  was  only  desirous  of 
wisely  selecting  the  route,  and  that  both  his  judgment  and 
feeling  were  utterly  untrammelled  by  what  he  had  heard  in 
Philadelphia.     Virginia  became  greatly  interested  in  the  dis- 


17S8]  QUESTION   OF   ROUTE.  ip; 

cussion  ;  no  one  in  the  province  would  give  the  least  con- 
sideration to  the  idea,  that  a  more  eligible  route  could  be 
found  than  the  one  advocated. 

Washington  strongly  partook  of  this  feeling.  No  one  knew 
better  the  necessity  of  uprooting  fort  Duquesne,  and  that  the 
attack  could  only  be  made  with  a  sufficiently  strong  force. 
He  had  turned  into  great  ridicule  the  proposal  of  one  major 
Smith,  who  had  undertaken  to  advance  against  it  with  a  force 
of  one  thousand  men.  Fort  Duquesne  he  described  as  "  the 
source  of  ali  our  ills."  He  was  now  twenty-six  years  old.  On 
hearing  of  Forbes'  appointment  he  asked  Stanwix,  who  was 
then  leaving  for  the  Mohawk,  to  mention  his  name  "as  one 
who  would  gladly  be  distinguished  in  some  measure  from  the 
common  run  \sic\  of  provincial  officers,  as  I  understand  there 
will  be  a  motley  herd  of  us."  f  At  this  early  date  he  advised 
that  the  place  of  assembly  for  troops  should  be  fort  Loudoun 
[Winchester],  evidently  with  the  opinion  that  the  march  must 
be  by  Braddock's  road,  deprecating  the  idea  that  fort  Frederick 
on  the  Potomac,  thirty-five  miles  to  the  southeast,  should  be 
the  spot.  One  ground  of  the  objection  was  that  all  the 
country  people  in  the  neighbourhood  had  fled :  the  conse- 
quence of  the  Indian  attacks,  settlement  having  been  driven 
back  easterly  of  this  point,  as  had  been  the  case  at  Carlisle  in 

All  beyond  this  limit,  to  the  west,  was  without  inhabitants. 
Except  water  and  forage  for  cattle,  everything  had  to  be 
carried.  It  became,  therefore,  imperative  to  establish  the 
point  at  which  the  final  organization  should  be  made  and  the 
line  of  march  which  should  be  followed. 

Raestown,  ninety-three  miles  from  Carlisle,  was  chosen  as 
the  spot.  It  was  so  called  from  one  Rae,  who  had  made  an 
attempt  to  establish  a  plantation  there,  but  he  had  failed  in  the 
endeavour.  The  spot  was  in  no  way  different  from  the 
wilderness  in  which  it  stood.  Bouquet  had  been  sent  forward 
to  oi^anize  the  troops  as  they  arrived.     A  road  was  cut  to 

*  Washington  [oSlanwiK, mount  Vernon,4tb  March,  I7SS.    Sparks,It.,p.273. 

f  loih  April,  1758. 



fort  Cumberland,  from  which  it  was  thirty  miles  distant ;  so  it 
was  still  possible  for  the  Braddock  road  to  be  followed,  or 
if  expedient  a  new  route  could  be  traced  out  through 

The  troops  commenced  to  assemble.  On  the  8th  of  June 
Montgomery's  battalion  arrived  at  Philadelphia  ;  some  arms, 
tents,  ammunition  and  artillery  came  three  days  later.  North 
Carolina  sent  a  small  force  by  sea  to  Alexandria,  and  it  was 
to  march  thence  to  fort  Cumberland.  Early  in  July  Forbes 
was  at  Carlisle,  and  by  this  time  Montgomery's  battalion  had 
reached  this  station,  while  some  provincial  troops  had  been 
marched  forward  to  Raestown. 

The  plan  of  Forbes'  campaign  is  easy  to  be  understood. 
As  he  considered  fort  Cumberland  to  be  at  too  great  a  dis- 
tance from  the  Ohio,  he  determined  to  make  his  basis  of 
operations  on  the  shorter  route,  at  the  spot  found  to  be  best 
fitted  for  the  purpose.  He  was  desirous  of  keeping  his 
determination  secret,  and  to  mislead  the  French;  Washington, 
who  still  remained  at  fort  Cumberland,  received  instructions, 
with  a  body  of  troops,  to  proceed  along  Braddock's  road. 
This  order  Washington  looked  upon  as  portending  a  division 
of  the  force,  and  he  called  Bouquet's  attention  to  the  imprac- 
ticability of  effecting  any  junction  of  troops,  passing  by  differ- 
ent routes,  before  reaching  Salt  Lick  creek,  within  forty  miles 
of  fort  Duquesne  ;  at  the  same  time,  he  expressed  his  perfect 
readiness  to  obey  all  the  orders  he  received. 

Washington,  however,  could  only  see  mischief  in  any  change 
of  route,  and  to  the  last  prophesied  failure.  He  wrote  to 
Fauquier,  governor  of  Virginia,  that  the  Pennsylvanians, 
believing  it  to  be  their  interest  to  have  the  line  of  expedition 
carried  through  their  province,  "  because  it  secures  their  fron- 
tiers at  present  and  their  trade  hereafter,  a  chain  of  forts  being 
erected,"  •  had  prejudiced  Forbes  against  the  old  road,  and 
led  him  to  believe  that  "  we  (the  Virginians)  (sic)  were  the 
partial  people,"  Public  feeling  in  Virginia  became  so  dis- 
satisfied, owing  to  the  constant  representations  of  the  favour 

'  Sparks,  H.,  p.  30S. 



Shewing  route  followed  by  the  force  under  Brigadier 
Forbes  fyom.3edfbrd,  Penn8tflvania,to  Fbrt  Duquesne, 




shewn  to  Pennsylvania  by  Forbes,  and  of  the  injustice  which 
the  province  was  experiencing,  that  when  the  assembly  met 
on  the  14th  of  September,  it  passed  an  act  to  withdraw,  on 
the  ist  of  December,  the  ist  Virginian  regiment  and  station 
it  on  the  frontier,  as  a  protection  to  the  province.  This  vote 
was  subsequently  rescinded. 

After  assisting  in  cutting  the  road  to  Raestown,  Washington 
sent  out  a  party  to  open  Braddock's  road.  He  reported  that 
few  repairs  were  required,  and  earnestly  recommended  that 
it  should  be  followed,  representing  that  it  would  not  be  pos- 
sible to  obtain  a  direct  road  from  Raestown.  A  meeting  took 
place  at  the  end  of  July  between  Washington  and  Bouquet, 
at  which  the  latter  stated  that  it  had  been  definitely  deter- 
mined to  follow  the  new  line.  Washington  predicted  that  by 
so  doing  all  would  be  lost,  and,  in  accordance  with  the  desire 
of  Bouquet,  gave  in  writing  the  reasons  for  this  opinion.  He 
considered  that  Raestown  should  be  left  on  one  side,  and  that 
the  troops  should  march  by  fort  Frederick  to  fort  Cumberland. 
The  distance  from  Carlisle  to  both  places  was  practically  the 
same,  being  93  miles  to  Raestown  and  <yj  miles  to  fort  Cum- 
berland. He  did  not,  however,  correctly  state  the  further 
distance  to  fort  Duquesne  ;  by  the  Braddock  military  road  it 
was  1 22  miles,  by  the  Raestown  road  less  than  90,  making  the 
difference  32  miles  shorter,  whereas  Washington  estimated  it 
as  only  being  ten  miles. 

Washington,  although  feeling  strongly  on  the  point  that  the 
choice  was  both  a  mistaken  policy  and  unjust  to  Virginia, 
and  believing  that  it  had  been  determined  by  the  influence  of 
Pennsylvania  intrigue  on  the  general's  mind,  nevertheless 
stated  his  views  with  great  moderation  and  ability.* 

•  Washington  sustained  his  view  by  the  siatement  thai  when  trade  had  been 
commenced  with  the  tribes  on  the  Ohio,  in  order  to  obtain  the  best  line  of  com- 
manication,  a  reward  hud  been  ofTered  to  the  Indians  to  discover  the  most 
bvountble  location.  After  much  pains,  thejr  declared  that  the  road  leading  to 
Wills'  Creek  was  to  be  preferred.  ,  As  such,  it  had  been  the  route  followed  bj  the 
Pennsflvanian  traders.  The  Ohio  company  in  1753  opened  out  the  road.  In 
1754  it  was  improved  by  Washington  himsetl,  and  in  1755  Braddock  widened  and 
completed  it.     It  was  now,  he  at^ued,  in  good  condition,  and  could  be  at  once 


198  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [1758 

The  success  of  Forbes'  generalship  is  estabHshed  by  de 
L^is,  who  records  the  surprise  of  the  commandant,  de 
Ligneris,  at  Grant's  attack.*  He  had  looked  for  the  arrival  of 
the  force  by  Braddock's  route,  and  had  not  conceived  it 
possible  that  a  second  line  would  be  opened  out.     It  was  on 

gone  over,  whereas  the  Keastown  route  would  enact  lime  and  labour  for  its  com- 
plcLion,  and  time  so  taken  wouid  prevent  the  blow  being  mode  during  ihe  season. 
Washington  further  argued  that  the  statements  of  want  of  forage  on  Ihe  Bnddock 
road  were  exaggerated,  and  that  the  danger  threatened  by  the  overflow  of  the 
rivers  which  the  road  crossed  was  not  worth  mentioning.  Moreover,  that  Ihe 
shortness  of  distance  of  the  new  line  did  not  do  away  with  the  disadvantage  of 
cutting  a  new  road.  While  admitting  that  there  were  defiles  in  the  Biaddock 
line,  not  unattended  with  danger,  Washington  contended  that  there  were  none 
which  could  not  be  safely  travelled.  He  therefore  expressed  the  opinion,  that 
iheoldroad  was  infinitely  preferable,  and  he  recommended  that  "Great  meadows" 
should  be  made  a  first  point  of  deposit,  and  "  Salt  lick,"  thirty  miles  further,  a 
second  depot. 

The  ai^umenl  of  Forbes  was  to  the  effect  thai  fort  Cumberland  was  at  too 
great  a  distance  aa  a  base  of  operation,  Reaatown  being  the  place  of  deposit.  The 
distance  to  fort  Cumberland  was  thirty  miles,  Rnd  the  fort  was  122  miles  from  fort 
Duquesne,  whereas  the  distance  from  Reastown  to  Loyal  Hannan  was  forty  miles, 
which  was  itself  fifty  miles  only  from  fort  Dui^uesne.  The  line  of  road  to  Loyal 
Hannan  required  only  ordinary  labour,  which,  with  Ihe  numbers  at  command,  was 
not  a  matter  of  consideration.  Further  examination  had  established  that  Ihe  road 
across  Laurel  Hill  was  unattended  with  extraordinary  difficulty,  and  accordingly 
no  great  time  would  be  necessary  in  the  construction  of  the  new  route,  and  it 
offered  the  advantage  of  furnishing  forage  throughout. 

The  objeelions  to  the  old  road  were,  the  want  of  forage  which  would  be  eiperi- 
enced,  the  defiles  to  be  passed  exposing  the  column  to  attack,  the  condition  of  the 
streams,  which  after  the  rains  would  ovetfiow.  In  the  sixty-four  miles  from 
Cumberland  to  Gist's  there  were  not  three  localities  where  forage  could  be  found  : 
by  the  end  of  October  the  frost  would  have  destroyed  the  grass,  and  when  the 
rivers  became  overflowed,  communication  would  be  cut  off  from  the  rear.  Bouquet 
wrote  10  Forbes  that  Washington  could  not  satisfactorily  answer  these  objections. 
The  letter  is  in  French  :  "  Je  n'y  ay  rien  apiis  de  satisfaisant.  La  plupart  de  ces 
Messrs.  ne  connoissent  pas  la  difference  d'une  parly  et  d'une  aim^e  et  troure  facile 
tout  ce  que  flatte  leurs  id^es,  saulanl  par  dessus  toutes  les  dithculles."  [lie].  [Can- 
Arch.,  Bouquet  collection,  A.,  10,  p.  165]. 

By  ihe  end  of  August  the  station  at  Loyal  Hannan  was  completed  and  estab- 
lished, Grant  being  placed  in  command  there.  The  impediments  which  happened 
to  the  expedition  arose  from  his  ill-judged  and  ill-directed  attach  which  took  place 
on  the  17th  of  September.  Laurel  Hill  had  been  then  passed.  The  advance  of 
Forbes  to  fort  Duquesne  from  Loyal  Hannan,  made  in  the  short  time  of  at  the  most 
sixdays,  establishes  that  nodifiiculty  was  met  belweenihatpointand  fori  Duquesne. 

*  Journal  de  L^is,  pp.  162-163. 


I7S8]  THE  ROAD  FORMED.  199 

that  occasion  he  learned  that  6,000  men  were  on  the  march, 
and  within  forty-five  miles  of  his  post 

The  Indians  were  troublesome  allies  to  Forbes,  for  they  were 
unreliable  and  uncertain.  Early  in  the  season  the  Cherokees 
and  Catawbas  joined  the  expedition  in  some  numbers,  and 
were  difficult  to  control.  Forbes  soon  discovered  that  their 
friendship  could  be  maintained  only  by  presents,  and  that 
their  equipment  was  a  matter  of  cost.  At  the  same  time  he 
sympathized  with  their  fears  of  the  future,  and  the  many 
trying  circumstances  in  which  they  were  placed.  He  expressed 
his  views  to  Pitt  on  the  subject,  and  contended  that  they 
should  be  treated  with  honesty  and  prudence.  The  policy  he 
advocated  has  been  the  invariable  rule  with  the  imperial 
government,  and  was  the  cause  of  much  of  the  desire  to  be 
free  from  home  control  in  this  matter,  which  played  so  great  a 
part  in  the  American  revolution.  It  is  now  the  governing 
principle  in  the  dominion." 

Strong  parties  were  now  engaged  on  the  road  through  Penn- 
sylvania from  Kaestown,  and  redoubts  were  built  for  the 
working  parties  at  proper  distances.  It  was  not  anticipated 
that  insuperable  difficulty  would  be  experienced,  although  it 
would  prove  a  work  of  great  labour  to  form  a  road  for  the 
passage  of  artillery  and  wheel  vehicles,  especially  in  crossing 
Laurel  hill.  One  deficiency  constantly  claiming  attention  was 
the  want  of  waggons  and  the  inferiority  of  the  horses.     The 

*  Forbes'  Tiew  od  this  point  is  wonhj  of  preservation  :  "  And  this  leads  me  (o 
think  that  had  those  Indians,  who  were  our  friends,  been  managed  with  common 
prudence  and  honestf,  that  they  must  have  caiilinued  so,  as  we  could  more  easily 
■nd  at  a  cheaper  rate,  have  supplied  them  with  provisions  and  theit  other  necessarys. 
But  by  allowing  them  to  be  most  grossly  cheated  and  abused  by  the  saddest  of 
mortal),  called  Indian  Imders,  in  place  or  having  a  fair,  op«n  Marketl,  under  the 
eye  and  diiection  of  the  government,  and  by  allowing  of  a  rage  and  madness  in 
stretching  out  our  settlement  into  their  hunting  countries,  the  Only  resource  they 
had  tor  sustenance,  and  that  without  any  ptetioua  contract  or  agreement  with  them. 
TTiey  have  thereby  been  driven  into  the  arms  of  the  French,  who,  with  their  usual 
chicane,  make  them  believe  they  do  not  come  to  drive  them  out.  but  10  build  Forts 
among  them  to  protect  them  against  us.  But  I  beg  pardon  for  this  digression  10 
you,  sir,  who  knows  (itV)  all  those  sad  truths  from  better  authority  than  I  can  pre- 
tend to  you."    Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  ft  W.  I.,  S7.3,  p.  463. 


200  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

Pennsylvania  officers,  knowing  the  feeling  of  Virginia  regard- 
ing the  route,  volunteered  to  aid,  with  such  information  as  they 
possessed.  Major  Armstrong  was  sent  up  with  a  trader  named 
Dunning,  who  had  often  passed  over  the  route.  He  started 
with  an  escort  of  a  hundred  volunteers  to  make  the  examina- 
tion, with  instructions  to  use  great  caution.  In  a  fortnight 
Bouquet  was  enabled  to  report  that  the  road  across  Laurel 
hill  was  less  objectionable  than  the  road  from  fort  Littleton  to 
fort  Cumberland,  and  that  no  difficulties  presented  themselves 
after  the  passage  of  the  mountain. 

While  Bouquet  was  working  at  the  road,  Forbes  remained 
at  Carlisle,  in  the  worst  of  health,  unable  to  move,  prostrate 
with  sickness.  In  the  beginning  of  August  he  had  somewhat 
recovered,  and  had  he  consulted  only  his  health  and  ease, 
he  would  have  sought  quiet  and  repose.  In  the  middle  of 
August,  Forbes  managed  to  reach  Shippensburg,  twenty-one 
miles  from  Carlisle,  When  here,  he  heard  of  the  fall  of 
Louisbourg,  and  fired  a  feu  dejoie  in  honour  of  the  event. 
Bouquet  had  arrived  at  Loyal  Hannan,  forty  miles  from 
Reastown  ;  he  had  resolved  to  leave  Grant  in  charge  of  the 
post,  while  he  himself  would  carry  on  the  road.  Early  in 
September  Forbes  was  again  seized  with  sickness.  It  was  from 
this  place  he  wrote,  as  to  dividing  the  army  he  would  consult 
Washington,  although  perhaps  he  would  not  follow  his  advice, 
as  his  behaviour  about  the  roads  was  in  no  way  like  a  soldier.* 
His  letters  shew  his  embarrassment  from  the  jealousy  with 
regard  to  the  route,  f  On  the  17th  he  heard  of  Bradstreet's 
success  at  fort  Frontenac,  and  he  fired  s./eu  dejoie  in  honour 
of  it  While  he  was  noticing  these  matters  from  Reastown, 
Bouquet  on  the  same  day  was  writing  an  account  of  the  reverse 

*  Can.  Arch.,  Uouquel  papers,  A.  10,  p.  £49. 

t  "  I  have  seen  wilh  regret  this  some  time  past  a  jealousy  and  suspidon 
subsisting  on  the  part  of  the  Virginians  which  they  can  have  no  reason  for,  as  I 
believe  neither  you  nor  I  value  one  farthing  where  we  geC  provisions  from,  provided 
we  are  supplied,  or  interest  ourselves  either  with  Virginia  or  Pennsylvania  ;  which 
last  I  hope  will  be  damned  for  Iheir  trralmenl  of  us  with  (he  wagons  and  every 
other  thing  where  they  could  profit  by  us  as  from  Iheir  impositions,  altho'  at  the 
risk  of  our  perdition."    Can.  Arch.,  Bouquet  collection.  Series  A.  10,  p.  256. 


17S8]  MAJOR  GRANT.  201 

which  had  been  experienced  in  an  expedition  undertaken  by 
major  Grant. 

The  advancing  force  had  been  much  troubled  by  the  Indian 
scouts,  who  watched  their  opportunity  to  scalp  or  make 
prisoners  any  men  out  in  small  parties.  The  cattle  and  horses 
were  kept  in  the  woods  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Loyal 
Hannan,  and  often  when  in  search  of  them  and  when  return- 
ing, the  men  had  been  attacked.  Bouquet  ordered  out  two 
parties,  each  of  one  hundred  strong,  for  the  Indians  were 
again  extremely  active,  and  captain  Dagworthy  and  the 
Indians  attached  to  the  force  were  not  present.  As  the 
detachments  were  preparing  to  march,  major  Grant,  of  the 
highlanders,  spoke  privately  to  Bouquet,  and  remonstrated 
against  this  step  being  taken,  for  it  would  only  lead  to  the 
loss  of  life,  and  would  effect  no  result.  He  suggested  that  he 
should  be  placed  at  the  head  of  five  hundred  men,  and  be 
detached  to  reconnoitre  fort  Duquesne,  obtain  reliable  infor- 
mation concerning  the  road,  and  learn  the  strength  of  the 
garrison.  From  the  reports  he  had  received.  Grant  believed 
that  the  French  force,  including  the  Indians,  did  not  exceed 
six  hundred  men,  and  that  a  sortie  could  not  be  made  with  a 
force  greater  than  that  with  which  he  would  be  present.  He 
hoped  to  draw  the  garrison  into  an  ambuscade,  so  he  could 
obtain  some  prisoners.  Bouquet  gave  his  consent,  it  would 
appear  unwillingly.  The  two  parties  were  countermanded, 
and  an  informal  council  of  war  was  held,  at  which  colonel  Byrd 
and  major  Lewis  were  present ;  it  was  there  resolved  that  the 
attempt  should  be  made. 

Grant  started  with  300  Highlanders,  100  Royal  Americans, 
150  Virginians,  lOo  Maryland  and  100  Pennsylvanian  troops, 
being  in  all  750  men.  His  instructions  were  to  proceed  within 
five  miles  of  fort  Duquesne,  and  to  send  out  exploring  parties; 
to  surprise  the  Indians  outside  the  fort,  attacking  them  with 
the  bayonet :  this  duty  effected,  or  if  it  could  not  be  under- 
taken, he  was  to  attract  the  notice  of  the  garrison  by  beating 
his  drums,  retire  and  place  himself  in  ambuscade,  so  that  he 


202  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l758 

could  advant^eously  attack  the  pursuing  party,  and  then 
retire.     If  the  plan  in  any  way  failed,  he  was  at  once  to  retreat. 

Bouquet  saw  the  detachment  start  in  the  best  of  spirits  on 
the  loth.  Escaping  the  enemy's  parties,  on  the  I2th  about 
three  in  the  afternoon,  Grant  believed  he  was  ten  miles  from 
the  top  of  the  hill  overlooking  the  fort,  when  in  reality  he  was 
sixteen  miles  distant.  In  the  morning  he  detached  Lewis 
with  one  hundred  men  and  some  Indians,  to  post  himself  in 
an  ambuscade  within  five  miles  from  the  fort.  Chew,  an 
ensign  in  the  force,  and  twenty  men  were  sent  to  reconnoitre 
the  ground,  and  draw  the  enemy  into  pursuit  without  unduly 
exposing  themselves.  Chew's  Indians  leaving  him,  he  was 
obliged  to  conceal  himself,  and  he  only  joined  Lewis  at  eleven 
at  night.  Grant  continued  his  march  the  foiiowing  day  ;  he 
found  Lewis  advantageously  posted,  but  he  was  twelve  miles 
from  the  fort  The  whole  force  started  at  six,  expecting  to 
reach  the  hill  over  the  fort  at  eleven  ;  they  did  not,  however, 
arrive  until  two  in  the  morning.  The  Indian  fires  were  then 
burned  out,  and  there  was  no  indication  where  the  attack 
should  be  made,  and  nothing  could  be  done. 

Grant  had  now  carried  out  his  instructions,  and  his  duty 
was  to  retire  ;  but  holding  the  opinion  that  the  garrison  was 
too  weak  to  risk  a  sortie,  he  resolved  to  become  the  assailant 
He  ordered  Lewis,  with  lOO  Royal  Americans,  200  high- 
landers,  and  100  Virginians,  to  go  forward  and  assail  anything 
they  should  meet  about  the  fort.  They  were  not  to  heed  the 
sentries,  not  to  fire  until  close  to  the  fort,  and  after  the  dis- 
charge of  their  pieces  to  charge  with  the  bayonet.  He  would 
himself  beat  the  retreat  when  it  was  time  to  retire,  and  they 
could  come  towards  him  in  any  order  they  saw  fit.  The 
distance  did  not  exceed  half  a  mile,  and  the  men  put  on  a 
white  shirt  over  their  uniform,  to  prevent  mistakes  of  recog- 
nition. Grant  placed  himself  with  the  remainder  of  the 
troops  opposite  the  fort,  and  waited  in  some  uneasiness  for 
the  indication  that  the  attack  had  commenced.  Major  Lewis, 
however,  returned  with  his  force  in  confusion,  to  report  that 
■  it  was  impossible  to  do  anything,  that  the  night  was  dark,  the 


1758]  grant's  defeat.  205 

road  bad  and  cumbered  with  logs  of  wood,  and  that  there  had 
been  fences  to  pass,  so  the  men  had  fallen  into  disorder,  and 
it  had  been  a  mercy  that  they  had  not  fired  upon  one  another. 
Grant  left  Lewis  in  anger,  and  went  to  two  of  his  officers, 
McKenzie  and  Rhor,  to  give  orders  for  them  to  be  in  readi- 
ness to  move,  for,  if  practicable,  he  would  attack.  Feeling 
desirous  that  something  should  be  done,  he  sent  a  party  of 
fifty  men  to  the  spot  where  two  or  three  fires  had  been  seen. 
They  found  no  Indians  to  attack,  so  they  set  fire  to  the  house 
in  the  neighbourhood. 

At  daybreak  of  the  14th  Grant  ordered  Lewis,  with  the 
Royal  Americans  and  Virginians,  to  reinforce  captain  Bullet, 
who,  with  fifty  men,  had  been  posted  to  guard  the  horses  and 
baggage,  with  instructions  to  place  the  whole  force  in 

Owing  to  the  fc^  at  early  dawn  it  was  not  possible  to  make 
any  plan  of  the  fort ;  at  seven  the  weather  became  more  clear, 
and  two  officers  were  sent  to  sketch  the  works.  They  were 
sustained  by  a  detachment.  Grant  states  that  in  order  to  give 
confidence  to  the  men  he  ordered  the  drums  to  beat  the  reveilU. 
In  less  than  half  an  hour  he  saw  the  French  troops  come  out 
of  the  fort  in  different  parties,  about  800  in  number.  They 
advanced  skirmishing,  with  little  order,  taking  advantage  of 
any  covering,  moving  forward  briskly.  Their  attack  was 
directed  against  the  men  posted  on  the  left  under  captain 
Macdonald,  Both  he  and  the  lieutenant,  Campbell,  were 
killed.  Lieutenant  Macdonald  was  wounded  and  the  detach- 
ment, being  overpowered,  gave  way.  The  100  Pennsylvanians 
posted  on  the  right,  left  the  ground  without  firing  a  shot.  In 
less  than  half  an  hour  Grant's  whole  force  fell  in  great  con- 
fusion, being  attacked  from  all  directions. 

The  French  were  now  reinforced  from  the  fort  and  the  action 
became  more  general.  The  British,  however,  continued  to 
hold  their  ground,  when  Grant,  resolving  to  retire,  sent  word 
to  Lewis  that  he  would  join  him  where  he  had  been  posted,  and 
that  he  must  make  the  best  stand  he  could  until  Grant  fell 
back  to  him. 


204  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

,  Lewis, however,  had  heard  the  firing,  and  urged  by  his  officei^ 
had  felt  it  his  duty  to  advance  in  support  of  the  main  body. 
In  doing  so,  he  took  a  different  route  to  that  by  which  he  had 
passed  that  morning.  The  latter  was  the  route  taken  by 
Grant  in  his  retreat,  so  the  two  parties  missed  one  another. 

When  Lewis  had  ascended  the  height  his  men  were  much 
exhausted,  and  he  came  within  the  range  of  the  enemy.  Grant 
had  then  retired,  Lewis  attempted  to  make  a  stand,  but 
overpowered,  his  men  gave  way  before  a  greatly  superior 

Grant  came  up  with  Bullet's  small  detachment.  He  had 
been  attacked,  and  had  gallantly  sustained  an  unequal  fight 
It  was  now  persevered  in,  and  it  was  here  that  Bullet  reports 
that  Grant,  when  pressed  to  retire,  replied  that  he  would  stand 
so  long  as  a  man  would  fight  with  him.  "  My  heart  is  broke," 
said  Grant  in  his  bitterness ;  "  I  will  not  survive  this  day." 
They  were  surrounded  ;  Grant  was  known,  and  the  French, 
calling  on  him  by  name,  asked  him  to  surrender.  The  French 
shewed  great  forbearance :  they  were  determined  if  possible 
to  take  him  alive.  Bullet's  party  continued  the  fight  with 
•  some  confusion,  for  the  men  ceased  to  obey  orders  ;  finally 
they  were  seized  with  a  general  panic  Bullet  with  some 
others  escaped.  Grant,  finding  himself  with  about  a  dozen 
men,  accepted  the  quarter  offered  him.  They  were  then  about 
two  miles  from  the  fort,  and  it  was  eleven  o'clock  in  the  day, 
when  the  French  were  called  back.  Major  Lewis  was  taken 
prisoner,  likewise  two  captains,  four  lieutenants,  and  two 
ensigns  :  the  Indians  also  carried  away  some  prisoners. 




Bouquet,  made  conscious  of  the  reverse  by  the  arrival  of 
stragglers,  sent  a  force  of  three  hundred  men  to  cover  the 
retreat  of  those  who  had  escaped.  On  the  roll  being  called, 
two  hundred  and  seventy-three  were  missing,  and  of  this  num- 
ber two  hundred  and  thirty  may  be  described  as  killed.  The 
loss  of  the  French,  by  the  report  of  de  L^vis,  was  twenty  men. 

We  also  learn  from  him  •  that  the  French  brought  into 
the  field  their  whole  force  of  1,500  men  ;  600  Indians  are 
mentioned  as  being  present,  but  it  is  not  stated  whether 
distinct  or  included  in  the  number  given. 

The  British  loss  was  much  exaggerated  by  the  French, 
being  stated  at  five  hundred.  It  was  sufficiently  severe,  every 
third  man  being  placed  hors  de  combat :  a  serious  catalogue  of 

Washington,  with  the  Virginian  regiment  which  had  been 
quartered  at  fort  Cumberland,  was  ordered  to  Raestown, 
where  he  arrived  at  the  end  of  September  The  militia  of 
Maryland  was  sent  to  occupy  the  fort  and  to  keep  open  the 
line  of  communication. 

The  British  force  was  in  no  way  depressed  by  Grant's 
defeat  The  desire  was  stronger  than  before  to  advance 
against  the  fort.  It  was  felt  that  the  attack  had  been  made 
under  misapprehension :  it  was  now  known  that  reinforce- 
ments had  lately  arrived,  and  that  their  presence  accounted 
for  the  greater  strength  of  the  French  than  had  been  antici- 
pated. The  impression  was  also  formed  that  several  Delawares 
and  Shawnees  were  on  their  side  in  the  action.  One  of  the 
consequences  was  the  desertion  by  the  Indians  from  the  British 
force.    Bouquet  himself  looked  forward  to  being  attacked 

*  JoanuU,  p.  163. 


206  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1758 

in  his  turn,  and  he  wrote  to  Forbes  that  in  two  days  he  would 
be  ready  to  receive  the  enemy. 

Grant's  presence  had  first  made  de  Ligneris  aware  that  so 
large  a  force  was  established  on  the  line  of  road  which  was 
being  opened.  He  resolved,  accordingly,  to  send  a  strong 
detachment  to  observe  Loyal  Hannan,  and,  if  expedient  to 
attack  the  post.  Captain  Aubry,  of  the  marine  service, 
started,  according  to  French  accounts,  with  600  men  and  some 
Indians,  about  900  in  all.  Bouquet  was  absent  at  the  work 
of  opening  the  road,  and  colonel  Burd,  of  the  Virginia  fort, 
was  in  command.  On  the  I3th  of  October,  as  the  French 
were  marching  upon  Loyal  Hannan,  they  came  upon  a  picket 
of  fifty  men,  which  broke  and  fled.  On  reaching  Loyal 
Hannan,  the  French  commenced  to  fusillade  the  place.  The 
attack  lasted  two  hours,  and  was  without  eflfect,  the  British 
being  protected  by  a  breastwork  with  five  cannon  and 
cohorns.  Moreover,  they  were  more  numerous  than  the 
French.  No  attempt  was  made  at  a  sortie,  and  the  garrison 
remained  content  with  a  defence  of  the  post.  While  the  action 
was  going  on  many  of  the  horses,  which  were  in  the  woods, 
and  several  cattle,  were  taken  and  driven  ofif.  Burd  describes 
himself  as  being  harassed  during  the  night,  but  the  attack 
could  have  only  been  a  feint  to  cover  the  retreat.  The 
French  carried  off  the  horses  they  had  seized  with  their 
baggage  and  wounded.  There  was  no  attempt  to  follow  them, 
or  to  make  reprisals.  They  inflicted  no  injury  on  the  British 
garrison  ;  on  the  other  hand,  little  credit  can  be  given  to  the 
defenders  of  the  fort,  that  the  French  were  permitted  to 
return  unmolested. 

De  Ligneris  was  fully  awake  to  the  danger  of  his  position, 
he  was  impotent  to  defend  the  fort,  being  without  provisions. 
Two  months  had  elapsed  since  the  destruction  of  fort  Fron- 
tenac,  whence  his  supplies  had  been  sent ;  the  importance  of 
Bradstreet's  success  was  now  manifest  by  the  influence  it 
exercised,  sufficient  to  counterbalance  the  consequences  of  the 
disaster  at  Carillon.  De  Ligneris  well  knew  that  there  was  no 
probability  of  relief,  and  a  few  weeks  were  only  to  pass  before 


1758]  TREATY  OF   EASTON.  20/ 

navigation  would  be  clofeed  by  winter.  One  chance  only  lay 
open  to  him  :  to  repeat  the  exploit  of  de  Beaujeu  against 
Braddock,  and  attack  Bouquet  on  the  line  of  march.  The 
conditions,  however,  were  no  longer  the  same.  Had  such  a 
course  been  otherwise  feasible,  the  French  were  suffering  from 
the  drawback,  that  they  had  lost  their  influence  over  the 
Indians.  They  had  ceased  to  be  able  to  feed  the  hungry 
crowd  of  expectants  who  came  to  the  fort,  and  what  greater 
sign  of  weakness  could  appeal  to  the  Indian  understanding. 

There  were  other  causes  which  had  led  to  this  condition. 
Among  the  many  services  rendered  by  Forbes,  by  no  means 
the  least  important,  was  the  part  taken  by  him  in  effecting  the 
Indian  treaty  at  Easton.  At  the  commencement  of  the  cam- 
paign he  had  entertained  hopes  of  securing  a  strong  force  of 
Indians.  Generally  they  had  shewn  faith  in  the  British 
operations.  At  the  end  of  April  seven  hundred  had  joined 
the  troops  at  fort  Loudoun  ;  there  were  neither  arms  nor 
equipment  to  give  them,  and  their  services  could  only  be 
retained  by  supplying  their  wants.  From  time  to  time  they 
left  the  force.  In  July  two  hundred  were  present:  in  September 
eighty  only  remained. 

As  early  as  June,  Forbes  reported  to  Pitt  that  the  French 
Indians  were  in  a  starving  condition,  no  provisions  being  given 
them.  His  own  difficulties  had  led  him  to  apply  to  the 
Pennsylvanian  authorities.  He  was  told  that  there  was  no 
money,  and  that  the  expense  of  management  must  fall  upon 
the  crown.  He  complained  that  he  could  obtain  little  assist- 
ance either  from  sir  William  Johnson  or  from  the  southern 
commissioner,  Mr.  Atkin  :  nevertheless  it  appeared  to  Forbes 
that  it  was  feasible  to  effect  a  peace  with  the  Ohio  Indians  so 
that  their  services  would  not  be  available  to  the  French. 

He  formed  the  strong  conviction  that  a  convention  should 
be  called,  and  measures  taken  to  convince  the  Indians  of  the 
advantages  they  would  derive  by  sustaining  the  British.  It 
was  the  argument  by  which  the  Indian  could  be  permanently 
influenced  ;  however  his  imagination  might  be  excited  by  the 
ceremonial  form  of  the  religion  taught  by  the  French  mission- 


208  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [175* 

aries  and  by  the  catneraderU  of  those  who  lived  among  them. 
One  great  cause  of  discontent  with  the  French  was  from  their 
present  inability  to  satisfy  the  inextinguishable  greed  of  the 
Indian  requirements.  Moreover  the  knowledge  that  a  power- 
fully equipped  force  was  marching  to  the  Ohio  to  attack  the 
fortress  led  many  to  waver  in  their  fidelity. 

Forbes'  persistent  assertion  of  the  necessity  of  some  step 
being  taken  finally  overcame  the  hesitation  of  sir  William 
Johnson,  and  he  was  equally  fortunate  with  the  provincial 
authorities.  A  messenger  was  finally  sent  to  the  Indians  of 
the  Ohio  with  offers  of  good  will  and  friendliness.  The  per- 
son selected  was  a  Moravian  brother  named  Post,  who  readily 
accepted  the  duty,  which,  although  its  object  was  the  estab- 
lishment of  peace,  involved  hardship  and  danger  As  might 
be  looked  for,  the  French  opposed  all  such  negotiations. 
Nevertheless,  the  meeting  took  place  in  October  :  representa- 
tives of  the  Six  Nations  were  present,  and  it  was  agreed  that 
a  message  inviting  all  the  tribes  on  the  Ohio  to  join  in  a 
convention  of  peace  should  be  sent  to  them.  It  was  carried 
by  Post,  accompanied  by  some  white  and  Indian  associates. 
In  consequence,  a  general  council  was  held,  and  the  offers  were 
accepted.  The  Ohio  Indians  ceased  to  range  themselves  on 
the  side  of  the  French,  and  de  Ligneris  was  without  the 
Indian  support,  which  would  have  made  it  possible,  efficiently 
to  oppose  the  British  advance. 

On  the  30th  of  October,  Washington  arrived  at  Loyal 
Hannan,  and  joined  in  the  effort  of  opening  out  the  road.  In 
the  middle  of  October  Forbes  was  at  Raestown,  suffering  from 
what  must  have  been  an  attack  of  dysentery.  He  was  unable 
to  sit  a  horse,  or  endure  the  motion  of  a  carriage :  he  was 
carried  forward  on  a  hurdle  suspended  between  two  led  horses. 
Prostrate  from  sickness,  he  continued  to  give  orders  for  the 
conduct  of  the  expedition,  and  to  urge  the  continuance  of 
effort.  Naturally,  he  felt  the  responsibility  of  the  choice  of 
route  ;  and  that  in  case  of  failure,  the  discredit  would  fall  on 
him.  Colonel  Stephen,  of  the  Virginians,  had  written  to 
Washington  that  the  road  beyond  Loyal  Hannan   was  im- 


175^]  APPROACH  OF  WINTER.  209 

practicable.  Forbes  communicated  the  fact  to  Bouquet,  telling 
him  that  Washington  and  Byrd  would  be  glad  if  it  were  the 
case,*  He  knew  perfectly  well,  that  out  of  Pennsylvania 
feeling  was  against  him  :  that  in  Virginia  failure  would  not 
wholly  be  unwelcome  ;  and  he  has  left  behind  his  strong  pro- 
test against  this  discontent  and  its  misgiving. 

It  was  from  the  sense  of  what  was  necessary  to  attain 
success,  that  he  continued  to  give  his  untiring  personal 
direction  to  all  that  was  being  done.  There  are  few  more 
touching  narratives  in  the  history  of  this  continent,  than  the 
spectacle  of  this  loyal,  brave  and  devoted  Scotchman  sacri- 
ficing all  that  made  life  desirable  to  the  discharge  of  his  duty. 
Rest,  quiet,  ease,  freedom  from  anxiety,  were  necessary  to  the 
recovery  of  his  health.  The  failure  to  obtain  them  was  the 
certainty  of  death.  But  there  was  no  faltering  in  his  purpose. 
He  sacrificed  the  very  hope  of  his  recovery  to  the  destruction 
of  the  fortress,  which  had  brought  such  misery  on  the  western 
territory  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia.  It  was  from  its  walls 
that  the  bands  of  ruthless  Indians  had  devastated  the  frontier, 
to  surprise  so  many  homesteads,  that  the  country  had  receded 
to  a  state  of  nature.  The  object  to  be  attained  was  its 
uprooCal,  and  Forbes  had  determined,  were  life  granted  him, 
the  home  of  the  destroyer  should  be  swept  away. 

November  came,  with  all  its  dreariness.  The  trees  were 
becoming  bare  ;  the  evergreens  alone  remained,  motionless 
by  the  scantily-clothed,  brown-leaved  beeches,  whose  foliage 
every  wind  scattered.  The  swamps  were  unfrozen,  but  the 
waters  were  icy  cold  ;  the  air  was  sharp  with  the  first  frost  of 
the  season.  The  men  were  insufficiently  clothed,  unprovided 
with  all  which  makes  a  campaign  in  the  commencement  of 
winter  bearable.  It  had  not  been  anticipated  that  the  opera- 
tions would  last  so  long ;  it  now  appeared  as  if  the  season 
were  to  pass  away  and  nothing  more  would  be  done  ;  that  the 
bulk  of  the  troops  would  return  to  winter  quarters,  leaving 
a  garrison  of  strength  sufficient  to  hold  Loyal  Hannan  ;  that 
the  attack  of  the  fort  would  be  deferred  until  spring,  when 

"  Can.  Areh.,  Forbes  to  Bouquet,  Series  A.,  10,  p.  268. 



210  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l7S8 

the  snow  was  gone  and  the  woods  passable,  so  that  the  march 
could  be  renewed ;  and  that  for  the  present  all  operations 
should  cease. 

Carried  on  the  hurdle,  Forbes  reached  Loyal  Hannan.  In 
his  correspondence  he  made  the  best  of  everything  ;  there  is 
no  doleful  dread  of  failure.  Frank  in  ordinary  matters,  he 
made  few  confidants  with  regard  to  the  future.  Even  with 
men  whom  he  fully  trusted,  such  as  Bouquet,  he  was  reticent 
when  he  felt  it  wise  to  be  so.  He  was  never  one  to  cast  the 
blame  on  another.  He  had  a  kindly  word  for  even  misfor- 
tune. He  wrote  of  Grant  after  his  reverse:  "My  friend 
Grant  most  certainly  lost  his  wits,  and  by  his  thirst  for  fame 
brought  on  his  own  perdition,  and  ran  great  risque  of  ours." 

He  arrived  at  Loyal  Hannan  on  the  5th  of  November.  The 
advance  parties  were  in  the  field  "  blazing  "  the  line.*  Forbes 
heard  much  irresolution  and  doubt,  and  being  desirous  of 
obtaining  a  decided  expression  of  current  opinion,  he  called  a 
council  of  war.  The  council  met  on  the  nth,  and  the  affirm- 
ative and  n^ative  for  prosecuting  the  expedition  are  placed 
on  record.f 

The  reasons  for  persevering  were  the  hope  of  gaining  pos- 
session of  the  Ohio,  the  desire  to  obtain  control  over  the 
Indians  who  had  previously  ravaged  the  province,  and  to  meet 
public  expectation  by  the  capture  of  the  fort. 

Against  continuing  operations  were :  the  want  of  proper 
clothing,  and  the  impossibility  of  obtaining  it ;  the  scarcity  of 
provisions,  and  the  uncertainty  of  supply  ;  the  want  of  horses 
and  forage  ;  the  necessity  of  husbanding  the  supplies  ;  the 
risk  of  losing  the  artillery,  if  forced  to  retreat ;  the  impossi- 
bility of  holding  the  fort  if  taken,  no  provision  having  been 

'  This  word,  in  use  in  Canada  Co  denote  Lracing  a  waji  through  the  woods  by 
making  marks  on  trees  with  an  vie  leaving  the  cut  apparent  through  the  bark,  has 
be«n  derived  from  the  French  word  "  ialisi."  The  lirsl  meaning  of  ialiit  is  a  s«a 
mark,  a  beacon.  In  Canada  the  term  was  applied  to  the  evergreens  placed  on 
(he  rivers  and  open  ground  to  trace  out  Che  winter  roads  on  the  ice  and  snow, 
probably  given  by  the  settlers  from  the  tea  const  of  Briltanj.  It  is  not  a  diflicuU 
transLlion  from  "balised"  to  "blazed." 

t  The  council  was  composed  of  colonels  Bouquet,  Montgomery,  St.  Clair, 
Washington,  Byrd,  Armstrong,  Burd  and  Mercer.    Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.,  13,  p.  341. 


I7S8]  THE   COUNCIL  OF  WAR.  211 

made  for  that  purpose  ;  the  risk  of  the  loss  of  a  battle  which 
would  expose  the  province  to  an  Indian  invasion.  The  con- 
clusion ran  :  "  The  risks,  being  so  superior  to  the  advantages, 
left  no  doubt  as  to  the  course  which  prudence  dictates." 

This  euphemistic  expression  of  opinion  had  little  influ- 
ence upon  Forbes.  The  works  upon  the  road  were  continued. 
Washington's  letters*  show  that  on  the  1 8th  the  road  had 
been  advanced  twenty-three  miles,  and  that  it  had  been  traced 
within  twelve  miles  of  the  fort.  Forbes  now  prepared  to  carry 
out  his  purpose.  The  intelligence  had  reached  him  that  the 
strength  of  the  garrison  had  been  greatly  reduced  and  the 
supply  of  provisions  almost  exhausted.  He  selected  from  his 
force  2,soo  picked  men  ;  they  were  to  march  without  tents  or 
baggage,  each  man  carrying  his  blanket  and  his  haversack  of 
rations.  The  march  commenced  on  the  i8th  or  19th  and  the 
force  was  organized  at  Loyal  Hannan,  and  it  was  from  that 
post  the  start  was  made.  It  was  formed  in  three  columns: 
Washington  on  the  right,  Montgomery  in  the  centre.  Bouquet 
on  the  left  Flanking  parties  were  carefully  organized,  and  the 
few  light  horse  reconnoitred  with  the  advance  guard.  There 
was  to  be  no  second  episode  similar  to  the  destruction  of 
Braddock's  force.  As  the  columns  advanced  the  drums  at  the 
head  of  each  division  beat  their  measured  tap  so  the  drum 
could  be  heard  if  the  force  were  not  in  direct  view.  By  these 
means,  while  the  advance  was  regularly  made,  the  line  was 
kept,  order  was  preserved  and  confusion  avoided. 

Forbes  on  his  hurdle,  with  an  officer's  guard,  was  carried  in 
advance  of  Montgomery's  column.  On  the  evening  of  the 
23rd  the  troops  were  within  twelve  miles  of  the  fort ;  the 
Indian  scouts  reported  that  a  thick  smoke  extended  up  the 
valley  of  the  river.  A  few  hours  later  the  intelligence  was 
received  that  the  fort  had  been  abandoned  and  everything 
burned.  A  halt  was  made  on  the  24th,  in  order  that  the  true 
situation  should  be  known,  and,  it  is  to  be  presumed,  to  guard 
against  surprise. 

*  Thejr  are  dated  Cbeslnut  ridge,  the  l$th  i  Bushynin,the  I7lh  ;  Armstroiig'i 
Camp,  the  iSth. 


212  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  ['758 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  25th,  with  serried  ranks,  the 
small  force  continued  its  march  to  the  fort.  As  it  entered 
the  clearing,  the  charred  ruins  of  the  building  with  its  sur- 
rounding tenements  came  into  view.  The  fire  had  destroyed 
all  that  had  formerly  been.  The  walls  of  the  fort  had  been 
undermined  and  were  partially  blown  up.  There  were  two 
forts :  one  which  stood  at  the  confluence  of  the  Alleghany 
and  Monongahela  had  been  carefully  and  laboriously  con- 
structed, with  strong  works  contained  in  a  narrow  space.  The 
second  fort  was  on  the  bank  of  the  Alleghany,  in  the  form  of 
a  parallelogram ;  it  was  unfinished,  several  of  the.  outer 
works  only  having  lately  been  begun.  About  thirty  stacks  of 
chimneys  were  standing  to  shew  where  houses  had  stood. 
One  magazine  had  been  exploded  with  the  walls,  the  other 
was  uninjured.  Sixteen  barrels  of  ammunition,  a  large 
quantity  of  old  iron,  some  gun  barrels,  and  a  cart  load  of 
scalping  knives  were  found  there.  It  was  difficult  to  deter- 
mine whether  the  French  had  cast  their  cannon  into  the  river, 
or  carried  them  away  on  bateaux.  At  a  later  date  Amherst 
describes  them  as  having  been  found  in  the  river.* 

The  dead  bodies  of  those  slain  in  Grant's  attack  still  lay  on 
the  field  unburied,  within  a  quarter  of  a  mile  of  the  fort.  The 
fact  speaks  little  for  the  humanity  of  the  French,  or  their  care 
for  the  health  of  their  own  garrison,  f 

On  the  25th  of  November  the  British  took  possession  of 
the  ground  on  which  the  ruins  stood.  It  was  the  last  day  of 
French  rule  on  the  Ohio.'    Within  a  few  hours  of  the  event 

•  Amherst  to  Pill,  4th  February,  1759.  Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  VV.  I.,  »ol- 
89,  p,  107. 

+  Captain  Heslet,  in  a  letter  to  Ibe  Rev.  Dr.  Alison,  stales  thai  a  boy  Iwelve 
years  old,  who  had  been  iheir  prisoner,  escaped  on  the  znd  [?  iindj  inslant, 
inrormed  itiem  that  they  had  carried  a  prodigious  quantity  of  wood  into  the  fort, 
and  that  five  prisoners  Inlten  at  Grant's  defeat  had  been  burned  on  the  parade. 
Olher  prisoners  had  been  g^ven  to  the  Indians,  who  tomahawked  thcni  on  the 
spot.  The  slory  is  not  authenticated.  Il  has  also  been  staled  ihal  the  Indians 
had  placed  upon  poies  ihe  heads  of  the  hiifhlanders  killed  in  the  skirmish  with 
Grant's  force,  and  in  derision  hung  their  kilts  around  Ihem.  It  appears  to  me  to 
be  a  romance  o(  after  production  :  it  is  not  confirmed.  I  do  not  myself  consider  it 
worthy  of  credence. 


1758]  PITTSBURG.  213 

the  site  was  called  Pittsburg,  in  honour  of  the  great  minister. 
Posterity  has  accepted  the  baptism,  although  few  remember 
the  name  and  services  of  the  general  who  conferred  it.  Forbes 
related  how  the  old  title  had  passed  away  through  conquest, 
and  that  the  spot  in  future  would  be  identified  with  Pitt's  glor>'.* 

After  the  return  of  Aubry  from  his  expedition,  de  Ligneris 
saw  that  his  only  hope  lay  in  the  lateness  of  the  season ;  that 
an  attack  before  spring  would  become  impossible.  He  re- 
solved accordingly  to  reduce  the  strength  of  the  garrison, 
retaining  such  a  force  that  he  could  feed,  with  the  hope  that 
during  the  winter  he  would  be  cared  for.  Aubry  returned  to 
the  Illinois  with  his  detachment  ;  Saint  Ours  carried  the  men 
of  his  force  to  Montreal,  where  he  arrived  at  the  end  of 
November;  de  Betlaitre  started  for  Detroit  with  the  troops  he 
had  brought.  There  now  only  remained  400  of  the  garrison 
with  de  Ligneris.  Some  of  the  artillery  and  the  invalids  he 
sent  with  Aubry  to  the  Illinois,  descending  the  Ohio. 

As  the  scouts  informed  de  Ligneris  of  the  march  of  Forbes, 
that  each  hour  the  three  columns  were  advancing  nearer  to 
enclose  him  in  their  fold,  he  resolved  to  destroy  the  fort,  and 
to  abandon  it.  On  the  23rd  of  November  he  sent  off  his 
canoes  with  all  he  could  remove  to  fort  Machault,  at  the  junc- 
tion of  the  Alleghany,  with  French  creek  ;  about  one  hundred 
miles  from  Pittsbui^,  now  known  as  Venango.-f-     When  all 

'  "I  have  u$ed  the  frecdoni  of  giving  four  name  to  Ion  du  Quesne,  as  I  hope  it 
was  in  some  meanire  the  being  actuated  b;  your  spirit  thai  no»-  makes  me  maslet 
of  the  place.  Nor  could  I  help  using  the  same  freedom  in  the  naming  of  the  two 
Other  forts  that  1  built ;  (plans  of  which  1  send  you)  the  one  Fort  Ligonier,  the 
other  Bedford .  I  hope  the  name-fathers  will  take  them  under  their  protection,  in 
which  case  those  dreary  deserts  will  soon  be  richest  and  most  fertile  of  any  possesl 
by  the  British  in  N"  America."  Forbes  to  Pitl.  Pittsburg,  17th  November, 
1758,     Can.  Arch.,  Series  87.2,  p.  489. 

*  In  captain  Lee's  journal,  t9ih  September  to  4th  October,  1759,  the  follow- 
ing distances  are  given  in  Bouquet's  handwriting  r — 

From  Niagara  to  Presqu'  Isle 23a  miles. 

Presqu'  Isle  to  le  Beuf 21     " 

Le  Beuf  to  Venango 172     " 

Venango  to  Pittsbui^ 140    " 

[Can.  Arch.,  Bouquet  Coll.,  Series  A.,  14-i,  p.  583.] 


214  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['758 

had  departed,  he  blew  up  the  walls,  and  burned  the  outer 

It  remained  for  the  British  to  establish  themselves  at  the 
abandoned  fort.  It  was  not  possible  to  follow  de  Ligneris  up 
the  Alleghany  to  fort  Machault,  for  winter  had  commenced, 
and  there  were  no  supplies.  Such  an  expedition  itself  called 
for  preparation,  and  it  remained  a  duty  to  be  undertaken  in 
the  spring.  Moreover,  the  force  was  three  hundred  miles 
from  Philadelphia,  the  men  without  warm  clothing,  exposed  to 
the  severe  cold.  There  was  no  fear  of  any  permanent  want  of 
supplies  ;  the  road  was  open,  and  the  convoys  could  be  suffi- 
ciently protected.  The  men  had  submitted  without  a  murmur 
to  their  privations,  and  could  be  perfectly  relied  upon  ;  but  it 
was  plain  that  the  operations  could  not  be  extended,  and  all 
that  could  be  done  was  to  secure  the  conquest. 

A  spot  was  selected  and  protected  with  a  stockade  and  made 
as  defensible  as  possible.  Lieutenant-colonel  Mercer  was 
placed  in  charge  with  a  force  of  provincial  troops, 

Forbes  wrote  to  governor  Denny,  of  Pennsylvania,  the  day 
after  he  had  taken  possession,  congratulating  him  upon  the 
event,  adding  that  he  would  be  compelled  to  leave  two  hundred 
of  the  Pennsylvanian  troops  to  join  a  proportion  of  Virginians 
and  Marylanders.  "  I  hope,"  added  Forbes,  "  the  Provinces 
will  be  so  sensible  of  the  great  Benefit  of  this  new  Acquisition 
as  to  enable  me  to  fix  this  noble,  fine  Country  to  all  Perpetuity 
under  the  Dominion  of  Great  Britain."  He  asked  for  instruc- 
tions with  regard  to  the  provincial  troops  ;  and  that  the  gov- 
ernor would  remember  that  Montgomery's  battalion  and  the 
Royal  Americans,  after  so  long  and  tedious  a  campaign,  "were 
to  be  taken  care  of  in  some  comfortable  winter  quarters."  "  I 
flatter  myself,"  continued  Forbes, "  that  if  I  get  to  Philadelphia 
under  your  Cares  and  good  Companys,  I  shall  run  a  good 
chance  of  re-establishing  a  health,  that  I  run  the  risque  of 
ruining  to  give  your  Province  all  the  Satisfaction  in  the  Power 
of  my  weak  Abilities." 

It   was  not  to  be.     Forbes'  health  had  been  too  rudely 

•  New  York  Doc.,  X.,  p,  905. 


ir^^^^  Fort  Jf-Uftteene 
*\i^*  [PiUahwgl 

Skeleton       map     skewtng      Ohio     forts 



1759]  FORBES'  DEATH,  215 

affected  by  the  severity  of  the  weather  and  the  fatigues  of  the 
inarch  to  recover  from  the  exhaustion  which  his  strength  had 
suffered.  He  was  carried  back  on  the  hurdle  with  the  troops 
in  their  homeward  march.  At  a  halt,  where  necessary,  a 
chimney  was  built  in  advance,  so  that  a  fire  could  be  lighted 
for  his  warmth  and  sustentation.  On  one  occasion,  at  a  place 
called  Tomhack  camp,  the  chimney  was  not  built,  the  damp 
wood  would  not  burn,  and  Forbes  had  to  sit  shivering  and 
suffering  in  the  cold.  In  spite  of  the  severity  of  the  weather, 
he  continued  his  journey  ;  it  must  have  been  a  period  of  trial 
and  paip.  On  the  second  of  January  he  left  fort  Bedford,  as 
Raestown  was  now  called  ;  a  week  later  he  passed  through 
Carlisle,  to  arrive  at  Philadelphia  shortly  after  the  14th  of 
January.  Owing  to  his  bad  health,  he  had  applied  for  leave 
of  absence,  and  he  had  received  an  answer  that  the  leave 
would  be  granted.  He  still  performed  his  duty,  and,  to  shew 
his  satisfaction  with  the  conduct  of  the  troops  composing  the 
column  in  the  campaign,  at  the  end  of  February  he  ordered  a 
medal  to  be  struck,  to  be  presented  by  him  to  every  officer  in 
the  expedition.* 

It  was  to  be  one  of  the  many  unfilled  purposes  with  which 
history  abounds.  The  hand  of  death  was  on  Forbes  ;  he  had 
not  a  month  to  live.  He  was  to  witness  no  one  of  the  trium- 
phal consequences  of  his  generalship  ;  he  was  to  pass  away 
before  even  the  commencement  of  the  important  operations 
of  the  year,  which  were  to  prove  one  series  of  successes.  He 
struggled  between  life  and  death  for  some  three  weeks,  to  die 
on  the  loth  of  March,  1759,  at  Philadelphia.  He  was  buried 
in  Christ  Church,  of  that  city.f 

*  LienUnantJames  Grant  to  Bouquel.  Philadelphia, zoth  Febniacy.  "General 
Forbes  hw  ordered  a  medal  for  ihe  officers  who  have  been  in  ihe  last  campaign. 
The  medal  has  on  one  side  the  representation  of  a  road,  cut  through  an  immence 
(lie)  forest,  over  rocks  and  mountains,  Ihe  rnotto.  '  Per  tot  discrimina  ; '  on  [he 
other  side  ate  represented  the  confluence  of  the  Ohio  and  Monongahela  rivers,  a 
fort  in  flumes  in  the  forks  of  ihc  rivets  at  the  approach  of  general  Forbes,  car- 
ried in  a  litter,  followed  with  the  arro7  marching  in  columns  wilh  cannon.  The 
mocto  ;  '  Ohio  Britannica  Consilio  Manuque.'  This  is  to  be  worn  round  [be  neck 
with  a  dark  blue  ribbon."    [Can.  Arch.,  A.,  14,  p.  81.] 

t  The  statement  of  the  Pennsylvania  GatttU,  that  he  died  on  the  Sunday 


2l6  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [l759 

No  monument  is  erected  to  Forbes,  either  in  Christ  Church, 
where  he  was  buried,  in  his  native  place,  or  at  any  spot  in  the 
empire  which  he  served  so  faithfully.  NoCam^Santo,  devoted 
to  the  memorj-  of  the  illustrious  dead,  displays  a  tablet  to 
record  his  services,  his  abnegation,  and  his  undaunted  resolu- 
tion. Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  and  Pittsburg  which  he 
founded,  have  not  only  forgotten  all  that  he  achieved,  but 
have  ceased  to  remember  even  that  he  lived.  Notwithstanding 
this  neglect,  his  name  will  ever  remain  prominently  emblazoned 
in  its  own  nobility  in  the  page  of  history  as  that  of  one,  whose 
genius,  firmness,  and  patriotism  secured  for  the  British  race 
the  valley  of  the  Ohio,  with  the  southern  shore  of  lake  Erie, 
and  the  territory  extending  to  the  Mississippi. 

berore  1h«  15th  of  March  (the  iith)  is  incorrect.  I  am  inilebted  10  Dr.  Edward 
A.  F<^go,  rectot  of  Christ  Church,  Philadelphia,  fot  the  precise  date  of  brigadier 
Forbes'  death.  Dr.  Ft^go  was  good  enough  to  take  much  trouble  in  this  matter 
at  mjr  request.  I  leam  frotn  him  that  the  recoid  simply  reads  "  Brigadiet  General 
Forbes,"  ivith  the  date.  Forbes  was  buried  near  the  south  wall  of  the  church 
building  on  and  street,  between  Market  and  Arch  streets.  Dr.  Ft^go  has  care- 
fully pointed  out  that  this  is  not  the  lai^er  cemetery  at  5th  and  Arch  street,  where 
Franklin  and  other  prominent  men  were  buried.  The  ground  about  the 
church  on  the  south  side  has  been  levelled,  and  laid  over  with  brick  ;  many  stones 
which  project  are  still  to  be  seen  ;  no  one,  however,  shews  the  spot  where  the 
remains  of  Forbes  lie.  Tradition  places  his  resting  place  near  the  building  in 
the  centre  of  the  lot.  I  am  sure  there  are  many  who  with  myself  will  acknowledge 
their  obligations  to  Dr.  Fo(^o. 




The  belief  was  firmly  established  throughout  Canada  that 
Quebec  was  unassailable  by  water.  Men  who  were  little 
beyond  middle  life  remembered  the  failure  of  Walker  in  1711, 
and  to  all  it  must  have  been  a  familiar  tradition.  From  the 
miserable  collapse  of  that  expedition,  the  opinion  prevailed 
that  no  English  ships,  without  competent  pilots,  would  attempt 
the  ascent  of  the  Saint  Lawrence.  The  intricacies  of  the 
channel  between  tie  aux  Coudres  and  the  island  of  Orleans 
were  regarded  as  making  navigation  impossible,  unless  by 
those  acquainted  with  them  ;  and  no  one  doubted  that,  the 
landmarks  being  removed,  an  attempt  to  ascend  it  must  end 
in  disaster.  The  feeling  was- likewise  entertained  that  the 
defence  of  Quebec  was  particularly  the  duty  of  the  French 
navy  ;  that  it  was  to  France  its  protection  was  confided. 
Accordingly  little  care  had  been  given  to  guard  against  any 
possible  dangers  of  the  future.  The  main  obligation  of  Canada 
was  considered  to  be  the  safeguarding  of  lake  Champlain  ; 
and  if  opportunity  permitted,  to  attack  Albany.  In  the  west 
the  possession  of  lake  Ontario  was  regarded  to  be  indispensa- 
ble in  order  to  admit  of  supplies  being  delivered  at  Niagara, 
whence  they  could  be  forwarded  to  the  Ohio,  to  Detroit,  and 
to  the  further  western  posts.  Montcalm  during  the  war  looked 
unfavourably  on  the  maintenance  of  forts  at  extreme  distances, 
as  the  duty  of  garrisoning  them  dissipated  the  strength  of  the 
province.  The  general  feeling  was  in  their  favour,  for  they 
were  regarded  as  the  mainstay  of  the  fur  trade,  and  so  many 
were  interested  in  its  profits  that  the  policy  of  protecting  these 
posts  obtained  almost  universal  support. 

There  was  one  strong  sentiment  in  the  Canadian  mind 
which  could  always  be  called  forth,  the  intensity  of  belief  in 
the  truth  of  the  form  of  worship  universally  professed,  joined 


2l8  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [^759 

to  a  sentiment  amounting  to  contempt  for  those  who  diHered 
from  it.  They  held  that  they  were  possessors  of  the  only 
pure  faith,  and  such  peoples  who  did  not  entertain  it,  were 
wanting  in  true  civilization  and  entitled  to  little  consideration. 
There  was  no  great  philosophy  in  these  views,  for,  except  the 
" Uvre  d'heures"  there  was  scarcely  a  book  to  be  seen  in 
French  Canada,  certainly  outside  the  higher  ranks  of  society; 
.  but  be  the  sentiment  what  it  might,  it  was  powerfully  felt  and 
it  had  been  earnestly  appealed  to.  The  conviction  had  become 
certain  that  Canada  was  under  the  special  protection  of  the 
Vii^in.  There  were  frequent  processions  of  large  numbers  to 
implore  the  intercession  of  "  Notre  Dame,"  and  private  prayers 
were  alike  offered  for  the  destruction  of  the  heretic,  should  he 
attempt  an  invasion  of  the  sacred  soil.  Large  sums  of  money 
were  given  to  obtain  the  supplications  of  the  clergy,  and  all 
that  was  hoped  for  as  obtainable  from  persistent  devotion,  was 
earnestly  implored  in  every  city,  parish  and  household,  at  least 
by  devout  women. 

During  the  first  months  of  the  year  there  was  no  serious 
dread  of  any  special  danger  to  which  Quebec  was  exposed: 
it  was  even  considered  that  some  aggressive  steps  might  be 
taken  against  Louisbourg.  De  Boish^bert  went  to  Cape 
Breton,  but  he  was  quickly  made  sensible  of  the  impossibility 
of  any  such  attempt.  He  learned  that  the  British  were  too 
firmly  established  on  the  Saint  John  to  be  assailed ;  that  the 
fort  had  been  placed  in  repair  and  garrisoned,  and  the  French 
driven  from  their  settlements  even  as  far  as  the  modern 
Fredericton,  and  that  their  settlements  on  the  Petitcodiac 
had  been  uprooted  and  burned.  De  Boish^bert  accordingly  ■ 
ascended  the  river  some  seventy-five  miles,  and,  leaving  Saint 
Simon  in  command  at  a  post  which  he  established,  he 
returned  to  Quebec.     De  Boucherville  he  placed  at  Miramichi. 

De  Benoit  commanded  at  La  Presentation.  In  February  he 
sent  word  to  Montreal  that  he  expected  that  both  his  own 
fort  and  Point  au  Baril  would  be  attacked,  for,  having  been 
informed  of  the  activity  of  the  British,  he  concluded  some 
movement  was  threatened  against  these  posts. 



Montcalm  arrived  in  Montreal  on  the  7th  of  March,  and 
preparations  were  commenced  for  the  next  campaign.  All 
the  grain  that  could  be  gathered  in  the  government  of 
Montreal  was  brought_in.  During  the  succeeding  six  months 
8,000  minots  only  had  been  obtained  ;  it  had  been  estimated 
that  the  supply  would  amount  to  "tftfxxi  minots.  By  making 
a  perquisition  on  the  mills,  and  taking  possession  of  what  was 
assigned  to  the  dime,  4,000  additional  minots  were  considered 

It  was  resolved  also  to  strengthen  the  western  posts.  On 
the  26th  of  March,  Pouchot,  with  five  hundred  Canadians,  was 
detached  to  command  at  Point  au  Baril.  He  was  to  finish 
the  vessels  being  built  there  for  service  on  lake  Ontario  and  he 
was  afterwards  to  take  command  at  Niagara.  De  Villars,  a 
captain  of  "  la  Sarre,"  was  ordered,  with  five  hundred  land 
,  troops  and  five  hundred  Canadians,  under  Marin,  to  leave  on 
the  1st  of  April  and  reach  the  Cedars  on  the  ice,  so  that  in  the 
opening  of  the  navigation  they  could  go  forward  to  Point  au 
Baril.  The  guns  and  the  rigging  for  the  vessels  were  carried 
with  them.  Pouchot  was  immediately  to  proceed  to  Niagara 
with  seven  hundred  men  and  to  send  on  supplies  to  the  Ohio 

In  April  Pouchot  arrived  at  Niagara  and  relieved  de  Vassan. 
He  had  authority  to  move  the  troops  from  Presqu'ile,  de  Bceuf 
and  Machault,  so  that  in  case  of  attack  on  himself,  he  could 
mass  three  thousand  men  at  Niagara.  Pouchot,  hearing  of  no 
movement,  and  believing,  from  the  report  of  the  Indians,  that 
none  was  designed,  sent  on  reinforcements  to  de  Ligneris,  for 
the  hope  remained  that  fort  Duquesne  could  be  retaken  ; 
Pouchot  himself  remained  at  Niagara  with  between  three  and 
four  hundred  men. 

Preparations  were  made  for  the  defence  of  lake  Champlain. 
Xebecs*  were  constructed  at  Saint  John's,  armed  and  manned 
to  cruise  on  the  lake.  What  was  feared  was,  that  while  an 
advance  was  made  against  Carillon  there  might  be  a  descent 
of  the  rapids  by  an  overpowering  force  to  attack  Montreal.    At 

*  Smill,  Uiree-muted  vessels  :  tbej'  are  mosily  in  use  in  the  Mediterranean. 


220  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1759 

this  time  there  was  no  great  anxiety  for  the  safety  of  Quebec. 
The  supply  of  the  troops  was  the  most  serious  consideration. 
The  provisions  would  soon  be  entirely  consumed,  and  unless 
ships  bringing  relief  arrived  from  France,  there  would  be  posi- 
tive destitution.  There  were  only  8o,0CX)  lbs.  of  powder  in 
the  colony.  There  were  4,000  land  troops  available  for 
defence,  and  it  was  considered  10,000  or  12,000  habitants  were 
capable  of  bearing  arms,  and  could  be  brought  into  the  field. 

On  the  loth  of  May  de  Bougainville  arrived  in  Quebec 
from  France.  The  squadron  consisted  of  two  frigates  and 
eighteen  transports,  with  a  limited  supply  of  provisions,  about 
6,000  quarters  of  wheat,  and  some  munitions  of  war.  He 
brought  also  some  reinforcements  ;  he  was  the  bearer  of 
several  brevets  of  promotion  :  De  Vaudreuil  received  the 
grand  cross  ;  Montcalm  was  appointed  lieutenant-general 
and  commander;  de  L^vis,  man'chal  de  camp;  and  Dumas, 
major-general ;  with  many  less  important  appointments.  De 
Bougainville  was  also  the  bearer  of  the  important  information 
that  Quebec  was  to  be  attacked,  with  the  depressing  certainty 
that  no  further  assistance  would  be  sent  from  Versailles  ;  that 
no  aid  was  to  be  hoped  for.  Quebec,  accordingly,  demanded 
the  greatest  attention,  and  it  was  determined  to  concentrate 
for  its  defence,  all  the  force  of  the  country  which  could  with 
safetj-  be  withdrawn  elsewhere. 

Previous  to  Montcalm  leaving  Montreal,  the  final  arrange- 
ments were  made  for  the  defence  of  lake  Champlain.  De 
Bourlamaque  was  sent  in  command,  with  twenty-five  hundred 
men,  of  a  force  variously  composed  of  the  battalions  of  "la 
Reine,"  "de  Berry,"  and  twelve  hundred  Canadians.  His 
secret  instructions  were,  that  if  extremely  pushed,  he  should 
make  a  pretence  of  defending  Carillon,  and  while  doing  so  he 
was  to  undermine  and,  when  ready,  blow  up  the  fortress.  The 
same  proceeding,  if  necessary,  was  to  be  followed  at  fort  Saint 
Frederick,  Crown  point.  The  force  should  then  retreat  to 
He  aux  Noix,  the  fortifications  of  which  were  immediately  to 
be  commenced.  De  la  Come,  with  1,200  men,  was  sent  to 
the  head  of  the  Galops  rapids,  the  first  of  the  series,  seven 


1759]  SYSTEM  OF  DEFENCE.  221 

miles  below  Prescott  and  Ogdeiisburg.*  He  established  him- 
self at  the  largest  island  of  the  small  group,  now  known  as 
Galops  island,  by  the  sides  of  which  the  first  short  rapid 
passes.     He  was  to  guard  the  river  and  watch  Oswego. 

Every  attention  was  now  bestowed  on  the  defence  of 
Quebec.  De  Vaudreuil  arrived  there  on  the  28th  of  May, 
having  been  preceded  by  Montcalm  on  the  23rd  ;  de  Livis 
arrived  towards  the  end  of  the  month.  Plans  of  defence  were 
considered,  in  which  de  L^vis  took  a  leading  part.  It  was 
determined  more  efficiently  to  enclose  the  exposed  parts  of 
the  city.  Fire  ships  and  rafts  were  made,  a  floating  battery 
was  constructed,  capable  of  carrying  from  ten  to  twelve  i8-prs. 
and  24-prs.  Several  boats  were  constructed  to  carry  one 
6-pr.  or  8-pr.  It  was  resolved  that  the  river  side  should  be 
intrenched  from  the  Saint  Charles  to  Montmorency  falls,  and 
redoubts  constructed  at  intermediate  distances.  The  troops 
were  encamped  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Saint  Charles,  some- 
thing more  than  half  a  mile  from  the  city.  The  regiments 
present  were  "La  Sarre,"  "Royal  Rousillon,"  "  Languedoc," 
"  Guicnne,"  and  "  B^arn,"  while  the  militia  of  Montreal,  Three 
Rivers,  and  Quebec  were  formed  into  three  battalions,  officered 
by  men  from  the  marine  corps. 

On  de  Levis'  arrival  a  council  of  war  was  held.  The 
channel  of  the  river  Saint  Charles,  a  short  distance  from  its 
mouth,  was  closed  by  two  sunken  vessels,  on  which  batteries 
were  constructed  ;  a  bridge  of  boats  was  thrown  over  the  river 
Saint  Charles,  to  connect  the  two  banks.  De  L^vis  was  sta- 
tioned at  the  extreme  east,  with  the  Montreal  battalions, 
having  under  his  charge  the  line  from  Beauport  to  Mont- 
morency. De  Bougainville  was  ordered  to  assume  command 
at  Beauport,  and  to  direct  the  operations  to  the  middle  of  the 
plain.     The  five  battalions  of  the  regular  troops  and  the  Three 

■  These  rapids,  aboul  a  mile  ^nd  a  half  in  length,  rarely  exceed  in  force  aa 
eilrencly  swift  cuttent.  After  hnlf  a  mile  of  quiet  waler  the  rapids  of  point 
Cardinal  succeed,  known  in  modern  times  as  "  Fanen'a  poinl  rapids."  In  con- 
nection with  ibe  Iroquois  rapids  they  are  overcome  by  a  canal  7^  miles  in  length, 
with  a  guard  lock  and  two  lift  locks.  Their  total  mean  height  is  15ft.  gin.  The 
island  in  question  is  within  the  United  States  territory. 


222  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l759 

Rivers  corps  were  stationed  in  the  centre.  The  Quebec 
battalion  was  placed  on  the  right.  De  Vaudreuil  and  Mont- 
calm estabHshed  their  headquarters  in  the  centre  of  the  plain. 

The  traverse  was  sounded  with  the  view  of  sinking  a  dozen 
vessels  there,  and  making  the  ascent  of  the  British  fleet 
impossible.  The  design,  however,  was  not  carried  out,  but 
all  the  indications  and  landmarks  were  removed.  To  assure 
the  safety  of  the  ships,  they  were  sent  up  the  river  to  near 
the  Grondines.  The  crews  of  these  vessels,  fourteen  hundred 
in  number,  were  retained  in  the  city  to  aid  in  its  defence, 
specially  to  be  used  in  working  the  guns. 

De  Vaudreuil's  instructions  were  urgent,  that  in  all  cases  the 
women  and  children  should  retire  to  the  woods  with  the 
cattle.  His  orders  on  this  subject  were  marked  by  the 
exaggeration  habitual  to  him  :  "  Tell  them,"  he  said,*  in  a 
letter  found  in  one  of  the  houses  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Quebec,  "  that  the  order  had  been  expressively  given  him  by 
the  king.  It  was  the  only  way  to  prevent  the  melancholy 
fate  which  the  English  had  resolved  to  make  the  inhabitants 
undergo.  It  was  their  design  to  massacre  everything  that  was 
Canadian,  without  distinction  to  sex  or  age."  Everyone 
capable  of  bearing  arms  over  fifteen  years  of  age  was  called 
into  the  field,  and  ordered  to  hold  himself  in  readiness  to  join 
the  army  ;  the  cur^s  were  directed  to  aid  in  carrying  out  these 
orders  as  fully  as  possible.  According  to  the  statement  of 
Joannas,  the  major  of  Quebec,  in  many  instances  the  cattle 
were  found  out  by  Wolfe's  parties,  so  the  British  troops  in  no 
way  wanted  beef. 

While  in  England  the  successes  at  Louisbourg,  at  Frontenac 
and  at  fort  Duquesne  in  some  measure  counterbalanced  the 
deplorable  failure  at  Ticonderoga,  the  emotions  awakened 
by  that  gigantic  blunder  did  not  rapidly  pass  away.  It  may 
be  said  that  so  long  as  past  events  are  read  and  studied  by 
those  who  can  identify  themselves  with  the  narratives  which 
they  read,  the  episode  of  Ticonderoga  must  ever  remain  a 
painful  chapter  of  Canadian  history.     Pitt's  nature  was  not 

•  Can.  Arch.,  A.  &  W.  I.,  88,  p.  13S. 



one  to  be  daunted,  however  much  it  might  have  been  affected 
by  this  painful  reverse,  and  he  resolved  in  the  spring  to  organ- 
ize an  expedition  which  would  indisputably  affirm  British  rule 
in  North  America.  The  French  were  to  be  followed  home  in 
their  remaining  strongholds  and  driven  out  from  the  posses- 
sion of  them  throughout  the  valley  of  the  Saint  Lawrence. 

On  Wolfe's  arrival  in  London,  hearing  of  the  design  "  he 
wrote  to  Pitt  stating  his  readiness  to  serve  in  America.  He 
was  then  in  bad  health,  as  he  told  his  friend  Rickson  ;  he  was 
suffering  from  gravel  and  rheumatism.  His  desire  was  to 
serve  in  Germany.  "  If,"  he  said  at  this  date,  "  my  poor  talent 
were  considered,  they  would  place  me  in  the  cavalry,  because 
nature  has  given  me  good  eyes  and  a  warmth  of  temper  to 
follow  first  impressions." 

The  system  of  those  days  was  to  give  as  little  consideration 
to  the  officer  as  could  be  given.  The  principle  of  local  rank 
was  introduced,  so  that  the  duties  of  a  higher  and  more 
responsible  position  were  exacted  without  the  pay,  rank  and 
allowances  which  should  accompany  them.  Thus  Wolfe  had 
merely  been  a  brigadier  in  America,  and  when  he  returned  to 
England  he  reverted  to  his  position  as  a  colonel.-f 

Wolfe  rejoined  the  regiment  of  which  he  was  colonel,  the 
67th,  at  Salisbury.  The  20th  regiment,  of  which  he  had  been 
the  lieutenant-colonel,  was  in  Germany,  destined  to  gain  the 
highest  honour  the  following  year  at  Minden,  on  the  ist  of 
August.  Wolfe's  feeling  led  him  to  desire  service  on  the 
continent.:!:     The   67th   soon    felt  the   influence   of   Wolfe's 

•  I2nd  of  November.  1758. 

+  n  was  thewme  principle  in  the  navy;  Ihus  arter  the  close  oflhesi^^of  Quebec 
Saunders  ordered  lord  CoIviUe,  then  in  conimand  of  the  "Northumberland,"  to 
Halifax  with  bis  own  vessel,  four  more  ships  of  the  tine  and  two  or  three  frigales, 
with  instructions  to  ascend  to  Quebec  as  early  as  ihe  season  would  permit.  "  I 
propose,"  added  Saunders,  "  to  appoint  a  captain  to  the  '  Northumberland,'  urvder 
Lord  Colville,  and  to  order  his  Lordship  to  hoist  a  Broad  pennant."  [Can.  Arch- 
ives, A.&  W.  1.,  SS,  p.  4S.]  Thus  making  Lord  Colville  perform  admiral's  duty 
on  captain's  pay. 

;  He  wrote  to  captain  Parr,  a  captain  of  the  loth,  on  the  6lh  of  December : 
"  It  is  mj  fortune  to  be  cursed  vrith  American  service,  yours  to  serve  in  an  army 
commanded  by  a  great  and  able  Prince,  nhere  I  would  have  been  if  my  choice 
and  inclinations  had  been  consulted."    [Wright's  Life  of  Wolfe,  p.  468.] 


224  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [l759 

genius,  for  he  introduced  the  system  which  had  made  his 
former  regiment  what  it  then  was.  He  was  absent  in  Bath,* 
where  he  received  a  letter  from  Pitt  summoning  him  to  town, 
and  the  offer  of  the  command  was  made  to  him.  It  appears 
that  Wolfe  had  authority  to  select  his  subordinates.  Towards 
the  end  of  December  he  wrote  to  Pitt,  pointing  out  that  a 
squadron  of  eight  or  ten  sail,  proceeding  to  Bic,  would  prevent 
all  relief  reaching  Quebec  this  season  :  the  policy  subsequently 
followed  by  sending  admiral  Durell  and  a  strong  force  to  the 
Saint  Lawrence  in  advance  of  the  expedition. 

On  the  list  of  the  staff  being  submitted  to  the  i;ing,  he 
objected  to  the  name  of  colonel  Guy  Carleton,  afterwards 
lord  Dorchester,  who  played  so  prominent  a  part  in  Canadian 
history,  Carleton  had  incurred  the  royal  disfavour,  owing  to 
some  remarks  which  it  was  reported  he  had  made  unfavourable 
to  the  Hanoverian  guards.  The  king  in  the  first  instance 
"  scratched  "  Carleton's  name  ;  but  he  was  finally  induced  to 
waive  his  prejudice,  on  being  told  that,  in  order  to  make  a 
general,  employed  on  confidential  service,  fully  responsible, 
and  that  he  should  have  no  ground  for  excuse  in  case  of 
failure,  his  recommendation  with  regard  to  the  subordinate 
appointments  should  be  accepted. 

Wolfe  now  became  major-general,  remaining  subordinate 
to  Amherst  as  commander-in-chief  in  America.  It  was  an 
important  matter,  for  his  pay  was  but  £2  a  day,  whereas  as 
commander-in-chief  it  would  have  been  ;^io,  with  £1,000  for 
extraordinary  expenses.  All  Wolfe  obtained  in  the  latter 
head  was  ^500.  Lord  Barrington,  then  secretary  of  war 
however,  assured  him  that  any  extraordinary  expenses  he  was 
forced  to  incur  would  be  repaid  him. 

■  At  Bath  VVolle  met  Kntherlne,  daughter  of  Mr.  Robert  Lowther,  who  bad 
been  governor  of  Barbadocs  ;  her  luicle,  sir  James  Lowther,  became  the  first  lord 
Lonsdale.  Miss  Lowther  was  an  heiress.  The  courtship  was  not  long,  and  thej 
became  engaged.  It  was  not  impossible,  as  has  ofleti  occurred  in  military  Ur«, 
[hat  it  was  the  separation  which  Wolfe's  command  occasioned,  requiring  him  to 
leave  in  the  middle  of  February,  which  led  to  a  sudden  expression  of  feeling  that 
in  ordinary  life  might  have  taken  months  to  elicit.  When  he  sailed  with  his 
command  Wolfe  wai  the  accepted  suitor  of  Miss  Lowther,  and  he  carried  her  to  America.    After  Wolfe's  death  Miss  Lowther  became  duchess  of  Bolton. 


1759]  GEORGE   TOWNSHEND.  225 

The  brigadiers  were  Monckton,  Townshend,  and  Murray. 
Robert  Monckton,  the  senior  officer  of  the  three,  was  the 
second  son  of  John,  first  viscount  Galway  :  he  was  likewise  a 
nephew  of  the  second  duke  of  Rutland  :  accordingly  he  held 
a  high  social  position.  Monckton  had  served  some  years  in 
America  ;  he  had  conducted  the  operations  against  fort 
Beaus^jour  and  received  its  surrender  from  de  Vergor.  Sub- 
sequently he  had  been  appointed  colonel  of  the  fourth  battalion 
of  the  6oth,  or  Royal  Americans.  This  regiment  had  con- 
stituted a  portion  of  lord  Loudoun's  force  in  1757.  He  was 
present  at  the  siege  of  Louisbourg  as  colonel  of  the  second 
battalion  of  the  60th.  Monckton  had  thus  had  much  ex- 
perience, and  possessed  great  ability:  throughout  the  campaign 
he  acted  cordially  with  Wolfe.  The  second  brigadier  was 
George  Townshend,  afterwards  the  marquis  of  Townshend. 
He  was  a  man  of  some  capacity,  but  his  talents  took  rather  a 
social  than  a  military  turn.  He  had  much  local  reputation, 
and  being  the  eldest  son  of  viscount  Townshend,  and  heir  to 
the  title,  he  was  not  particularly  patient  of  authority.  His 
vanity  was  intense.  He  was  a  caricaturist,*  and  like  many 
men  with  this  gift,  was  perfectly  callous  how  he  exercised  it, 
and  careless  of  the  feelings  he  wounded.  He  had  been 
attached  to  the  party  of  the  duke  of  Cumberland,  and  had 
received  favours  from  him.  He  had  abandoned  the  cause  of 
the  duke  to  join  that  of  the  prince  of  Wales.  Some  of  the  sub- 
sequent caricatures  attacking  the  duke  were  the  production  of 
Townshend,  and  his  talents  appeared  more  in  this  respect  than 
any  other.  These  were  days  when  a  title  could  do  much  for 
its  possessor,  and  when  Townshend  olTered  his  services  to  the 
war  department,  some  of  the  letters  written  to  him,  in  modern 
times  would  be  held  to  be  fulsome  in  the  extreme  of  bad  taste. 
Sir  Richard  Lyttleton  wrote  him,  "  that  as  a  friend  zealous 
for  your  glory,  he  had  nothing  more  to  do  than  to  applaud 
with  all  mankind  a  resolution  that  you  yourself  have  taken," 
The  most  extraordinary  letter  was  that  of  Amherst,  com- 
mander-in-chief, who  told  him,  in  acknowledging  his   letter, 

*  AdIc,  p.  96. 


226  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['759 

that  "your  kind  assurances  of  friendship  to  me,  of  which  I 
have  so  often  had  proofs,  make  me  very  happy,  and  [  shall 
try  to  prove  myself  deserving  of  the  continuance  of  it.  .  .  . 
I  won't  flatter  myself  you  will  remain  in  this  part  of  the  world. 
I  would  be  sorry  you  did  any  longer  than  you  like."*  He 
was  of  little  help  to  Wolfe :  a  contrast  to  Monckton,  who 
personally  was  a  man  of  high  honour,  and  a  soldier  in  every 
sense  of  the  word.  Monckton's  dangerous  wound  brought 
Townshend  Into  prominence  ;  otherwise  his  name  would  be 
scarcely  mentioned  in  history,  f 

His  own  letters  shew  that  at  an  early  date  he  had  lost  all 

"  New  York,  April  J4tli,  1719-     Townshend  MSS.,  p.  307. 
t  No  better  lype  can  be  given  of  Townshenil's  cbaracter  ihan  the  teller  to  his 
wife,  Lady  Ferrats.     It  is  dated  from  Point  Levis.    In  justice  to  Townshend's 
memory,  I  give  it  unabridged.     ToBmshend  papers,  p.  308. 

"My  Dearest  Charlotte,  I  hope  M'.  Perceval  will  arrive  safe  &  bring  you 
these  two  letters  from  me.  The  Happiness  of  writing  to  you  is  beyond  all  I 
know.  My  Concern  for  your  sutTerings,  tny  afTeclion  for  you  &  your  Dear  little 
ones,  convince  me  how  unlit  I  am  for  this  Sceene,  which  another  Month  will, 
thank  God,  give  a  Conclusion  to.  The  Captive  Women  &  Children  which  I 
see  every  Day  brought  in  here,  often  tell  me  what  I  am  &  who  belong  to  me, 
but  above  all  the  malencholly  News  I  received  the  Day  before  yesterday, 
upon  my  arrival  here  from  the  cursed  camp  of  Montmorenci,  of  my  poor  Brother's 
death,  has  reproved  me  for  not  consulting  my  own  nature  more,  when  I  ask'd 
you  to  [let  me]  return  to  the  Army.  Il  had  then  pleaded  for  you,  when  you  did 
not  plead  for  yourself,  &  I  had  not  been  novr  in  a  Sceene  of  Ambition,  Con- 
fusion &  Misery,  and  you  oppress'd,  as  I  know  you  must  be,  with  Terrours  & 
affliction.  I  dare  say  poor  Lady  Tounshend  too  now  starts  at  every  knock  at  the 
Door.  Let  us  look  up  with  hopes,  my  Charlotte,  to  the  Disposer  of  all  things,  & 
trust  he  will  in  his  Mercy  &  Cioodness  do  all  for  the  best.  I  have  wrote  a  line 
to  poor  Lady  Tounshend,  to  comfort  her  by  convincing  her  of  my  own  Health 
&  safety.  One  month  more  will  put  an  End  to  our  Troubles.  I  never  served 
so  disagreeable  a  Campaign  as  this.  Our  unequal  Force  has  reduced  our  Opera- 
tions to  a  Sceene  of  Skirmishing,  Cruelty  &  Devastation.  It  is  War  of  the 
worst  Shape.  A  Sceene  I  ought  not  to  be  in  ;  for  the  future,  believe  me,  my  dear 
Charlotte,  I  will  seek  the  reverse  of  it. 

"Gen'.  Wolf's  Health  is  but  very  bad.  His  Generalship,  in  my  poor 
ODinion — is  not  a  bit  better ;  this  only  between  us.  He  never  consulted  any  of  us 
the  latter  end  of  August,  so  that  we  have  nothing  to  answer  for,  I  hope,  as  to 
success  of  this  Campaign,  which  from  the  Disposition  the  French  have  made 
heir  force  must  chiefly  fall  to  Gen'.  Amherst  &  Geri*.  Johnson. 
"  God  bless  you,  my  most  Dear  Wife,  my  blessing  to  mj  Children,  my  good 
•rge  in  particular,  and  thank  him  for  his  Letters.     I  have  constantly  [hanked 


I7S9]  JAMES   MURRAY.  22/ 

heart  in  the  campaign.  He  looked  forward  to  its  closing,  in  a 
few  days,  in  failure.  In  his  view,  all  that  remained  for  the 
army  to  do  was  to  re-embark  with  the  fleet  and  to  return 
safely  to  England.  Townshend  was  naturally  a  weak  man ; 
pampered  by  prosperity  and  flatter)',  his  thoughts  were 
centred  in  his  comfort  and  ease.  He  forms  the  greatest 
contrast  that  can  be  furnished  to  Wolfe's  patriotism,  patience 
and  courage.  Walpole  in  his  letters  speaks  of  Townshend  as 
thrusting  himself  into  the  service,  and  as  far  as  "wrong- 
headedness  will  go,  very  proper  for  a  hero."* 

The  third  brigadier  was  James  Murray,  son  of  the  fourth 
lord  Elibank.  He  occupies  a  high  place  in  Canadian  history, 
having  been  the  first  governor  general  of  Canada  after  the 
treaty  of  peace,  for  Amherst's  position  can  scarcely  be  so 
described.  He  was  present  at  the  expedition  against  Roche- 
fort,  and  served  at  the  taking  of  Louisbourg.  Wolfe  had 
formed  the  highest  opinion  of  his  courage  and  conduct.  He 
appears  at  one  time  to  have  fallen  under  the  influence  of 
Townshend.  One  of  his  letters  shews  unfriendliness  to 
Wolfe.  It  is  plain  that  something  was  said  to  the  disadvan- 
tage of  himself  and  Townshend.  Whatever  the  character  of 
this  unfriendly  criticism,  no  trace  of  it  remains  ;  it  has 
passed  from  the  page  of  history.  Removed  from  Townshend's 
influence,  the  character  of  Murray  returned  to  its  original 
loyalty.    There  is  a  letter  extant  from  Murray  to  Townshend  t 

God  for  the  succes  in  the  Innoculation,  a  most  comfortable  circumstance  for  ;ou. 
M'.  Barker  hai  been  slightly  wounded.  M'.  Gay  quite  recover'd  &  join'd  us. 
Our  Campaign'  is  just  over.  I  shall  come  back  in  Ad'.  Saunders'  ship,  4  in 
two  months  shall  again  belong  to  those  I  ought  never  to  have  left.  Adieu.  Your 
most  affects  Huabood  &  faithful!  friend, 

"Gbo.  Townshend." 
■  Letters  to  Sir  H.  Mann,  vol.  III.,  p.  356. 

+  "  1  shall  look  for  the  letter  you  mention,  take  a  copy  of  it  and  deposite  the 
original  nith  you.  Since  so  black  a  lye  was  propogated,  I  think  myseir  very 
bappf  that  you  will  be  on  the  spot  lo  contradict  whatever  Ignorance  or  Faction 
may  su^esl. 

"I  have  no  copy  of  the  paper  I  sent  by  you  to  Gen",  Wolfe  concerning  his 
Scheme  of  landing  between  Point  au  Tremble  and  St.  Augustin,  but  ibe  publick 
orders  are  a  sufficient  proof  of  his  intention  lo  do  it,  and  likewise  of  the  sudden- 


228  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  U759 

which  suggests  some  unpleasantness  with  Wolfe,  the  conse- 
quences of  which  they  did  not  regard  with  satisfaction. 

ness  of  the  ihoughl  of  landing  when  we  did.  Indeed  his  Orders  throughout  the 
campaign  shows  little  stability,  stiatagem  or  fixt  resolulian.  I  wish  his  friends 
had  not  been  lo  much  our  Enemys,  hii  Memory  would  probably  have  been  dearer 
to  his  Counlrythan  now  it  can  be.  We  are  acting  on  the  defensive,  you  have  th« 
Execution  of  the  plan,  I  am  well  perswaded  you  will  manage  il  with  as  much 
tenderness  to  the  memory  of  the  poor  Gen",  as  the  natiue  of  things  will  admit  of." 

Murray  to  Townshend,  5th  of  October,  1759. 

Townshend  papers,  p.  316. 




The  remarkable  feature  of  Pitt's  administration  was  the 
energy  and  despatch  with  which  he  carried  out  his  purpose. 
No  sooner  was  the  determination  formed  to  proceed  against 
Quebec  than  measures  were  taken  to  organize  the  expedition, 
detach  vessels  for  the  service  and  appoint  the  naval  officers  for 
the  chief  positions. 

The  command  of  the  fleet  was  given  to  admiral  Saunders. 
During  the  whole  period  of  the  siege  his  conduct  was  so 
unexceptionable,  as  to  establish  his  claim  on  the  respect  of 
posterity :  nevertheless  with  that  perverse  indifference  to  merit 
so  frequently  manifested,  when  a  great  name  has  called  forth 
a  nation's  homage,  the  escutcheon  of  Saunders  has  obtained 
little  emblazonry  from  after-fame.  Although  of  great  promi- 
nence and  distinction  in  his  day,  no  dictionary  of  biography 
even  records  his  name.  The  omission  is  the  more  striking 
that  during  his  whole  life  he  was  actively  engaged,  on  all 
occasions  displaying  pre-eminent  ability,  while  the  service 
rendered  by  him  in  the  Saint  Lawrence  was  only  secondary 
to  the  masterly  generalship  of  Wolfe,  It  is  scarcely  possible 
to  find  a  better  example  of  professional  skill,  devotion  to 
duty,  loyalty  and  hopeful  co-operation  in  a  common  effort 
than  in  the  assistance  rendered  by  the  navy  in  the  operations 
of  the  siege,  and  yet  modern  biographical  histories  make  no 
mention  of  the  admiral  who  performed  this  service. 

We  learn  from  contemporary  writers  that  he  first  attracted 
attention  as  the  lieutenant  of  the  celebrated  "  Centurion,"  of 
which  lord  Anson  was  in  command,  when  he  left  England 
in  1740,  in  his  expedition  round  the  world.  In  February  of 
the  following  year  Saunders  became  commander  of  the 
"  Tryal,"  sloop  of  war  In  his  passage  round  Cape  Horn, 
Saunders,  out  of  his  crew  of  eighty,  lost  thirty-four  seamen. 


230  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  ['759 

When  at  the  island  of  San  Juan  Fernandez,  he  made  a 
reconnaissance  survey  of  the  bays  and  inlets.  Some  Spanish 
prisoners  who  were  brought  there  expressed  their  surprise, 
that  in  so  short  a  time  the  British  had  built  a  brig,  for  they 
could  not  suppose  it  possible,  that  so  small  a  vessel  could  navi- 
gate the  stormy  waters  round  cape  Horn,  when  so  many 
of  the  large  ships  of  Spain  were  obliged  to  turn  back.  He 
accompanied  Anson  as  far  as  Macao,  in  China,  whence  in 
November,  1742,  he  was  sent  with  despatches  to  England. 
His  presence  in  this  position  established  his  reputation,  and 
was  the  precursor  of  the  good  fortune  and  distinction  which 
he  attained.  In  1745  he  was  in  command  of  the  "  Sandwich  " 
90.  Subsequently,  on  being  transferred  to  the  "  Yarmouth  " 
64,  he  took  a  leading  part  in  the  victory  of  Hawke  of  the  14th 
of  October,  1742.  In  1750  he  became  member  for  Portsmouth. 
In  1752,  in  command  of  the  "Penzance,"  he  proceeded  to 
Newfoundland  to  protect  the  fisheries.  Two  years  later  he 
became  treasurer  of  Greenwich  hospital.  In  May  of  that 
year,  on  the  election  of  the  new  parliament,  through  the 
interest  of  Lord  Anson,  he  was  returned  for  Heydon,  in 
Yorkshire,  which  he  represented  in  every  change  of  parlia- 
ment until  his  death.  At  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  he  had 
been  appointed  to  the  fleet  of  admiral  Hawke.  Subsequently 
he  was  selected  by  Pitt  to  the  command  of  the  fleet  in  Wolfe's 

On  the  8th  of  January  Saunders  received  his  appointment. 
Two  days  later  he  was  instructed  to  send  admiral  Durell,  one 
of  the  junior  admirals,  to   Halifax  with  not  less  than  four 

"  It  is  Efalifying'  to  ^  able  to  slale  that  Saunders,  during  his  life,  was  the 
recipieni  o(  full  honour  from  the  crown.  On  his  return  from  Quebec,  he  was 
appointed  iieutenanl-genenil  of  marines,  and  on  taking  his  seat  in  the  house  of 
commons,  he  received  the  thanks  of  the  speaker.  He  was  again  appointed  in 
command  of  the  Mediterranean  fleet.  In  r762,  sir  Charles  Saunders  became 
knight  of  the  bath.  For  a  short  period  in  1766,  he  acted  as  lirsl  lord  of  ihe 
admiralty.  He  finally  rose,  in  1770,  to  the  highest  rank,  as  admiral  of  the  fleet. 
He  died  ihe  7th  of  December,  1775,  of  gout  in  the  stomach,  leaving  a  lai^e 
fortune.  Among  his  heirs  were  admiral  Keppel,  who  was  with  him  in  the 
"  Centurion,"  and  sir  Hugh  Palliser.  The  bulk  of  his  properly  went  to  his  niece. 
He  was  buried  in  Westminster  abbey  privately,  near  the  monument  of  Wolfe. 


1759]  SAILING  OF  THE   FLEET.  231 

ships  of  the  line.  In  a  few  days  he  was  told  that  the 
departure  of  these  vessels  was  not  to  be  delayed  in  the 
"  Downs  "  by  the  separation  of  the  stores  and  arms  deliverable 
at  Halifax,  but  that  the  ships  should  sail  to  New  York,  and 
that,  at  that  port,  as  the  list  directed,  the  stores  and  arms 
should  be  given  over  to  Amherst.  The  transports,  fifty-nine 
in  number,  with  ordnance  ships,  were  immediately  to  sail 
convoyed  by  four  sail  of  the  line  and  as  many  frigates.  The 
spirit  in  which  Saunders  entered  upon  his  duty  can  be  con- 
ceived,when  we  read  that  he  recommended  sending  Folkeston 
cutters  "to  examine  creeks  and  bays  in  the  Saint  Lawrence." 

Saunders  was  at  Portsmouth  until  the  3rd  of  February. 
On  the  l6th  he  wrote  from  Plymouth  sound,  under  sail.  All 
the  ships  were  together,  with  seven  victuallers  and  four 
months'  provisions  for  five  thousand  men.  The  fleet,  seventy 
sail  in  all,  weighed  anchor  on  the  14th,  and  kept  well 
together  until  the  24th ;  early  on  the  2Sth  a  storm,  which 
lasted  for  two  days,  separated  the  vessels,  so  that  on  the  2nd 
of  March  they  could  number  only  forty-three.  On  the  10th 
Saunders  wrote  to  Pitt  that  Durelt  had  been  ordered  to  the 
Saint  Lawrence  to  watch  the  mouth  of  the  river ;  he  also 
forwarded  a  copy  of  a  letter  to  de  Lancey,  then  governor  of 
New  York,  in  which  he  pledged  himself  that  men  on  the 
ships  bringing  provisions  to  the  fleet  should  not  be  pressed. 
Seamen  were,  however,  required,  and  Saunders  called  upon 
the  governor  to  obtain  men  by  all  legal  means ;  especially 
pilots  for  the  Saint  Lawrence. 

Although  it  was  the  end  of  April  when  the  fleet  arrived  at 
Louisbourg,  owing  to  the  ice  the  ships  were  unable  to  enter 
the  harbour,  so  they  sailed  to  Halifax,  where  they  anchored  on 
the  30th  of  the  month.  Durel!  was  preparing  to  start,  and 
he  left  Halifax  on  the  5th  of  May,  Saunders  sailed  on  the 
13th.  The  first  transports  with  troops  arrived  under  convoy 
at  Louisbourg  on  the  17th  of  May.  Even  at  that  date  there 
was  an  unusual  amount  of  ice  in  the  harbour.  Indeed,  the 
severity  of  the  winter  had  greatly  retarded  the  expedition. 
Cruisers   were    immediately  despatched  ;    the   "  Lizard "   to 


232  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l759 

move  between  the  northwest  of  Anticosti  and  the  southern 
shore  ;  the  "  Nightingale  "  between  North  cape,  cape  Ray  and 
the  Bird  islands.  ~ 

The  letter  of  Saunders  had  the  effect  of  obtaining  some 
additional  strength  to  the  navy.  Two  hundred  and  forty 
seamen  joined  the  fleet  from  Boston.  Some  of  the  victuallers 
returning  home,  the  opportunity  was  taken  of  sending  to 
France  some  French  prisoners  and  several  of  the  inhabitants 
who  had  remained  at  Louisbourg.  When  Saunders  reached 
Louisbourg  fifteen  transports  had  not  appeared. 

The  object  in  ordering  admiral  Durell  to  the  Saint 
Lawrence  was  to  prevent  the  construction  of  fortifications  at 
ile  aux  Coudres,*  by  means  of  which  the  ascent  of  the  Saint 
Lawrence  might  be  made  more  difficuU  through  the  waters 
west  of  it  known  as  the  "  traverse."  This  island  is  opposite 
Saint  Paul's  bay,  about  thirty-six  miles  east  of  the  island  of 
Orleans  ;  the  ile  aux  Grues  intervenes  in  the  middle  of  this 
distance,  and  is  succeeded  by  a  series  of  smaller  islets. 
Accordingly,  the  channel  is  directed  across  the  river  towards 
the  south  of  the  island  of  Orleans,  and,  although  wide  and  deep, 
is  in  many  spots  intricate,  and  a  knowledge  of  these  difficulties 
is  indispensable  to  its  safe  navigation. 

The  opinion  had  been  formed  that  this  part  of  the  river 
might  be  fortified  by  the  French,  and  that  resistance  at  this 
point  might  be  experienced.  Durell's  expedition  had  been 
sent  to  prevent  any  such  attempt,  and  it  was  accompanied  by 
a  land  force  under  the  command  of  Carleton,the  quartermaster- 
general.     Durell  arrived  at  the  ile  aux  Coudres  on  the  6th  of 

■  ile  aux  Coudres  was  so  named  by  Cattier  in  hia  second  voyage,  6ih  June, 
1535.  [Voyages,  Que.  Hisl.  Doc.,  p.  27.]  It  attracted  the  allention  of  Champlain 
in  his  ficst  voyage  of  1603.  He  speaks  of  the  island  as  i(  il  were  well  known ; 
"  qui  t'app<lUiU  aux  Couilres"  [p.  S7,  Laval  Champlain],  suggesting  that  some 
mariners  wete  witli  him,  *ho  had  previously  ascended  tlie  Si.  Lawrence.  It 
is  not  possible  to  suppose  that  il  could  have  been  identified  from  its  mention  in 
Carlier's  narrative  of  seventy  years  previously.  So  far  u  our  knowledge  goes, 
Canada  had  been  abandoned  during  the  whole  ol  that  period,  but  the  language 
of  Champlain  suggests  ihe  continuation  of  such  voyages.  Champlain  again 
described  the  island  in  his  voyage  of  160S.  The  name  of  the  island  is  attributable 
to  the  profusion  of  hazel  nuts  originally  found  there. 


1759]  *LE  AUX  COUDRES.  233 

June*  The  fact  was  immediately  made  known  at  Point  L^vis 
by  the  lighted  beacons.  The  first  report  magnified  the  force, 
but  the  true  strength  was  soon  known :  ten  British  ships  of 
war  convoying  the  transports. 

Durell  landed  some  of  his  force  on  the  island,  and  securely 
established  himself  there.  The  consequence  was  that  it  was 
abandoned  by  the  inhabitants,  who  passed  over  to  the  north 
shore.  Their  property  was  in  no  way  injured,  but  the  houses 
were  taken  possession  of  by  the  troops. 

It  was  soon  noticed  that  the  new  occupiers  wandered  care- 
lessly about  the  island,  and  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  bay 
of  Saint  Paul  saw  that  the  opportunity  was  offered  of  taking 
some  prisoners.  A  few  of  them  landed  unobserved,  and, 
placing  themselves  in  ambush,  surprised  three  young  officers 
who  were  riding  about  the  island,  among  them  the  grandson 
of  Durell.  They  were  mounted,  and  were  proceeding  to  place 
the  British  flag  on  a  height.  Their  horses  were  shot,  and 
they  were  made  prisoners  and  carried  to  Quebec.  They  were 
interrogated,  and  the  information  given  by  them  did  not  tend 
to  quiet  the  public  feeling.  They  informed  them  that  there 
would  be  twenty-five  vessels  of  the  line,  twelve  frigates  and 
two  hundred  transports,  and  that  the  army  would  amount  to 
twenty  thousand  men,  and  had  little  doubt  of  its  ultimate 
success.  After  having  been  kept  some  days  at  Quebec  and 
kindly  treated,  they  were  sent  to  Three  Rivers. 

The  effect  of  this  news  was  to  cause  great  vigilance  on  the 
island  of  Orleans,  whence  the  women  and  children  were  sent 
to  the  woods  with  the  cattle.  De  L^ry  was  selected  to  carry 
out  the  duty,  Durell  was  too  late  to  prevent  the  arrival  of 
the  spring  fleet,  and  eighteen  vessels,  with  recruits  and 
provisions,  convoyed  by  two  frigates,  reached  Quebec.  It 
was  in  one  of  these  ships  de  Bougainville  arrived.  Durell 
was,  however,  fortunate  enough  to  take  two  victualler  ships, 
which  contained  some  stores  and  supplies,  which  proved 
of  much  use.     An  attempt  was  made  with  two  barges  to  land 

*  De  Vaiidieuil's  intercepled  lelter,  7ih  of  June,  Caii.  Arch.,  A.  &  W.  I., 
«8,  p.  131. 


234  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  ['759 

in  the  bay  of  Saint  Paul.  But  the  small  force  was  so  vigor- 
ously opposed  by  the  armed  inhabitants,  that  the  effort  was 

Duretl  lost  no  time  in  buoying  out  the  channel  of  the 
traverse,  and  attempting  its  passage.  On  the  26th  of  June 
some  of  his  ships  were  seen  from  the  city  •  and  their  appear- 
ance hastened  the  establishment  of  the  camp  at  BeauporL 
As  there  was  no  attempt  to  ascend  the  river,  and  the  seamen 
were  busied  with  its  survey,  the  truth  began  to  dawn  upon 
the  defenders  of  Quebec,  that  Durell's  squadron  was  only  the 
forerunner  of  a  larger  and  more  powerful  force. 

De  Courtemanche,  with  six  hundred  men  and  some  Indians, 
was  placed  on  the  island  of  Orleans  to  observe  the  boats 
engaged  in  sounding,  to  intercept  them  or  destroy  them, 
as  might  be  practicable.  It  is  astonishing  that  in  every 
operation  the  Canadian  mind  clung  to  the  theory  of  la 
pelite  guerre,  a.nd  never  could  be  induced  to  abandon  it.  The 
results  which  it  obtained  had  no  influence  on  the  contest, 
beyond  the  unfortunate  consequence  of  greatly  embittering 
all  who  suffered  from  it.  It  never  had  any  effect  beyond  the 
destruction  of  those  who  were  surprised,  killed  and  scalped. 
It  was  regarded  with  detestation  by  every  able  French  ofliccr 
present  with  the  troops  ;  nevertheless,  it  was  persevered  in 
until  the  final  surrender  at  Montreal,  De  Courtemanche 
could  in  no  way  hope  to  impede  Durell's  operations ;  he 
might  kill  a  few  of  the  seamen.  Watching  his  opportunity, 
he  succeeded  in  surprising  a  boat  containing  eight  men,  which 
had  become  separated  from  the  rest,  and  in  carrying  them 
away  prisoners. 

A  more  legitimate  attempt  was  made  to  destroy  Durell's 
squadron,  but  the  means  taken  failed  entirely  to  effect 
what  had  been  anticipated.  Le  Mercier,  with  some  artillery, 
established  himself  at  the  eastern  point  of  the  island,  and 
discharged  red-hot  shot  at  the  ships.  The  guns  were  ol 
insufficient  calibre,  or  possibly  Durell  was  careful  to  keep  out 
of  their  range.     His  own  fire  was  equally  ineflective.     So  far 

■  Journal  de  L^vis,  p.  iSo, 





as  he  was  able,  Durell  continued  his  examination  of  the 
channel.  On  his  arrival  he  had  seized  some  vessels,  out  of 
which  he  had  taken  the  pilots,  and  they  were  forced  to  assist 
in  pointing  out  the  channel  under  the  threat  of  being  hanged. 
Beyond  the  petty  operations  I  have  detailed,  there  was  no 
attempt  to  interfere  with  Durell. 

When  Wolfe's  force  was  organized  in  England,  it  had  been 
determined,  that  it  should  be  increased,  by  a  strong  contingent 
of  the  regiments  in  garrison  in  Nova  Scotia,  On  examining 
the  condition  of  the  troops  obtainable  in  the  province,  W'olfe 
found  that  the  number  was  less  than  he  looked  for.  When 
the  regiments  detailed  for  the  defence  of  the  province,  five 
hundred  in  number,  had  been  deducted,  two  thousand  could 
only  be  added  to  the  strength  of  the  expedition.  Wolfe 
stated  the  case  clearly  to  his  uncle.* 

In  England  his  army  was  called  12,000  men,  it  did  not  reach 
9,000.  The  total  number  of  Wolfe's  force  on  leaving  Louis- 
bourg  was  8,53S.-t-     There  were  some  marines,  if  the  admiral 

■   19th  of  M«y,  1759. 

f  Embarkation  rslum.     Expedlli 

1  general  Wolfe.     Louisbourg,  June,  1759. 

I  Slh                             AmherM's 34 

iSlh                             Bragg's 16 

3Sih                         Oiway's 36 

43rd                      Kennedy's 29 

47t)l                         Lascelles' 36 

4Sth                         Wolfs 36 

SSlh                         Anstrulber's 27 

6«h            a            Moncltton's 17 

3            Lawrence's 29 

78th                         Simon  Fraser. 50 

3   Companies  Louis- 
bourg Grenadiers,  Murray r3 

Rangen,            C«pt.  Gurham 7 

"      Slaik 3 

"      Brewer. 3 

•■      Hizmn. 3 

Royal  Artillery,            Wilkinson 21 











236  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l759 

could  spare  them.  For  his  engineering  assistance  he  relied  on 
Carleton.  The  remaining  acting  engineers  were  indifferent, 
and  of  little  experience.  The  army  Wolfe  looked  upon  as 
too  smalt  for  the  undertaking,  but  it  was  well  composed,  the 
men  having  been  brought  under  fire  at  the  siege  of  Louisbourg. 

There  is  a  passage  in  this  letter  to  be  read  with  the  greater 
interest  when  Wolfe's  death  is  considered.  As  the  general  in 
command,  he  had  clearly  no  business  to  be  where  he  was,  when 
he  fell  at  the  head  of  the  bayonet  charge  of  the  Louisboui^ 
grenadiers,  and  it  could  only  have  been  the  desperate 
circumstances  in  which  he  was  placed,  that  caused  him  to 
lead  the  attack.* 

A  correspondence  between  Wolfe  and  Whitmore,  which 
took  place  at  Louisbourg,  may  be  accepted  as  typical  of  the 
sentiment  of  many  officers  towards  Wolfe.  In  certain  quarters 
there  was  great  jealousy  of  his  success,  and  envy  added  to  this 
ill  feeling.  On  May  the  ist  he  had  written  to  Amherst  asking 
to  be  reinforced,  giving  him  the  extraordinary  information 
that  he  was  totally  unprovided  with  funds.  The  condition  of 
the  force  in  this  respect  will  be  seen,  that  when  the  fleet,  after 
the  conquest,  was  leaving  Quebec,  owing  to  the  want  of  money 
the  officers  of  the  army  and  navy  were  appealed  to  by  Murray, 
to  advance  to  the  government,  as  a  loan,  all  that  they  could 
spare  from  their  private  means.  Wolfe  asked,  that  instructions 
should  be  given  to  Whitmore  to  transfer  to  his  command  the 
company  of  light  infantry,  for  that  any  serious  loss  would 
reduce  the  expedition  to  a  division.-t-  Amherst  promised  to 
furnish  three  hundred  pioneers  from  the  Boston  militia  ;  they, 
however,  arrived  too  late  to  embark  with  Wolfe.  With  regard 
to  the  light  infantry,  Amherst  stated  that  he  had  received  no 
instructions, but  he  was  convinced  brigadier  general  Whitmore's 
zeal  in  the  service  would  induce  him  to  grant  them. 

•  "  You  may  be  assured  that  I  shall  take  all  proper  care  of  my  own  person, 
unless  in  the  case  of  the  last  importance,  where  it  becomes  a  duly  to  do  otherwise. 
I  never  put  myself  un necessarily  into  the  way  of  danger.  Young  troops  must  be 
encouraged  at  first.  What  appears  hazardous  sometimes  is  really  not  50,  (o  people 
who  know  the  country"  [?  contrary.]     Wright,  p.  499. 

+  Wright  publishes  this  word  as  'diversion.'  The  letter  is  in  Can.  Arch., 
A.  &.  W.  1.,  90,  p.  233. 



Wolfe  consequently  earnestly  addressed  Whitmore,  asking 
him  for  the  company  of  light  infantry  omitted  in  the  orders 
sent  from  England.  He  had  been  disappointed  in  the  regi- 
ment expected  from  the  West  Indies.  Several  regiments 
were  weaker,  than  in  England  they  were  thought  to  be,  and 
he  pointed  out  that  it  was  good  troops  only  which  can  make 
amends  for  want  of  numbers.  He  continued  :  "  It  is  there- 
fore my  duty  to  signify  to  you  that  it  would  be  much  for  the 
public  service  to  let  the  other  two  companies  of  light  infantry 
embark  with  the  army  under  my  command,  upon  condition  of 
being  replaced,  man  for  man,  by  some  of  the  rangers  and 
some  of  Frazer's  additional  companies,  who  are  not  so  proper 
for  the  field,  though  very  efficient  for  the  defence  of  a  fortified 
place.  If  there  was  any  reason  to  apprehend  that  this  change 
might  have  the  least  ill  consequence,  I  should  not  venture  to 
propose  it.  Mr.  Lawrence,  who  has  a  very  bad  fortress  and  a 
very  weak  garrison,  accepted  of  the  sick  and  recovering  men 
of  the  two  American  battalions  as  part  of  the  joo  regulars 
intended  for  the  defence  of  Nova  Scotia,  knowing  very  well 
that  upon  the  success  of  our  attacks  in  Canada,  the  security 
of  the  whole  continent  of  America  in  a  great  measure 

To  this  appeal,  setting  forth  the  emergency  with  manliness 
and  dignity,  and  only  in  view  of  the  public  service,  which  it 
was  the  duty  of  Whitmore  to  safeguard,  as  it  was  that  of 
Wolfe,  Whitmore  returned  the  coldest  and  most  official  denial. 
The  letter  was  forwarded  by  Wolfe  to  England.* 

Whitmore  had  previously  received  instructions  from  England 
to  use  the  utmost  diligence  in  executing  the  orders  he  should 

*  ir  brigadier  Whitmore  is  lo  be  remembered,  it  U  proper  that  (hii  answer 
shonid  be  prnerved.    His  answer  is,  therefore,  given  entire. 

"  I.ouisbaurg,  19th  May,  1759. 

"  Sir,  I  have  the  Honor  of  jours  of  this  dale  vherein  you  acquaint  me  that 
b  the  Diitribulion  of  the  Forces  for  the  Invasion  of  Canada,  it  was  r^ulated  that 
Bragg's  Reeimcnt,  three  companies  of  Grenadiers  and  one  Company  of  Light 
In&ntry  besides  the  rangers  should  be  taken  from  Louisbontg.  By  His  Majesty's 
Instnictions  to  me,  I  am  to  obey  the  orders  I  shall  receive  fcom  Major  General 
Amherst  or  the  commander-in-chief  of  His  Majesty's  Forces  in  No.  America. 

"  I  have  not  asycl  received  any  orders  from  Major  General  Amherst  to  detach 


238  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l759 

receive  from  the  commander-in-chief.  By  his  instructions  of 
January  the  18th,  1759,  the  words  had  been  added  "or  other 
his  superior  officers,"  They  were  not  included  in  the  sub- 
sequent letter.  In  spite  of  what  passed,  Whitmore  wrote  to 
Pitt  with  reference  to  the  Quebec  expedition,  remarking  "  that 
the  inferior  force  of  the  enemy  renders  it  extremely  improba- 
ble that  any  inconvenience  can  arise  by  the  exchange  of 
regulars  for  provincials ;"  himself  furnishing  the  condemnation 
of  his  conduct. 

It  has  been  said  that  Amherst  wrote  to  Wolfe  that  he  would 
send  him  three  hundred  Boston  pioneers,  and,  accordingly,  he 
appealed  to  Thomas  Hutchinson,  the  lieut.-governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts to  obtain  them.  Hutchinson  greatly  exerted  himself 
in  despatching  them  and  wrote  to  Wolfe  advising  him  to 
borrow  the  troops  from  the  provincials  of  the  Louisbourg 
garrison,  to  be  replaced  by  the  Boston  pioneers.  Wolfe 
accordingly  applied  for  them,  Whitmore  again  shewed  his 
bad  spirit ;  instead  of  making  a  selection  and  ordering  the 
men  to  join  Wolfe's  corps  he  contented  himself  with  asking  for 
\olunteers.  As  none  offered  to  go  he  would  give  no  orders 
and  none  went. 

On  the  1st  of  June  the  fleet  sailed  out  of  Louisbourg  har- 
bour. The  soldiers  were  in  excellent  spirits  and  they  cheered 
with  all  their  hearts  as  the  bands  played  what  may  be  called 
the  national  air  as  troops  are  sailing  from  home,  "The  girl  I 
left  behind  me."  Knox,  who  was  a  captain  of  Kennedy's,  the 
43rd,  tells  us  that  at  every  mess  table  that  night,  of  every  rank, 
the  toast  drunk  was,  "  British  colours  on  every  French  fort,  post 
and  garrison  in  America.'-* 

a  Company  of  Light  Infantry  from  this  Garcison.  Bia^'t  R^ment,  three 
Companies  of  Granadiers  and  all  the  Rangers  are  ordered  to  embark  when  yoo 

"  Ed.  Whitmore. 

"  Major  Geni.  Wolfe." 

Can.  Arch,  A.  &  W.  I.,  88,  p.  78.     Whitmore's  letter  is  not  given  by  Wright. 

Whitmore  was  drowned  in  a  voyage  from  Louisbourg  to  Boston,  in  Januarr, 
1763.  The  ship,  by  stress  of  weather,  put  into  Plymouth.  Whitmore  is 
represented  as  accidentally  falling  overboard. 

*  The  name  of  captain  R.  N.  Knoi  will  frequently  appear  as  an  authority  daring 


I7S9]  THE   SAINT   LAWRENCE.  239, 

Previous  to  sailing  Wolfe  wrote  at  length  to  Pitt  He 
related  the  rebuff  he  had  received  from  Whitmore,  and  he  had 
the  generosity  to  say  that  it  had  proceeded  from  a  scrupulous 
obedience  to  orders.  He  explained  the  reason  of  his  applica- 
tion, that  he  found  the  four  new  companies  of  rangers  so  bad 
that  he  expected  no  service  from  them  unless  mixed  with  the 
light  infantry.  Several  transports  had  not  arrived,  but  he 
had  taken  flour  from  Louisboui^.  He  had  applied  for  money 
to  Amherst,  "  but  he  could  send  me  none.  This  is  one  of  the 
first  sieges  perhaps  that  ever  was  undertaken  without  it." 

There  were  one  thousand  of  the  Boston  militia  at  Louis- 
bourg.  It  was  from  this  body  he  asked  for  one  hundred 
pioneers.  After  the  fleet  had  left  he  heard  that  three  hundred 
Massachusetts  men  were  preparing  to  embark.* 

The  fleet  under  Saunders'  command  came  in  sight  of  the 
coast  of  Newfoundland  on  the  29th  of  June.  The  snow  still 
lay  upon  the  hills.  Sailing  between  Newfoundland  and  the 
north  headland  of  Cape  Breton,  the  ships  passed  the  Bird 
islands  on  the  9th,  and  on  the  12th  they  reached  the  inhos- 
pitable island  of  Anticosti,  which  for  the  centuries  it  has  been 
known  is  avoided  by  all  but  the  lighthouse-keeper,  the  sports- 
man, and  the  occasional  fisherman,  remaining  to  this  hour 
in  its  isolation.  The  fleet  had  now  reached  the  waters  within 
a  few  miles  of  the  scene,  forty-five  years  previously,  of  the 

Wolfe's  campaign.  He  belonged  lo  Kennedy's,  the  43rd.  and  was  bom  in 
Edinburgh  ;  finallj'  he  established  himself  at  Dalkeith,  irtiere  he  died  in  1790. 
In  1769  he  published  two  quarto  volumes,  the  "Historical  journals  of  the  Campaigns 
in  North  America,  for  the  yean  1757,  58,  59  and  1760,  etc." 

*  Hutchinson,  in  his  history  of  the  Province  .of  Massachusetts  Bay,  describes 
these  300  men  as  "sent  to  Quebec."  They  do  not  appear  to  have  gone  further 
than  Louisbourg.  The  corps  is  not  shewn  on  the  several  states,  especially  that  on 
the  izlh  of  October,  when  the  Tull  force  is  given,  amounting  in  all  lo  8,817,  >" 
which  (he  only  provincial  regiments  named  are  5  companies  of  rangers.  None  of 
the  ringers  were  present  before  Quebec  on  the  morning  of  the  13th  of  September, 
or  the  6,50a  men  raised  by  Massachusetts,  2,3oo  were  in  Louisbourg  and  Nova 
Scotia,  the  remainder  served  with  Amherst.  Wolfe  spoke  highly  of  Hutchinson's 
real  for  the  public  service  and  very  great  knowledge  of  the  affairs  of  his  province. 
His  history  of  Massachusetts  is  one  of  the  most  valuable  works  we  possess  of 
the  annals  of  the  American  continent. 


240  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['759 

dreary  failure  of  sir  Hovenden  Walker  and  "  Jack  "  Hill,  who 
commanded  the  land  troops.  There  was  the  same  difficulty 
for  the  British  fleet  in  ascending  the  river,  but  admiral  Saunders 
had  not  been  selected  as  the  brother  of  the  man  midwife  who, 
in  interesting  circumstances,  had  attended  the  queen's  female 
favourite.  On  the  i8th  the  ships  arrived  at  Bic,  where  the 
"  Richmond,"  with  Wolfe  on  board,  had  previously  anchored. 
By  the  20th  the  fleet  was  at  the  mouth  of  the  Saguenay. 
A  storm  threatened  for  a  time  many  of  the  transports,  the 
anchors  of  which  were  dragged,  but  the  wind  changed,  and 
the  fleet  arrived  on  the  23rd  at  lie  aux  Coudres.  Here  they 
met  admiral  Durell,  whose  arrival  has  been  recorded. 

As  the  ships  advanced,  the  signal  fires  were  seen  from 
height  to  height,  announcing  at  Quebec  that  the  main  English 
Reet  was  in  the  Saint  Lawrence.  At  that  date  Canada  was 
settled  as  far  as  Rimouski  on  the  south  shore.  On  the  north 
shore  settlement  reached  Malbaie,  some  sixty  miles  below  the 
island  of  Orleans,  The  population,  however,  was  scattered, 
and  not  numerous.*  As  little  faith  could  be  given  to  the 
pilots  who  had  been  pressed  to  perform  their  duty  ;  sound- 
ing boats  were  sent  in  advance  of  the  fleet,  and  the 
navigation  was  undertaken  by  the  seamanship  of  the  several 

•  On  the  north  shore  selllemenl  cilendcd  to  the  ile  aux  Coudres,  being  some- 
what continued  to  Malbaie,  Les  Eboulements  and  the  bay  of  Saint  Paul.  In  1739, 
the  total  population  of  these  UsI-named  parishes  ia  given  as  445.  [Census  70-71, 
vol.  IV.,  p.  6o.]  In  1 765,  two  years  after  the  conquest,  the  following  pamhes  are 
named :  tie  aux  Coudres,  Eboulements,  Bale  St.  Pan],  Petite  Kiviere,  St. 
Joachim,  St.  F^r^l,  Ste.  Anne  du  Nord,  Chateau  Richer,  L'Ange  Gardien, 
BeaupoTt  and  Charlesbourg,  with  901  familes  and  4.946  of  populalion.  On  the 
aouth  shore,  below  the  island  of  Orleans,  there  were  the  parishes  of  St,  Thomas, 
Montmagny,  He  aux  Gnies,  L'Islet,  Fort  Joli,  Ste,  Anne  de  la  Pocatiere,  St.  - 
Denis,  Kamouraska,  Riviere  du  Loup,  lie  Vene,  Trois  PistoEcs  and  Rimouski. 
By  the  census  of  1765,  settlements  in  addition  are  named  at  St.  Valier,  Berthier, 
St.  Fran9oi»  du  Sud,  Cap  St.  Ignace,  St.  Roch  and  Riviire  Ouelle.  In  1739  the 
popuUtion  of  the  island  of  Orleans  was  1,318,  and  from  the  island  of  Orleans  to 
Rimouski  was  3,3i3>  In  1765  the  population  of  the  island  of  Orleans  was 
3,303.  No  parishes  arc  named  after  Riviere  du  Loup  suggesting  that  the  settle- 
ments east  of  that  place  had  been  abandoned.  Including  Rivjiredu  Loup  on  the 
north  shore  from  St.  Vallier,  there  were  at  that  dale  1,415  bmilies  and  7,890  of 
population.     [lb.,  pp.  64-65.] 


I7S9]  "OLD   KILLICK-"  24I 

captains.*  The  channel  was  laid  off  by  different  coloured 
flags,  and  the  ascent  was  successfully  accomplished.  On  the 
25th  of  June  the  vessels  reached  the  east  of  the  island  of 
Orleans,  and  advanced  to  the  village  of  Saint  Laurent.  On 
the  afternoon  of  the  26th,  Wolfe  from  the  "  Richmond,"  gave 

*  As  the  fleet  was  ascending  10  Quebec  Knox  was  in  the  "Goodwill  "transport, 
the  master  of  which  was  an  old  sailor  named  Killick.  The  pilot,  who  had  been 
one  of  the  tnen  talten  prisoner,  was  ordered  to  cany  ihe  vessel  through  under 
penaltf  of  death  ;  he  was  very  angrj  and  showed  so  much  ill-will  that  the  sailors 
would  have  thrown  him  overboard,  except  from  admiral  Saunders'  order  that  no 
prisoner  should  suRec  ill-treatment.  Knox  understood  French  :  had  the  pilot  known 
the  fact  be  might  have  been  mote  guarded.  "Some  of  your  ships."  said  he, 
"may  reliirn  to  England,  but  they  will  have  a  dismal  tale  to  carry,  for  Canada  will 
be  the  grave  of  the  whole  army,  and  I  hope  ere  long  to  see  the  walls  of  Quebec 
decorated  with  English  scalps."  Killick  rightly  gauged  the  situation  or  possibly 
understood  the  man.  The  storj  cannot  be  belter  told  than  in  Knox's  own  nrords  : 
"  He  vrould  not  let  the  pilot  speak,  but  Eixed  his  mate  at  the  helm,  charged  him 
not  to  take  orders  from  any  person  but  hlmseir,  and  going  forward  with  his  trumpet 
to  the  forecastle,  gave  the  necessary  instructions.  All  that  could  be  said  by  Ihe 
commanding  officer  and  the  other  gentlemen  on  board  was  to  no  purpose ;  the 
pilot  declared  we  should  be  lost,  for  that  no  French  ships  ever  presumed  to  pftsa 
there  without  a  pilot.  "  Ay,  ay,  my  dear,"  replied  our  son  of  Neptune,  "  but, 
damn  me,  I'll  convince  you  that  an  Englishman  shall  go  where  a  Frenchman  dare 
not  show  his  nose."  The  "  Richmond  "  frigate  being  close  astern  of  us,  the 
commanding  officer  called  out  to  the  captain  and  told  him  our  case  ;  he  enquired 
who  the  master  was,  and  was  answered  from  the  forecastle  by  the  man  himself, 
who  told  him  "  he  was  old  Killick,  and  thai  was  enough  !  "  I  went  forward  with 
this  experienced  mariner,  who  pointed  out  the  channel  to  me  as  we  passed, 
shewing  me  by  Ihe  ripple  and  colour  of  the  water  where  there  was  any  danger, 
and  distinguishing  the  places  where  there  were  ledges  of  rock  (to  me  invisible) 
from  banks  of  sand,  mud  or  gravel.  He  gave  his  orders  with  great  unconcern, 
joked  with  the  sounding  boats  which  lay  ofl"  on  each  side  with  different  coloured 
Hags  for  our  guidance,  and  when  any  of  them  called  to  him  and  pointed  to  the 
deepest  water,  he  answered  :  "Ay,  ay,  my  dear,  chalk  it  down,  a  damned 
dangerous  navigation,  eh  ?  If  you  don't  make  a  splutter  about  it,  you'll  get  no 
credit  in  England."  After  we  had  cleared  this  remarkable  place,  where  the 
channel  tbrms  a  complete  zigzag,  the  master  called  to  his  mate  to  give  the  helm 
to  somebody  else,  saying,  "  Damn  me  if  there  are  not  a  thousand  places  in  the 
Thames  lifty  times  more  hazardous  than  this ;  I  am  ashamed  that  Englishmen 
make  such  a  rout  about  it."  The  Frenchman  asked  me  if  the  captain  had  not 
been  there  before.  I  assured  bioi  in  the  negative,  upon  which  he  viewed  him 
with  great  attention,  lifting  at  the  same  time  his  hands  and  eyes  to  heaven  with 
astonishment  and  fervency." 

Thii  passage  has  been  already  published,  and  is  well  known,  but  it  is  too 
remarkaUe  to  be  omitted. 


242  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [1759 

orders  for  the  landing  to  be  made  on  the  following  morning. 
At  midnight  he  sent  lieutenant  Meech,  of  the  rangers,  with 
forty  men,  to  feel  what  was  before  them.  They  came  upon  a 
party  of  Canadians,  who  were  burying  their  property.  Meech, 
believing  himself  to  be  surrounded,  ordered  his  men  to  fire, 
when  the  Canadians  retired.  Meech  made  no  attempt  to 
pursue,  but  took  possession  of  a  house,  and  at  daylight  sent 
in  search  of  one  of  his  men,  who  was  missing.  He  was  found 
dead,  and  scalped.  The  rangers  followed  the  trace  of  the 
Canadians  to  the  north  of  the  island,  where  it  was  seen  that 
they  had  embarked  for  the  north  shore. 

The  troops  landed,  and  parties  marched  over  the  islantJ  to 
find  it  deserted.  On  the  church  door  was  a  letter  from  the 
curi  to  the  worthy  officers  of  the  British  army,  "  asking  their 
protection  for  the  church  and  his  dwelling,  regretting  that  they 
had  not  arrived  earlier,  so  they  could  have  enjoyed  the 
asparagus  and  the  vegetables  in  his  garden."  The  ornaments 
and  the  plate  of  the  church,  together  with  all  that  could  be 
removed,  had  been  taken  away. 

The  island  of  Orleans  is  twenty  miles  in  length  and  six 
miles  at  its  greatest  breadth  ;  the  main  channel  runs  to  the 
south  of  it  ;  at  its  western  point  the  harbour  of  Quebec 
commences.  From  this  spot  Wolfe  first  looked  upon  the 
fortress  he  was  present  to  attack.  The  Beauport  shoals  lay 
to  the  north  of  the  seven  miles  of  water  between  him  and 
Quebec  ;  to  the  south.  Point  L^vis  projects  to  approach 
Quebec  on  its  western  side  within  a  mile  and  a  half;  to  the 
east  of  Point  Levis  the  channel  is  two  and  a  half  miles  wide, 
the  chord  of  the  projecting  point  being  four  miles  from  east 
to  west.  The  French  intrenchments  extended  along  the  north 
shore  to  the  falls  of  Montmorency  ;  the  left  of  the  line  being 
protected  by  the  rapid  current  of  the  stream  descending  to 
the  falls,  making  its  passage  impracticable.  The  right  of  the 
line  rested  upon  the  river  Saint  Charles,  bridged  to  admit  of 
access  to  Quebec.  Before  him  stood  the  fortress  with  the  flag 
of  France  waving  in  the  sunlight.  On  the  same  morning 
there  was  a  violent  storm ;  fortunately,  the  troops  were  dis- 




1759]  THE   FIRE-SHIPS.  243 

embarked.  Some  of  the  transports  were  driven  from  their 
moorings  and  were  cast  ashore  ;  others  suffered  injury  by  being 
dashed  together.  No  permanent  damage,  however,  was  caused, 
and  no  life  was  lost.  The  storm  was  of  short  duration,  and 
during  the  following  day,  the  38th,  the  water  was  perfectly 
calm,  and  the  troops  quietly  established  themselves  in  their 
quarters.  During  the  night  of  that  day  the  fire-ships  were 
sent  down  from  Quebec.  They  failed  most  egregiously  in 
their  purpose  :  they  had  been  prepared  in  anticipation  of  the 
arrival  of  the  British  fleet,  and  much  had  been  hoped  from 
them.  They  were  seven  in  number :  three  consisted  of  large 
merchant  vessels  ;  the  remainder  were  schooners  and  bateaux, 
and  had  been  constructed  under  one  Oclouches,  the  master  of 
a  merchantman.  It  had  been  determined  that  the  fire-ships 
should  be  directed  against  the  three  frigates  which  were  in 
advance,  and  that  the  remainder  should  be  sent  against  the 
sixty  transports  lying  at  Saint  Patrick's  cove,  in  the  island  of 
Orleans.  Oclouches  set  fire  to  his  ship  after  passing  Point 
L6vis.  The  frigates  sent  out  boats  to  meet  the  danger,  and 
the  vessel  was  safely  towed  to  Beaumont,  seven  miles  beloW 
Point  L^vis.  Of  the  six  others,  three  only  made  their  way  to 
the  island.  One  exploded  when  the  match  was  lighted  ;  two 
burst  into  flames  before  leaving  Quebec.  The  shouts  of  the 
English  sailors,  on  the  failure  of  the  attempt,  reached  Quebec 
to  add  to  the  discomfiture  which  succeeded  the  vain  hope  of 

The  appearance  of  these  fire-ships  so  struck  with  terror  the 
guard  at  the  western  point  of  the  island  that  the  men  ran  from 
their  posts  and  spread  alarm  in  the  ranks.  They  were  sternly 
rebuked  by  Wolfe  in  his  general  orders  and  the  ofllicer  placed 
under  arrest ;  he  was,  however,  subsequently  released  at 
Monckton's  intercession. 

The  storm  which  had  been  experienced  suggested  to  the 
admiral  the  insecurity  of  his  moorings  ;  he  determined,  accord- 
ingly, to  anchor  his  ships  in  the  basin  of  Quebec.  Previous 
to  so  acting,  Saunders  brought  to  Wolfe's  notice  the  necessity 
of  taking  possession  of  Point  L^vis.     On  the  night  of  the 


244  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['759 

29th,  Monckton,  with  his  command,  crossed  over  to  Beau- 
mont on  the  southern  shore.  The  isth,  43rd  and  78th, 
with  some  rangers,  constituted  the  force.  They  lay  on  their 
arms  until  morning.  The  outposts  were  attacked  by  some  of 
the  militia  ;  the  skirmish,  however,  was  unimportant.  Three 
of  the  French  were  killed  and  were  scalped  by  the  rangers  in 
retaliation  ;  three  were  taken  prisoners.  The  British  loss  was 
one  mortally,  two  slightly  wounded.  Monckton  attached  to 
the  church  door  the  proclamation  issued  by  Wolfe.  It  set 
forth  that  the  object  of  the  invasion  was  the  conquest  of  the 
country.  He  offered  his  protection  to  the  habitants  provided 
they  took  no  active, part  in  the  contest:  should  they  refuse 
these  terms  then  the  law  of  nations  would  justify  their 
experiencing  the  fate  of  war. 

On  the  morning  of  the  30th  of  June,  Monckton's  force 
advanced  towards  Point  L^vis  :  after  having  proceeded  about 
four  miles,  they  were  fired  on  from  the  woods.  A  halt  was 
made  and  the  march  was  then  continued  through  the  open 
fields,  until  Point  L^vis  was  reached  and  the  church  taken  pos- 
session of  Montcalm  had  advised  that  this  position  should 
be  held  and  fortified.  The  influence  of  de  Vaudreuil,  however, 
prevailed  with  the  council,  to  reject  the  proposition  on  the 
ground  that  although  some  injury  might  be  done  to  the  lower 
town,  artillery  from  the  point  could  not  harm  the  city.  On 
the  1st  of  July  some  floating  batteries  were  sent  from  the  city 
to  attack  the  British  force.  They  were  quickly  silenced  by 
a  frigate,  sent  by  the  admiral  to  drive  them  off".  A  battery 
en  barbette  was  established  without  delay,  and  the  safety  of 
the  fleet  was  more  thoroughly  assured,  by  the  same  precaution 
being  taken  at  the  western  front  of  the  island  of  Orleans. 

The  attack  of  the  floating  batteries  had  not  been  without 
effect ;  of  the  British  force  four  were  killed  and  seventeen 
wounded,  many  mortally,  but  it  in  no  way  interfered  with  the 
permanent  establishment  of  the  detachment.  A  fort  was 
constructed  on  the  island  of  Orleans  for  provisions  and  stores. 
Several  old  men,  women,  and  children  had  been  brought  in 
prisoners   from   the   south   shore.     Wolfe    gave   them   their 


1759]  MONTMORENCY.  245 

liberty,  and  sent  them  to  Quebec  with  a  flag  of  truce.  Infor- 
mation was  also  sent  that  the  ladies  were  on  board,  whom 
Durell  had  brought  from  Miramichi.  Opportunity  was  taken 
to  inquire  concerning  the  three  young  officers  surprised  at  tie 
aux  Coudres.  De  Vaudreuil  replied  that  he  had  treated  the 
prisoners  with  distinction,  and  when  he  heard  that  Wolfe  was 
about  to  depart  he  wou  Id  send  them  back  to  him. 

There  were  now  300  Ottawas  and  400  Iroquois  and 
Abenakis  with  the  French.  Many  had  arrived  early  in  the 
siege,  and  their  presence  in  attacking  and  scalping  any 
stragglers  was  soon  felt.  In  any  considered  plan  of  opera- 
tions they  were  of  little  account. 

The  French  lines  closed  with  the  falls  of  Montmorency. 
Wolfe,  perceiving  that  the  ground  to  the  eastward  was  higher* 
than  that  held  by  the  French,  considered  that  it  offered  a 
favourable  point  for  attack.  There  was  also  a  ford  below  the 
falls,  which  for  some  period  between  the  ebb  and  flow  was 
passable.  Wolfe  hoped  that  there  might  be  a  fordable  place 
in  the  river  above  the  falls  by  which  he  might  pass  his  troops. 
In  modern  times  this  ford  is  well  known,  and  some  writers 
have  imagined  that  it  was  from  ignorance  that  Wolfe  did  not 
avail  himself  of  it.  Wolfe  was  well  aware  of  its  existence.  "  In 
reconnoitring  the  river  Montmorency,"  he  says,  "  we  found  it 
fordable  +  at  a  place  about  three  miles  up,  but  the  opposite 
bank  was  intrenched,  and  so  steep  and  woody,  that  it  was  to 
no  purpose  to  attempt  passage  there."  Wolfe  doubtless 
recollected  the  defeat  of  Braddock,  and  the  repulse  of  Aber- 
crombie  from  the  impenetrable  abatis,  and  he  was  not  one  to 
risk  his  force  in  so  unequal  a  contest  It  was  the  spot  by 
which  the  Indians  passed  to  attack  the  British  lines ;  during 
the  two  months'  occupation  of  the  north  shore,  forty  officers 
and  men  were  killed  and  wounded  in  the  encounters  with  them. 

On  the  evening  of  Sunday,  the  8th  of  July,  the  three  regi- 
ments at  Point  L^vis,  the  i  sth,  43rd  and  63rd  were  ordered  to 
strike  their  tents  at  one  in  the  morning,  and  admiral  Holmes, 

*  De  Levis'  eipression  is  "s^iiuil  par  la  bauleur." 

+  Can.  Arch.,  A.  &  W.  I.,  88,  p.  8,1. 


246  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [l759 

with  some  vessels  of  his  squadron,  came  to  anchor  on  tHe  west 
side  of  Montmorency  and  bombarded  the  French  camp. 
Before  daylight  the  troops  at  Point  L6vis  marched  behind  a 
little  hill,  out  of  sight  of  Quebec,  where  they  lay  on  their  arms 
until  evening.  Whatever  was  the  object  of  the  movement 
they  returned  to  Point  Levis.  Doubtless  they  \vere  held  in 
reserve  to  support  Townshend's  brigade,  which  had  been 
detailed  to  take  possession  of  the  ground  east  of  Montmorency, 
On  the  7th,  the  28th,  the  47th  and  60th  were  served  out  with 
three  days'  provisions,  with  orders  to  march  on  the  8th. 
Owing  to  the  ships  not  being  able  to  take  up  their  position 
the  embarkation  was  delayed.  It  took  place,  however,  at  five 
o'clock  of  that  evening. 

On  the  force  being  landed  the  Louisbourg  grenadiers  were 
ordered  out  to  obtain  fascines,  and  the  rangers  were  sent  to 
guard  the  skirts  of  the  wood.  They  were  surprised  and  sur- 
rounded by  a  large  force  of  Indians,  who  killed  thirteen, 
wounded  the  captain,  lieutenant  and  nine  men.  The  French 
force  likewise  killed  and  wounded  seventeen  of  the  22nd,  40th 
and  60th.  The  British  could  only  take  three  prisoners  and 
two  of  the  Indians.  The  latter  immediately  retreated  when 
confronted  with  the  larger  reinforcement  which  came  upon 
the  scene.  Wolfe  was  greatly  chagrined  at  the  afiair.  In 
relating  the  result  he  described  the  company  of  rangers  as 
almost  disabled  for  the  rest  of  the  campaign. 

Deserters  were  now  and  then  leaving  the  British  camp  and 
carrying  extraordinary  stories  to  the  French.  One  of  these 
stated,  that  there  were  eight  hundred  of  the  troops  at  Point 
L^vis,  among  whom  was  the  Royal  American  regiment,  who 
had  declared  that  they  would  neither  work  nor  fight,  for  they 
had  not  been  paid  for  thirteen  months,  and  that  they  had 
only  been  brought  to  Canada  to  establish  themselves. 
Another  reported,  that  a  landing  would  at  once  be  made  at 
Saint  Joachim  of  fifteen  hundred  men,  who  would  join  the 
force  at  Montmorency.  The  French  themselves  saw  the 
ridiculous    impossibility   of   many   of    their   stories.*      One 


I7S9]  ATTACK  ON   POINT  LfiVIS.  ,      24; 

deserter  told  them  that  Louisbourg  had  been  retaken  by  the 
French.  Another  that  the  king  of  Prussia  had  lost  twenty 
thousand  men  in  a  battle ;  that  Maria  Theresa  was  in  the 
repossession  of  Silesia,  and  that  the  electorate  of  Hanover 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  French.  What  the  French  did  accept 
as  serious  was,  that  the  admiral  had  given  Wolfe  until  the 
end  of  the  month,  to  make  his  last  effort  to  obtain  possession 
of  the  place,* 

Among  those  who  had  been  dispossessed  of  his  property  at 
Beaumont  was  one  M.  Charest,  and  he  continually  asked  for 
a  force  to  be  sent,  to  drive  the  British  from  Point  Livis.  He 
was  informed  that  he  could  undertake  the  operation  if  he  saw 
fit.  He  went  over  accordingly  with  a  few  men,  and  an  unim- 
portant skirmish  took  place.  His  success,  mentioned  in  the 
British  journals  of  the  time  as  the  discovery  near  the  camp,  of 
the  bodies  of  some  stragglers  which  had  been  scalped,  was 
represented  by  him  at  Quebec  to  be  of  the  highest  importance. 
The  council  determined  that  an  expedition  of  fifteen  hundred 
men  should  be  organized  against  Point  L^vis.  It  was  deferred, 
owing  tp  a  prisoner  being  brought  in  by  some  Abenakis,  who 
gave  the  information  that  an  expedition  was  designed  against 
the  country  around  Beauport.  On  the  4th,  Charest,  who  was 
sent  as  a  scout  to  reconnoitre  Point  L^vis,  returned  with  the 
information  that  there  were  not  eight  hundred  men  there,  and 
he  recommended  they  should  be  attacked.  It  was  seen  in  the 
city,  that  the  batteries  were  being  constructed,  and  fears  were 
felt  of  their  destructive  effect.  Charest  again  visited  Point 
L^vis.  There  were,  he  said,  eight  hundred  workmen,  and  a 
covering  party  of  five  hundred.  On  the  10th  the  new  batteries 
which  had  been  established  at  Quebec  were  opened  against 
Point  L^vis,  but  they  had  no  effect.  As  their  uselessness  was 
evident,  and  the  consequence  of  the  bombardment  from  Point 
Levis  was  greatly  dreaded,  it  was  resolved  that  a  powerful 
organization  should  be  made,  in  order  to  drive  the  British 
from  that  position.  On  the  nth  the  assembly  took  place. 
*  "  Je  cruLS  que  c'esi  sur  celte  deposition  que  nous  pouvions  le  plus  compler." 
Pwiet'sjoumal,  p.  13. 


248  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1759 

Five  hundred  Canadians  came  in  from  Beauport,  with  one 
hundred  colonial  troops  and  sixty  volunteers  from  the  regi- 
ments, under  Dumas.  On  the  12th,  as  the  enthusiasm  rose  to 
a  higher  pitch,  the  numbers  were  increased  by  three  hundred 
and  fifty  of  the  city  militia  and  inhabitants.  They  were 
assembled  and  marched  to  Sillery,  where  they  remained 
during  the  day.  Embarking  in  their  boats  at  nine  o'clock, 
they  arrived  without  accident  on  the  southern  shore.  The 
advance  guard  had  commenced  to  move  forward  to  the  assault, 
when  recklessly,  without  orders,  shots  were  fired  by  some  stu- 
dents of  the  seminary  who  had  joined  the  expedition,  under  the 
belief  that  they  had  fallen  into  an  ambush  of  the  enemy.  Six 
hundred  turned  and  fled.  Shortly  afterwards  some  soldiers 
of  the  Royal  Rousillon  gave  the  alarm  that  the  British 
cavalry  was  coming  up,  when  another  desertion  took  place. 
About  three  hundred  men  approached  the  intrenchment,  and 
"went  back  again."  It  is  Wolfe's  expression  after  having 
previously  stated  that  they  fell  into  confusion,  "by  which," 
he  adds,  "we  lost  an  opportunity  of  defeating  this  large 

The  bombardment  of  the  city  commenced  on  the  night  of 
the  I2th  of  July  ;  from  that  date  to  the  iSth  of  September  it 
was  maintained.  In  this  period  many  churches  and  convents 
and  two  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  best  houses  were  reduced 
to  ashes,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  city  shattered  and  cast 
in  ruins. 

On  the  i8th  of  July  two  men-of-war,  two  armed  sloops  and 
some  transports  passed  above  the  city.  The  "  Diana  "  was 
not  so  fortunate:  she  ran  ashore  and  was  so  much  injured 
that  she  was  sent  to  Boston  for  repair.  The  presence  of  these 
vessels  suggested  to  the  French  that  an  attempt  would  be 
made  at  some  spot  to  the  west.  A  force  was  organized 
under  Dumas  of  six  hundred  men  and  two  pieces  of  cannon, 
whose  duty  it  was  to  follow  the  passage  of  these  vessels  up 
and  down  the  tide.  Wolfe's  object  was  to  reconnoitre  the 
country  above  the  city.     He  found  the  same  difficulties  before 

•  tan.  Arch..  Scries  A.  &  W.  I.,  S8,  p.  8l. 


1759]  POINT  AUX  TREMBLES.  249 

him  as  he  had  experienced  at  Beauport ;  he  feared  if  he 
attacked  between  the  city  and  cap  Rouge,  that  the  detachment 
first  landed  could  not  be  reinforced,  before  the  whole  French 
force  was  turned  against  it.  He  relates  that  he  had  thought 
of  making  the  attack  at  Saint  Michel,  three  miles  above  the 
town,  but  he  was  deterred  from  the  attempt  from  the  great 
danger  attending  it,  and  for  the  time  the  project  was  laid  aside 
as  too  hazardous. 

Wolfe  imagined  that  the  enemy  had  penetrated  his  design, 
and  it  became  one  of  his  objects  in  this  movement  to  divide 
the  French  force.  On  the  21st  an  expedition  started  for 
Point  aux  Trembles,  above  Quebec,  under  the  command  of 
Carleton.  It  consisted  of  the  15th,  48th  and  63rd  regiments; 
the  design  was  to  capture  some  prisoners  and  to  discover 
papers  of  importance.  The  party  was  fired  upon  by  a  few 
Indians,  who  were,  however,  soon  dispersed,  and  a  landing 
was  effected.  They  brought  away  sixty  prisoners,  principally 
women.  Dumas  endeavoured  to  intercept  the  assailants,  but 
he  was  too  iate.* 

On  the  same  day  a  frigate  came  sufficiently  near  to  examine 
the  one  remaining  fire-ship;  it  appeared  undefended,  so  some 
boats  were  sent  out,  and  the  sailors  set  it  on  fire.  There  yet 
remained  the  fire-rafts  ;  they  were,  however,  incomplete,  and 
not  charged  with  combustibles.     The  French   at   this  date 

*  The  French  believed  that  the  expedition  had  been  suggested  by  Slobo.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  be  was  one  of  the  hostages  given  by  Washington,  on  his 
surrender  at  fort  Necessity,  1754.  and  that  among  Braddock's  baggage  the  plan 
of  fort  Duquesne,  drawn  by  him,  was  found.  He  was  aneslcd  and  sentenced  to 
be  hanged.  The  court  ordered  the  suspension  of  his  sentence,  and  Stolx>  was 
temporarily  act  at  liberty.  When  in  this  posilion,  he  took  the  opportunity  of 
escaping.  Whitmore  mentions  his  arrival  at  Louisboutg  during  June.  [Can. 
Arch.,  A.  &  \V.  I.,  80,  p.  30].  He  escaped  wilh  lieutenant  Stevens,  and  some 
others,  in  a  canoe.  They  were  well  armed,  and  descended  the  Saint  Lawrence. 
They  saw  the  fleet,  in  which  de  Bougainville  arrived,  sail  by.  Lying  concealed 
until  the  ships  had  passed,  they  resumed  their  journey.  They  met  a  schooner, 
which  they  took,  by  which  they  reached  Prince  Edward  island.  Thence  they 
proceeded  to  Louisbourg.  As  Slobo  offered  his  services  in  Wolfe's  expedition, 
and  from  his  local  knowledge  his  presence  being  considered  desirable,  Whitmore 
sent  him  on  the  first  opportunity  to  Quebec. 


250  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1759 

received  some  reinforcements,  by  the  arrival  of  de  Eoishebert 
with  300  Acadians  and  Indians. 

On  the  24th,  on  the  south  side,  parties  were  detailed  east 
and  west  to  take  prisoners  and  bring  in  cattle.  Major  DalHng, 
of  the  light  infantry,  returned  with  200  prisoners,  mostly 
women  and  children,  and  thirty  men,  with  300  cattle,  horses, 
cows  and  sheep.  A  few  prisoners  were  brought  in  two  days 
later  with  200  head  of  cattle.  On  the  25th  some  gun  boats 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  fleet  at  the  anse  de  Saint 
Michel.  Boats  started  in  pursuit,  and  two  of  them  ascend- 
ing to  cap  Rouge  were  taken.  The  noise  of  the  guns  caused 
the  report  to  be  spread  that  an  attempt  had  been  made  to 
land,  and  great  anxiety  had  been  felt,  soon  to  pass  away. 
On  the  night  of  the  29th  another  attempt  was  made  to  burn 
the  British  ships,  by  sending  down  the  fire-raft.  Like  the 
previous  attempts,  it  proved  a  failure.  The  fleet  was  con- 
stantly on  its  guard  against  enterprises  of  this  character,  and 
every  night  boats  were  placed  on  duty  to  watch  for  such  a 
descent.  As  the  outlines  of  the  raft  approaching  them  were 
discernible,  the  men  in  the  boats  fired  upon  it.  Those  in 
charge  at  once  set  fire  to  and  abandoned  it.  It  commenced  to 
burn  fiercely,  but  the  British  sailors  took  it  in  tow,  and  carried 
it  past  the  shipping,  to  burn  out  harmlessly  on  the  shore. 

During  these  operations  a  flag  of  truce  was  sent  from  the 
fleet  to  convey  the  offer  that  the  women  taken  prisoners  would 
be  restored  on  condition  that  a  small  boat  laden  with  wounded 
and  sick  was  allowed  to  pass.  The  offer  was  accepted.  The 
women,  escorted  with  great  politeness,  accordingly  arrived  at 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  The  names  of  the  officers,  who 
had  made  each  set  of  them  prisoners,  had  been  given  to  them. 
The  British  undertook  not  to  begin  the  cannonade  from  Point 
Levis  until  nine  o'clock,  so  as  to  give  them  the  opportunity  to 
retire  to  where  they  thought  fit.  At  that  time  the  bombard- 
ment recommenced.  During  the  night  the  parish  church  was 
burned,  with  the  block  of  houses  extending  from  Fabrique  to 
Saint  Joseph  street. 

Within  the  city  there  were  so  many  thefts  by  the  soldiers. 


1759]  riE  RfiPENTIGNY.  251 

militia  and  sailors,  that  it  was  considered  necessary  to  issue  a 
commission  for  their  repression,  entrusted  with  the  duty  of 
summarily  hanging  any  one  taken  in  the  act ;  before  the  last 
of  July  three  were  so  executed. 

On  the  25th  an  event  occurred  to  the  north  of  Montmorency, 
which  is  related,  in  by  no  means  the  same  language,  by  French 
and  English  writers.  As  the  British  loss  was  5  officers  and  32 
privates,  12  of  whom  were  killed,  the  affair  must  have  been 
sufficiently  serious.  The  facts  appear  to  be  that  a  large  force 
of  Indians,  under  de  R^pentigny,  crossed  the  ford  and  caused 
themselves  to  be  seen,  and  retired  to  place  themselves  in 
ambush.  The  British  turned  out  a  lai^e  force  against  them. 
According  to  Panet,  the  Indians  remained  three  hours  lying 
flat  on  the  ground.  It  is  difficult  to  accept  his  statement 
because  he  describes  the  British  loss  at  sixty  killed.  It  is 
plain,  however,  that  they  watched  the  opportunity  to  make 
their  attack,  and,  as  the  35th  came  up  without  precaution,  fired 
into  them.  We  are  told  that  de  Repentigny  sent  a  messenger 
to  de  L^vis  for  a  reinforcement  of  two  thousand  men  to  follow 
up  his  success,  and  that  the  latter,  in  his  turn,  referred  the 
request  to  Montcalm,  consequently  the  troops  came  too  late. 
The  story  is  inadmissible.  De  L^vis  is  himself  silent  on  the 
subject ;  a  proof  that  the  event  was  without  importance. 
Moreover,  he  was  in  command  at  the  extreme  left,  and  on  his 
own  responsibility  could  have  sent  the  troops  to  de  Repentigny 
as  he  deemed  expedient.  All  that  he  might  have  required 
was  that  their  absence  might  be  temporarily  supplied.  The 
Indians  immediately  recrossed  the  ford,  the  British  account  is 
that  they  were  driven  back,  and  as  they  were  passing  the 
stream,  they  received  three  rounds  by  which  sixty-five  of  them 
were  killed. 

On  the  2Sth  Wolfe  published  a  second  proclamation  from 
Saint  Henri,  a  village  on  the  Etchemin  river,  which  enters 
the  Saint  Lawrence  a  few  miles  west  of  Point  L^vis.  It  was 
immediately  known  at  Quebec,  for  it  is  given  in  full  by  Panet 
Wolfe  complained  of  the  inattention  of  the  habitants  to  his 
previous  demands,  consequently  he  had  determined  no  longer 


252  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['759 

to  listen  to  the  appeal  to  humanity  which  had  made  him 
desirous  of  solacing  their  distress.  The  Canadians  by  their 
conduct  had  made  themselves  unworthy  of  his  consideration. 
He  had  given  orders  accordingly  for  prisoners  to  be  seized. 
As  he  was  anxious  to  avoid  the  barbarous  conduct  of  the 
Canadians,  he  would  defer  until  the  ist  of  August*  to  decide 
what  reprisals  he  would  make  on^the  prisoners  he  might  take, 
unless  the  Canadians  submitted  to  the  terms  of  his  previous 

The  fire  from  the  English  batteries  at  Montmorency  greatly 
troubled  the  left  of  the  French  line,  in  spite  of  the  ipauhment 
which  they  constructed  for  protection  against  it,  while  the 
well-directed  artillery  service  prevented  the  completion  of  a 
battery  against  the  British  camp  which  had  been  commenced. 

Wolfe  now  determined  on  an  attack  against  the  extreme 
left  of  the  French  lines  at  Montmorency.  The  plan  was 
carefully  considered  with  admiral  Saunders  ;  special  provision 
had  to  be  taken  with  regard  to  the  assistance  given  by  the 
fleet.  The  large  ships  of  war,  owing  to  the  want  of  depth  of 
water,  could  not  approach  the  enemy's  intrench  ments.  The 
mode  of  attack  determined  on  was,  that  two  flat-bottomed 
boats  f  with  guns  should  be  sunk  opposite  the  redoubt  at  the 
extreme  east  of  the  French  lines,  to  some  extent  commanded 
by  the  cannon  of  the  British  batteries.  The  "Centurion" 
frigate  was  placed .  in  the  north  channel  to  sustain  them. 
They  came  into  position  about  eleven  o'clock,  and  at  twelve 
the  firing  commenced.  De  L^vis,  who  was  in  command  in  the 
French  lines,  about  one  o'clock  formed  the  opinion  that  some 
movement  was  threatened  against  the  upper  ford,  where  de 
R^pentigny  was  in  command,  as  a  strong  column  marched  in 
that  direction.  Accordingly,  he  directed  five  hundred  men  to 
proceed  thither  with  some  Indians,  and  he  ordered  Duprat,  a 
captain  of  volunteers,  to  watch  the  operations.  He  observed, 
however,  that  the  boats  from  Point  L^vis  and  also  from  the 
island  of  Orleans  were  making  their  way  to  the  western  point 

*  Dussieux  makes  the  perioil  the  lotli.     1  have  followed  the  date  of  Panet. 
t  The  naval  term  is  "catamaran,"  generally  abbreviated  to  "  cat." 


1759]  THE  31ST  OF  JULY.  253 

of  the  island.  The  corresponding  locality  on  the  northern 
shore  not  being  strongly  defended,  he  changed  the  direction 
of  the  troops  and  ordered  the  officer  in  command  to  com- 
municate with  the  Montreal  battalion.  As  no  offensive 
movement  had  yet  been  made  by  the  British,  he  resolved 
carefully  to  watch  where  the  real  attack  would  be  directed, 
and  to  hold  in  hand  a  .strong  force  to  meet  it.  The  battalion 
of  Beam  on  the  left  was  reinforced,  the  Montreal  battalions 
were  extended  along  the  intrenchment,  the  Three  Rivers  force 
of  one  hundred  men  was  kept  in  reserve  {en  panne)  if  neces- 
sary to  reinforce  de  R^pentigny.  Montcalm  came  upon  the 
ground  and  discussed  the  probabilities  of  the  attack,  when 
the  plan  of  defence  was  determined.  De  L^vis  placed  himself 
between  the  two  redoubts  and  Montcalm  returned  to  de 

The  British  boats  moved  across  the  waters,  threatening  the 
different  points  which  appeared  accessible,  and  the  French 
were  greatly  puzzled  where  the  attack  would  be  made.  In 
the  meantime  the  guns  from  the  British  intrenchments  east 
of  the  falls  were  directed  against  the  French  redoubt,  in 
addition  to  the  cross  fire  from  the  batteries  on  the  sunken 
"  cats  "  and  the  guns  of  the  frigate.  Little  loss  was,  however, 
experienced.  Towards  five  o'clock  the  boats  came  between 
the  two  vessels  and  advanced  up  the  channel,  to  disembark  at 
the  eastern  point  of  the  French  intrenchments.  The  low  tide 
had  made  the  ford  below  the  falls  passable.  As  the  boats 
were  advancing  towards  the  shore,  some  of  them  grounded  on  a 
ledge  of  mud.  It  threw  them  into  disorder,  and  some  time  was 
lost  in  re-forming  them,  consequently  an  officer  was  despatched 
to  Townshend,  at  the  falls,  to  delay  his  march.  The  boats 
wtere  got  off,  and  again  formed  in  rank,  and  Wolfe,  accom- 
panied by  some  naval  officers,  approached  the  shore  to  search 
for  some  fitting  place  to  land,  taking  with  them  one  flat- 
bottomed  boat.  It  was  now  about  six  o'clock,  but  in  the  long 
evenings  of  July,  when  there  is  light  until  after  nine,  it  was 
considered  that  there  was  time  enough  to  make  the  attempt. 
The  troops  accordingly  disembarked.    The  thirteen  companies 


254  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['759 

of  grenadiers,  and  200  of  the  Royal  Americans,  were  ordered 
to  form  into  four  columns  to  make  the  attack  supported  by 
Monckton's  corps,  so  soon  as  the  troops  passed  the  ford. 

Monckton  had  not  landed,  and  Townshend's  force,  although 
on  the  march  in  perfect  order,  was  at  some  distance,  when  the 
grenadiers,  without  waiting  for  orders,  rushed  upon  the 
redoubt  below  the  escarpment  ;  it  was  at  once  abandoned. 
At  the  same  time  the  French  were  seen  to  line  the  upper 
intrenchments,  and  de  L^vis  moved  up  the  Royal  RousiUon 
to  take  part  in  the  defence. 

The  success,  if  it  can  be  so  called,  had  the  effect  of  causing 
the  force  to  throw  aside  all  discipline,  and  in  confusion  the 
men  rushed  forward  to  attack  the  intrenchment.  They  had 
difficulty  in  the  ascent ;  it  had  rained  heavily  for  the  four  days 
from  the  21st  to  the  24th.  During  the  succeeding  period  the 
ground  retained  much  of  its  moisture  and  the  heavy  clay  bank 
was  clammy  and  slippery.  Accordingly,  there  was  little 
regularity  and  much  confusion.  It  was  the  oft-repeated  story, 
"  some  one  had  blundered."  • 

The  whole  force  of  the  French  was  now  concentrated  at 
this  point.  Panel  tells  us  that  there  were  1,500  regular  troops 
and  1,500  Canadians  posted  to  defend  it  The  whole  12,000 
were  placed  to  sustain  them.  Be  the  number  of  defenders 
what  it  may,  the  troops  were  effectually  checked  by  the  first 
fire,  and  fell  back  to  the  redoubt.  Several  officers  made  the 
effort  to  reform  them.  At  the  same  time  a  furious  storm  came 
on,  which,  de  L^vis  tells  us,  hid  the  British  from  the  French 
view,  it  was  impossible  to  ascend  the  clay  bank,  full  of 
gullies  and  deep  holes ;  it  had  become  perfectly  slippery. 
Wolfe  accordingly  directed  the  re-embarkation  of  the  troops, 
seeing  it  impossible  to  persevere  in  the  attack.  The  wounded 
were  placed  in  the  barges,  and  the  men  whom  the  other  boats 
could  not  bring  away  joined  Townshend's 'force,  and  marched 
across  the  ford  to  the  Montmorency  camp.     There  was  no 

*  The  movement  ha»  never  been  accounted  for.  It  has  been  atlribnted  to  « 
misconception  of  orders  through  the  cheers  of  the  sailors.  Another  explanation 
is,  that  a  captain  without  order*  caused  Ibe  advance  lo  be  beat. 



interruption  on  the  part  of  the  French  to  the  retreat.     The 
two  "  cats  "  were  burned. 

According  to  Knox,  the  loss  was  443  killed  and  wounded, 
including  33  officers. 

On  the  2nd  of  August  de  Vaudreuil  sent  a  flag  of  truce, 
with  a  letter  stating  that  he  had  buried  fifty  dead.  The 
officer  gave  the  French  loss  as  thirty-two  killed  and  wounded. 
He  was  the  bearer  of  a  letter  from  captain  Ochterlony,  who 
had  been  severely  wounded,  in  which  he  said  that  he  owed  his 
life  to  a  French  grenadier,  who  had  saved  him  from  being 
scalped.  Wolfe  replied  by  sending  money  for  the  use  of  the 
wounded  man,  and  he  enclosed  twenty  guineas  to  be  given  to 
the  grenadier.  Montcalm  felt  himself  called  upon  to  refuse 
the  money,  saying  that  he  hoped  every  soldier  in  the  French 
army  would  do  the  same.*  Wolfe  also  wrote  to  the  Sup^rieure 
of  the  hospital,  asking  her  particular  care  of  Ochterlony.  In 
spite,  however,  of  all  that  could  be  done,  he  died  on  the  24th 
of  August.     His  baggage  was  returned  with  a  flag  of  truce. 

There  were  at  this  date  one  thousand  Indians  serving  on 
the  side  of  the  French.  Without  exception,  when  they  could 
do  so,  they  took  their  enemy's  scalp.  On  this  day,  as  the 
repulsed  British  troops  retreated  to  their  camp,  swarms  of 
figures  were  seen  descending  to  where  the  dead  lay,  it  was 
supposed  to  assure  the  possession  of  this  trophy  of  victory. 

*  1  cannot  look  upon  this  proceeding  as  an  "  absurd  piece  of  affectBtioQ,"  as 
it  is  called  bf  Knox.  It  appears  to  nie  a  profound  act  of  policy,  for  to  receive  the 
money  would  hare  been  an  admisdon  that  Ihe  French  recognized  the  Indian 
practice  of  scalping.  Montcalm  roust  have  remembered  that  his  own  reputation 
had  been  compromised  at  Chouaguen  by  Indian  cruelly,  and  that  the  n 
by  the  Indians  at  William  Henry,  by  many  was  looked  upon  as  a  blot  on  a  na 
otherwise  honourable.  By  the  refusal  he  repelled  the  idea  that  scalping  v 
coantenanced  by  the  higher  ranks  of  the  army. 




The  failure  at  Montmorency  was  a  serious  matter,  inasmuch 
as  it  created  grave  doubts  if  the  Beauport  shore  was  the  spot 
where  the  attack  was  to  be  made.  Townshend  admits  that 
he  made  a  protest  against  its  repetition.*  It  had,  however, 
this  advantage,  that  when  the  troops  were  repulsed  it  was  easy 
to  regain  the  ships.  At  the  same  time,  if  the  landing  were 
made  good,  there  would  have  been  still  a  battle  to  be  fought 
before  Quebec  was  reached.  This  truth  was  apparent  to 
Wolfe,  for  he  states  that  he  desired  to  drive  Montcalm  to  fight 
him  on  equal  terms,  and  he  had  little  doubt  as  to  the  result. 
He  must  have  felt  great  anxiety  when  he  reflected  on  the 
advanced  season.  It  was  August,  and  in  a  few  weeks,  from 
the  severity  of  the  approaching  winter,  the  fleet  must  leave. 
At  one  time  he  thought  under  these  circumstances,  of  in- 
trenching himself  at  lie  aux  Coudres,  and  remaining  there 
until  reinforcements  should  reach  him  in  spring  for  the 
renewal  of  the  attack.  On  one  point  he  had  no  uncertainty, 
the  necessity  of  not  permitting  the  spirit  of  the  men  to  become 
depressed  by  inactivity  ;  accordingly  he  organized  an  ex- 
pedition to  destroy  the  French  ships.  They  were  then  at  the 
foot  of  what  was  then  called  the  Richelieu  rapids,  some  seven 
miles  above  the  Point  aux  Ecureils,f  where  they  had  been 
stopped  by  the  wind.  Wolfe  resolved  to  attempt  to  destroy 
them,  so  that  he  could  open  some  communication  with  general 
Amherst  Admiral  Holmes  was  charged  with  the  naval  part 
of  the  duty.  On  the  5th  of  August,  twenty  flat-bottomed 
boats  were  sent  up  the  river  to  the  "  Sutherland,"  which  was 
*  "  RefuUtion  of  a  letter  lo  an  honouiable  brigndier-general." 
t  These  rapids  have  ceaaetl  lo  exist  in  modern  times,  the  projecting  rocks 
which  caused  ihem  having  been  removed.  There  ii  still 
slight  increase  of  current. 



above  the  town,  to  embark  twelve  hundred  troops,  under  the 
command  of  Murray.  The  force  consisted  of  detachments  of 
the  isth  regiment,  the  Royal  Americans,  the  light  infantry, 
and  the  rangers.  His  instructions  were  to  assist  admiral 
Holmes,  and  to  seek  every  opportunity  of  fighting  the  enemy, 
provided  he  could  do  so  on  tolerable  terms. 

The  advance  of  the  British  ships  up  the  river  pointed  to  the 
necessity  of  protecting  the  various  places  on  the  river  bank, 
many  containing  provisions  and  property.  De  Bougainville 
was  selected  for  the  duty  of  defending  them  with  a  picked 
corps  of  fifteen  hundred  men.  Some  troops  had  previously 
been  under  the  command  of  Dumas,  but  he  was  recalled  and 
the  number  increased.  De  Bougainville's  instructions  were  to 
watch  the  advance  of  the  .ships  and  to  oppose  the  landing  of 
any  force,  concentrating  his  own  detachment  to  do  so.  Accord- 
ingly, when  Murray  made  the  attempt  on  Point  aux  Trembles, 
on  the  7th  of  the  month,  he  found  a  large  body  of  men  pre- 
pared vigourously  to  resist  him.  He  made  the  descent  at  four 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  opposite  the  church.  It  appears  to 
have  been  a  feint  and  that  the  real  attack  was  directed  near  a 
stream  known  as  la  Muletiere,  half  a  league  above  the  river 
Jacques  Cartier.  De  Bougainville  was  present  with  one 
thousand  men  and  had  thrown  up  some  intrenchments.  The 
boats  advanced  only  to  be  beaten  back  with  much  loss.*  On 
the  following  day,  the  8th,  Murray  landed  on  the  south  shore. 
There  was  a  feeble  attempt  at  resistance  by  a  hundred 
habitants,  but  Murray  had  no  difficulty  in  establishing  himself 
at  Saint  Antoine.  As  it  was  found  impracticable  to  proceed 
up  the  river.  Holmes,  being  unwilling  to  risk  his  ships,  sailed 
back  to  his  station  above  Quebec. 

On  the  nth  an  armed  schooner  passed  the  city,  and  its 
appearance  must  have  puzzled  de  Bougainville,  for  he  failed 
to  be  present  on  the  18th,  when  Murray  attacked  Decham- 
beau,  about   forty-one   miles   from  Quebec.     A  large  house, 

*  Pinet  says  100  killed  ami  as  many  wounded.  1'he  lotal  number  of  casualties 
in  ibe  campaign  shows  thai  thJB  number  is  greatly  exaggerated.  The  loss,  however, 
was  sufficient  to  lead  Murray  lo  desist  in  his  attack. 


2SS  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANAUA.  [l759 

occupied  by  a  Mde.  Ruffio,  one  of  the  mistresses  of  Cadet, 
contained  a  large  amount  of  stores  of  the  army,  and  several 
officers  had  left  their  baggage  there.  It  was  burned.  Mont- 
calm, on  hearing  of  the  loss,  went  to  the  spot  in  person.  He 
was  accompanied  by  Dumas  and  1,200  troops.  He  found  the 
British  had  reimb^rked  without  losing  a  man,*  carrying  with 
them  a  great  many  cattle,  and,  according  to  another  authority, 
several  women  as  prisoners,  and  obtaining  possession  of  many 
important  papers.  The  British  recrossed  the  river  to  Saint 
Antoineand  Saint  Croix,  which  on  the  19th  they  burned.  On 
the  25th  Holmes  and  his  ships  returned.  Early  in  the  month 
Wolfe  had  issued  a  third  proclamation,  which  had  been  taken 
to  Quebec  by  some  Canadian  prisoners  who  had  been  released. 
Wolfe  referred  to  his  two  former  appeals  to  the  population, 
and  he  threatened  them  with  severe  reprisals  if  they  failed  to 
lay  down  their  arms  by  the  20th  of  August,  As  Murray  had 
been  attacked  in  his  outposts  at  Saint  Antoinc,  he  destroyed 
the  country  in  its  neighbourhood.  There  had  always  been  a 
difference  of  opinion  between  Montcalm  and  de  VaudreuiJ. 
Montcalm  was  opposed  to  weakening  his  force  by  sending 
out  detachments,  de  Vaudreuil  advocated  la  petite  gjierre, 
according  to  the  Canadian  custom.  Some  of  the  Canadians 
who  had  been  set  at  liberty  by  Wolfe  came  to  Quebec,  and 
spoke  of  the  kind  treatment  they  had  received,  and  it  is  plain 
that  many  desired  to  remain  quiescent.  This  course,  how- 
ever, was  not  permitted  to  them.  The  Indians  were  encouraged 
to  continue  their  surprises,  their  destruction  of  stragglers,  the 
attack  of  outposts,  and  the  concomitant  scalping;  indeed,  to 
carry  on  the  war  as  was  the  custom  in  the  time  of  de  Fronte- 
nac.  Towards  the  end  of  July,  de  Vaudreuil  received  a  letter 
which  was  unsigned,  complaining  of  this  mode  of  warfare.  He 
was  induced  to  reply  directly  to  Wolfe,  proposing  a  parley, 
adding  that  the  use  of  such  meetings  was  becoming  too  fre- 
quent. Colonel  Barr^  replied  on  the  part  of  Wolfe,  express- 
ing his  astonishment  at  the  remark,  and  entering  his  protest 
against  the  enormous  cruelties  already  committed,  by  which 

in  lies,  Dusieux,  p.  387. 



the  British  troops  were  greatly  exasperated.  Such  acts  if 
repeated,  he  said,  would  hereafter  meet  with  the  severest  re- 
prisals, and  there  would  be  no  difference  made  between  French 
Canadians  and  Indians  when  taken  prisoners.  Barr^  related 
that  by  an  intercepted  letter  Wolfe  read  that  three  grenadiers 
of  the  American  regiment  were  destined  to  be  burnt  alive. 
Wolfe  desired  to  be  informed  what  had  become  of  the  men. 
The  letter  was  answered  by  de  Bougainville,  to  the  effect 
that  the  tale  was  soldier's  gossip  ;  the  fate  of  the  prisoners 
had  been  the  same  as  others  taken  by  the  Indians,  they  had 
been  ransomed  by  the  king  at  considerable  expense.  De 
Bougainville  had  not  been  instructed  to  reply  to  the  menaces 
made;  for  nothing  of  that  sort  would  make  them  cowards  or 
barbarians.  Barr^  had  alluded  to  the  infraction  of  the  capitu- 
lation of  William  Henry,  de  Bougainville  answered  that  the 
French  were  justified  by  the  facts  of  that  event  through- 
out Europe. 

On  the  7th  of  the  month  it  was  known  in  Quebec  that 
Niagara  had  surrendered.  Following  so  soon  the  news  0/  the 
abandonment  of  Ticonderoga  on  the  27th  of  July,  and  of 
Crown  Point  on  the  3!5t.  the  public  mind  of  the  town  was 
cast  into  great  dejection.  The  news  had  already  spread 
among  the  people.  It  was  feared  that  an  advance  by  the 
Saint  Lawrence  would  be  immediately  made  upon  Montreal, 
if  not  by  lie  aux  Noix.  There  was  nothing  to  oppose  the 
descent  of  the  river,  and  it  will  be  my  duty,  when  I  have  to 
record  the  operations,  to  examine  why  this  course  was  not 
taken.  Except  some  weak  garrisons  at  Detroit  on  lake 
Michigan  and  on  the  Illinois,  every  vestige  of  French  power 
west  of  Oswego  had  been  swept  away.  There  were  no 
longer  any  Ohio  forts.  These  garrisons  had  been  defeated  in 
their  advance  to  succour  Niagara,  and  had  swelled  the  number 
of  prisoners  which,  on  the  conquest  of  that  fort,  had  been 
taken  and  sent  down  the  Mohawk.  The  only  troops  to 
oppose  the  descent  of  a  British  force  was  to  be  found  in  the 
few  men  at  La  Presentation  and  about  eight  hundred  men 
stationed  at  "Galops"  island,  at  the  head  of  the  rapids  of 


26o  THE  HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [1759 

that  name,  under  St.  Luc  de  la  Corne.  The  place  was  utterly 
indefensible  ;  de  la  Corne  had  himself  written  that  it  was  not 
tenable.  So  desperate  did  the  situation  appear,  that  it  was 
resolved  to  reinforce  the  western  frontier  even  at  the  expense 
of  Quebec,  and  as  de  L^vis  put  it,  to  trust  somewhat  to  fortune." 
Eight  hundred  men  were  detached  from  the  forces  defending 
Quebec,  one  hundred  of  whom  were  regulars,  and  de  L^vis 
was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  frontier  of  Montreal. 
He  left  Quebec  on  the  9th  of  August,  taking  with  him  la 
Pause  and  Le  Mercier.  He  arrived  at  Montreal  on  the  12th 
and  left  on  the  14th  for  the  West.  Accordingly  the  operations 
of  Amherst  had  some  influence  on  the  defence  of  Quebec,  for 
it  led  to  the  removal  of  this  able  and  distinguished  soldier 
and  the  force  I  have  named. 

On  the  25th  the  Saint  Francis  Abcnakis  brought  in  two 
officers  and  seven  Indians  whom  they  had  seized.  They  were 
messengers  from  Amherst  to  Wolfe.  By  these  despatches 
Amherst  informed  Wolfe  that  his  movements  would  be  guided 
by  those  before  Quebec.  There  were  many  private  letters 
from  lake  Champlain  to  ofiicers  of  Wolfe's  force ;  as  they 
freely  criticised  the  abandonment  of  the  fortifications  at 
Carillon,  they  could  not  have  been  pleasant  reading  to  those 
perusing  them.  Holmes  again  received  orders  to  endeavour 
to  destroy  the  French  ships.  The  "  Lowestofle,"  the  "  Hunter" 
sloop,  two  armed  sloops  and  two  "  cats,"  with  provisions,  were 
ordered  to  pass  Quebec  to  join  the  "  Sutherland,"  but  the 
wind  was  against  them.  It  was  only  on  the  fourth  attempt 
that  they  succeeded,  and  it  was  not  until  the  27th  that  they 
made  the  passage. 

The  appearance  of  these  vessels  caused  much  anxiety. 
The  French  had  hitherto  brought  much  of  their  provisions 
by  water ;  even  after  the  British  vessels  had  sailed  above  the 
town  the  supplies  were  so  carried  to  Saint  Augustin,  thirteen 
miles  above  Quebec.  The  principal  storing  point  was  Batis- 
can,  sixty-seven  miles  above  the  city.  Nevertheless  provisions 
began  to  fail  short,  and,  if  the  troops  were  to  be  kept  together, 

"  '■  On  risolut  de  donner  un  peu  k  la  bonne  forlune."    Jouinal,  p.  191- 


1759]  EAST  OF  THE  TOWN.  261 

additional  bread  and  meat  was  required  to  feed  them.  As  it 
was  dangerous  to  continue  to  send  the  boats  beyond  Saint 
Augustin,  it  was  determined  to  bring  the  provisions  by  land  ; 
but  there  was  the  difficulty  that  there  were  no  men  to  drive 
the  waggons,  for  they  were  with  the  army.  The  only  alter- 
native was  to  take  the  old  men,  women  and  children  of 
sufficient  age  to  perform  the  duty  of  teamsters.  Two  hundred 
and  seventy-one  carts  were  laden  with  several  hundred  lbs.  of 
pork  and  flour,  and  by  these  feeble  means  subsistence  from 
twelve  to  fifteen  days  reached  the  troops ;  but  the  women 
and  children  suffered  such  hardship  that  it  was  felt  that  the 
attempt  could  not  be  repeated,  especially  as  the  nights  were 
commencing  to  turn  cold.  It  will  be  seen  that  this  fact  had 
great  influence  on  the  subsequent  operations.  There  was  so 
much  difficulty  felt,  owing  to  the  presence  of  the  frigates  above 
Quebec  in  their  interference  with  the  delivery  of  provisions, 
that  the  project  of  bringing  up  the  French  vessels  to  attack 
them  was  discussed.  A  second  proposal  was  to  cut  out  the 
ships,  but  the  more  it  was  considered  it  was  found  the  more 

While  Murray  was  engaged  with  his  force  to  the  east  of 
Quebec,  Wolfe  determined  that  some  steps  should  be  taken 
with  regard  to  the  country  east  of  the  island  of  Orleans. 
Parties  had  frequently  issued  from  the  bay  of  Saint  Paul  to 
fire  upon  the  boats  sent  out  from  the  shipping,  and  to  surprise 
any  small  parties  detached  from  the  camp  at  Montmorency. 
In  consequence,  captain  Gorham,  with  three  hundred  men, 
landed  at  three  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  4th  of  August, 
and  forced  two  parties  of  twenty  men  who  fired  from  the 
houses  to  take  refuge  in  the  woods.  He  then  burned  the 
village,  which  consisted  of  twenty  houses.  His  loss  was  one 
killed  and  two  wounded  ;  the  enemy  left  two  dead  behind 
them,  and  they  retreated  carrying  away  several  wounded. 
Gorham  proceeded  easterly  to  Malbaie,  and  destroyed  the 
settlement  there.  Crossing  to  the  south  shore,  he  burned  the 
villages  of  Saint  Roch  and  Saint  Anne ;  he  returned  to  the 
island  of  Orleans  on  the   15th.     On  the  same  day  a  party  of 


262  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  ['759 

about  one  hundred  and  seventy  of  the  78th  regiment  was 
moved  to  the  island  of  Orleans  and  bivouacked  in  Saint  Peter's 
church.  On  the  16th  they  were  marched  to  the  eastern  end 
of  the  island  opposite  Saint  Joachim,  where  they  embarked  in 
boats.  On  attempting  to  land  on  the  north  shore,  they  were 
fired  upon,  but  the  resistance  was  ineffectual,  and  the  place 
was  taken  possession  of.  From  time  to  time  shots  were  fired 
from  the  woods.  The  force  remained  at  Saint  Joachim  till 
the  22nd,  when  they  were  joined  by  one  hundred  and  forty  of 
the  light  infantry  and  a  company  of  rangers,  under  captain 
Montgomery  of  the  43rd.  On  the  23rd  the  force  marched  to 
the  village  west  of  Saint  Joachim,  which  they  found  occupied 
by  two  hundred  Canadians  and  Indians,  who  commenced 
firing  from  the  houses.  The  troops  protected  themselves  by 
lying  behind  fences,  while  the  rangers  were  sent  forward  to 
turn  the  French  left.  As  the  movement  began  to  take  effect, 
the  defenders  of  the  village  made  for  the  woods,  pursued  by 
the  British.  Several  were  killed  and  wounded  ;  many  pris- 
oners were  taken.  Montgomery  acted  with  brutality,  ordering 
them  to  be  shot.  Two  of  the  prisoners  had  been  promised 
quarter  by  Frazer,  then  a  subaltern,  who  records  the  fact  with 
expressions  of  horror.  The  houses  were  burned.  They 
marched  on  the  following  day  to  I'Ange  Gardien,  being  joined 
there  by  a  detachment  from  Chateau  Richer,  Possession  was 
taken  of  the  houses  which  were  fortified  ;  the  two  following 
days  were  passed  in  felling  the  fruit  trees  and  cutting  the 
wheat.  On  the  evening  of  the  27th  some  Indians  were  dis- 
covered skulking  about  the  houses,  and  one  man  of  the  force 
was  shot.  On  the  28th  the  detachment  proceeded  to  Chateau 
Richer,  where  they  fortified  the  church.  On  the  31st  they  left 
Chateau  Richer  and  burned  down  the  village,  leaving  the 
church  untouched,  and  marched  to  the  camp  at  Mont- 
morency, burning  everything  that  lay  in  their  path.  Such 
was  the  retaliation  that  Wolfe  felt  himself  called  upon  to 
inflict,  to  deter  a  continuance  of  the  cruelties  of /a /^/r/^^/^/T'e 
of  the  Canadians  and  Indians. 

By  the  middle  of  August  the  anxieties  which  Wolfe  had 


1759]  WOLFE'S   ILLNESS.  363 

undei^one  had  told  upon  his  health.  Hitherto,  in  the  conduct 
of  the  campaign,  he  had  consulted  only  his  own  Judgment  and 
there  were  not  wanting  those,  who  considered  that  the  cam- 
paign presented  the  hopeless  prospect  of  closing  in  failure. 
Of  this  number  was  brigadier  Townshend,  and  there  is  a  letter 
of  Murray's  extant  to  show  that  he  participated  in  this  feeling. 
Not  so  Monckton,  and  it  may  be  regarded  as  a  misfortune  that 
his  severe  wound  at  the  action  of  the  1 3th  of  September  made 
his  departure  for  New  York  a  necessity.  The  admiral,  however, 
remained  perfectly  staunch ;  he  wrote  on  the  5th  of  September, 
during  the  illness  of  Wolfe,  and  before  victory  was  assured  : 
"  the  enemy  appear  numerous  and  seem  to  be  strongly  posted, 
but  let  the  event  be  what  it  will,  we  shall  remain  here  as  long  as 
the  season  of  the  year  will  permit,  to  prevent  their  detaching 
troops  against  general  Amherst."* 

On  the  22nd  Wolfe  was  ill  with  fever,  while  his  constant 
maladies,  from  which  he  was  never  entirely  free,  became  more 
active.  From  his  sick  bed  he  sent  a  confidential  letter  to  the 
brigadiers,  and  for  the  first  time  submitted  to  them  his  secret 
instruction-s.  In  his  memorandum  he  states,  that  in  order  the 
public  service  may  not  suffer  from  his  indisposition  the  briga- 
diers are  to  meet  and  consult  on  the  best  method  of  attacking 
the  enemy.  Wolfe  foresaw  that  if  the  French  army  were 
defeated  the  town  must  surrender,  as  it  was  without  provisions  ; 
he  therefore  considered  that  Montcalm  should  be  attacked  in 
preference  to  the  place  itself  There  were  three  modes  of 
making  the  attack  ;  the  Montmorency  could  be  forded  eight 
miles  above  its  mouth,  before  daylight,  and  an  advance  made  to 
Beauport.  If  the  march  were  discovered,  and  the  intrenchments 
manned  the  consequence  would  be  plain.  Secondly,  if  the 
,  troops  from  Montmorency  passed  the  lower  ford  and  by  night 
marched  to  Beauport,  the  light  infantry  might  succeed  in  get- 
ting in,  and  Monckton  would  attack  in  front.  The  third  plan 
was  a  general  attack  of  all  the  troops  against  Beauport. 

On  the  zpth  of  August  the  three  brigadiers  met,  when  they 
gave  the  opinion  that  the  probable  method  of  striking  an 
•  Can.  Atch.,  A.  W.  I.,  88,  p.  41. 


264  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1759 

effectual  blow,  was  to  transfer  the  troops  to  the  south  shore 
and  carry  on  the  operations  above  the  town. 

On  the  2nd  of  September  Wolfe  wrote  to  the  minister 
reporting  this  decision.  He  was  then  still  weak.  He  had  con- 
sulted with  the  admiral  and  engineer ;  they  had  found  that 
the  passages  leading  from  the  lower  to  the  upper  town  were 
intrenched.  The  lower  guns  would  soon  be  silenced  by  the 
fleet,  but  the  upper  batteries  could  still  do  much  injury  to  the 
shipping.  He  proceeded  to  state  the  reasons  why  he  had  laid 
waste  the  country  ;  one  design  was  to  induce  Montcalm  to 
attack  him  to  prevent  further  ravages  ;  to  return  the  insults 
inflicted  by  the  Canadians ;  and  also  to  obtain  prisoners  as 
hostages.  Major  Dalling  had  surprised  380  prisoners  in  one 
of  the  villages,  and  he  intended  to  keep  them,  and  not  permit 
any  exchange  until  the  end  of  the  campaign.  It  was  in  this 
letter  he  informed  the  minister,  that  in  case  of  a  disappoint- 
ment, he  had  intended  to  fortify  He  aux  Coudres,  and  establish 
there  a  garrison  of  3,000  men  for  its  defence;  but  the  season 
was  too  far  advanced,  for  .sufficient  material  to  be  obtained  to 
cover  so  large  a  body  of  troops.  He  explained  that  the 
number  of  Indians,  always  on  scout  around  the  posts,  made  it 
impossible  to  execute  anything  by  surprise.  There  were 
daily  skirmishes  with  them,  in  which  they  were  generally 
defeated.  He  gave  a  return  of  the  casualities  during  the 
campaign,  which,  in  all  ranks,  were  182  killed,  651  wounded, 
and  17  missing.  It  was  in  this  memorable  letter  he  said: 
"  In  this  situation  there  is  such  a  choice  of  difficulties  that  I 
own  myself  at  a  loss  how  to  determine." 

Wolfe  criticised  his  own  generalship  in  the  operations  of 
the  31st  of  July.  He  wrote  to  the  admiral:  "The  great 
fault  of  that  day  consists  in  putting  too  many  men  into  boats 
who  might  have  been  landed  the  day  before,  and  might  have 
crossed  the  ford  with  certainty,  while  a  small  body  remained 
afloat,  and  the  superfluous  boats  of  the  fleet  employed  in  a 
feint  that  might  divide  the  enemy's  force.  *A  man  sees  his 
errors  often  too  late  to  remedy."  • 

•  Wriglil,  p.  551. 


i;S9]  MOVEMENT  OF  THE  SHIPS.  265 

In  the  plan  of  making  the  attack  above  the  town,  the  risk, 
Avhich  had  weight  in  his  mind,  was  the  difficulty  of  regaining 
the  boats  in  case  of  a  repulse.  Wolfe  well  knew  that  he  had 
only  a  few  weeks  before  him  to  achieve  his  purpose,  he 
expressly  so  states,  "  Beyond  the  month  of  September,  I  con- 
clude our  operations  cannot  go."  Accordingly,  he  hastened 
his  preparations  for  an  attack  above  the  town,  and  determined 
that  it  should  be  made  with  5,000  men.  With  this  view  he 
resolved  to  abandon  the  camp  at  Montmorency,  at  the  same 
time  to  maintain  several  vessels  in  the  north  channel,  and 
every  three  and  four  days  to  send  seamen  and  soldiers  round 
the  shore  of  the  island  of  Orleans,  to  prevent  any  attempt  on 
the  part  of  the  French  at  its  repossession.  On  the  last  of 
August  he  wrote  his  last  letter  to  his  mother,  in  which  he 
described  the  difference  between  himself  and  Montcalm,  whom 
he  represented  to  be  "  at  the  head  of  a  great  number  of  bad 
soldiers,  and  himself  at  the  head  of  a  smalt  number  of 
good  ones." 

The  movement  of  the  ships  during  the  next  twelve  days 
shews  the  design  of  Wolfe  to  conceal  his  own  plans,  and  to 
awaken  the  fears  of  the  enemy  in  every  part  of  his  defences. 
There  was,  however,  little  prospect  of  disarming  Montcalm's 
caution :  the  one  hope  of  the  defenders  of  Quebec  was  that 
they  could  prolong  their  resistance  until,  at  the  latest,  the 
middle  of  October,  when  the  first  snow  would  warn  the  ships 
that  navigation  would  soon  be  closed  by  ice,  and  that  they 
could  no  longer  remain  in  safety  before  the  town.  Six  weeks 
of  dogged  defence  was  all  that  was  necessary  to  set  at  naught 
the  attempts  of  the  British  general,  for  winter,  in  all  its 
severity,  would  then  decide  the  issue  of  the  campaign.  Both 
sides  knew,  that  what  was  to  be  done  could  not  be  deferred, 
and  that  the  issue  must  immediately  be  determined. 

The  French  were  much  exercised  on  the  last  day  of  August 
by  an  unusual  movement  at  Point  L^vis.  At  the  same  time 
two  vessels  which  were  lying  at  Saint  Augustin  ascended  to 
Point  aux  Trembles.  The  fear  was  entertained  that  an 
attempt  was  really  to  be  made  on  the  French  frigates.     Two 


266  THE   HISTOKV  OF   CANADA.  [l7S9 

days  previously  it  had  been  shewn  that  a  ship  of  the  line 
could  ascend  the  Richelieu  rapid.  What  added  to  the  general 
anxiety  was  that  one  of  the  French  frigates  had  run  aground 
at  Grondines  ;  the  force,  consequently,  now  consisted  of  two 
king's  frigates  and  three  armed  vessels.  On  the  night  of  the 
31st  five  more  vessels  ascended  above  Quebec,  as  if  to  join 
the  expedition. 

During  this  period  of  excitement  the  news  from  Montreal 
was  of  a  character  to  calm  the  fears  which  prevailed.  It  had 
become  plain  to  de  L^vis  that  no  further  advance  beyond 
Crown  Point  would  be  attempted  by  Amherst  that  season. 
As  he  describes  the  situation  in  his  journal,  the  French 
schooners  were  peaceably  cruising  about  lake  Champlain,  and 
Amherst  as  peaceably  pushing  on  his  works  at  Saint  Frederick. 
That  fort  had  greatly  suffered  when  blown  up  on  its  evacu- 
ation, and  Amherst  was  rebuilding  it.  De  Bourlamaque 
looked  upon  himself  as  impregnable  at  ile  aux  Noix.  He 
had  closed  up  both  the  channels  of  the  river ;  and  a  wide 
morass  extended  along  the  shore,  to  lead  to  the  feeling  that 
the  place  could  not  be  assailed  by  land. 

There  were  evident  signs  of  the  intention  of  the  British 
to  abandon  the  camp  at  Montmorency.  It  was  the  only 
explanation  of  the  constant  passage  of  boats  to  and  from  the 
island  to  the  north  shore.  On  the  2nd  the  movement  was 
continued,  and,  as  during  the  day  the  fleet  returned  to  Sillery^ 
fears  for  the  vessels  up  the  river  were  no  longer  felt. 

The  boats  continued  to  move  up  and  down  in  front  of 
Beauport  as  if  endeavouring  to  find  out  some  weak  spot  where 
a  landing  could  be  made.  Early  on  the  morning  of  the  3rd 
the  operations  of  the  British  showed  increased  activity.  One 
hundred  boats,  with  troops,  left  Point  Levis  for  the  fleet  and 
about  fifty  proceeded  towards  Montmorency.  The  whole 
French  line  was  placed  under  arms.  By  night  it  was  known 
that  the  British  camp  at  Montmorency  had  been  evacuated, 
and  that  the  entire  force  was  now  divided  between  Point  L^vis 
and  the  island  of  Orleans.  Montcalm  began  to  entertain  fears 
for  his  right ;  early  on  the  4th  he  removed  some  regiments. 



from  the  left  to  strengthen  it.  He  likewise  inarched  the 
battalion  of  Guienne  from  Beauport  to  Sillery  to  protect  the 
river  line  above  Quebec.  It  remained  there  forty-eight  hours 
when  it  was  recalled.  Had  it  continued  in  that  position  who 
can  speculate  on  the  consequence? 

The  fire  in  the  meantinje  had  not  been  intermitted  from  the 
guns  at  Point  Ldvis.  On  the  sth  additional  batteries  were 
opened  and  the  cannon  thundered  with  increased  force  against 
the  shattered  and  ruined  city.  A  frigate  ascended  to  the 
Etchemin.  Everything  portended  some  attempt  above  the 
town.  De  Bougainville  was  reinforced,  with  instructions  to 
watch  the  shipping,  and  to  be  present  at  any  attempt  made  by 
the  troops  to  obtain  a  footing.  But  there  were  so  many  ships, 
and  their  movement  was  so  constant  in  every  direction,  that  it 
became  a  question  of  doubt  and  uncertainty  where  the  danger 
lay.  During  the  5th  a  schooner  arrived  at  cap  Rouge,  bring- 
ing provisions  from  Montreal.  The  vessel  was  fired  upon  by 
the  frigate  but  she  managed  to  make  her  way  and  land  her 
cargo.  Without  this  supply  the  defenders  would  have  been  in 
desperate  straits  ;  many  of  them  would  have  had  to  be  sent 
away.  On  the  6th  the  movements  continued  to  be  most  dis- 
quieting, while  the  power  of  interference  by  the  batteries  of  the 
town  was  so  limited,  that  a  schooner  passed  upwards,  towing 
two  barges,  with  no  practical  interference. 

On  the  7th  there  were  eighteen  vessels  opposite  Sillery  ; 
they  ascended  to  cap  Rouge,  accompanied  by  sixty  boats. 
They  made  a  semblance  of  landing,  and  after  rowing  in  all 
directions,  as  if  engaged  in  a  reconnoissance,  they  returned  to 
the  south  shore.  De  Bougainville  followed  their  movements 
during  the  night  of  the  7th  and  Sth,  and  remained  under  arms 
to  observe  the  vessels  which  had  joined  the  ships  at  cap 
Rouge.  On  the  other  hand,  an  opinion  had  gained  ground, 
that  the  attack  would  be  directed  to  the  spot  on  the  town  side 
of  the  Saint  Charles,  known  as  ia  Canardi^re.  It  rained 
heavily  all  the  night ;  nevertheless,  to  guard  against  the 
attempt,  the  whole  force  remained  in  bivouac  until  daylight 

All  the  provisions  which  the  ability  of  Bigot  had  collected 


268  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [l7S9 

at  Quebec  had  been  consumed,  and  the  troops  now  depended 
on  the  supplies  which  could  be  brought  from  Montreal.  Great 
difficulty  was  experienced  in  the  delivery  of  them  at  Quebec. 
It  had  been  a  matter  of  unusual  effort  to  gather  in  the  harvest 
at  Montreal.  De  L^vis,  on  his  arrival,  detached  four  hundred 
men  to  aid  in  cutting  it.  He  encouraged  everyone  to  turn  to 
the  work  ;  women,  priests,  religieuses,  children,  and  all  who 
could  aid.  De  Rigaud  had  also  sent  as  many  of  the  militia 
as  could  be  spared,  and  a  large  quantity  of  wheat  had  been 
harvested.  There  had  lately  been  much  rain,  and  although 
the  crops  at  Three  Rivers  and  Quebec  had  a  promising  look, 
fears  were  entertained  for  their  ripening  ;  consequently  for  the 
time  the  reliance  for  food  was  on  what  could  be  sent  from 
Montreal,  and  the  obstacles  to  such  supplies  reaching  Quebec 
were  many  and  serious.  There  were  no  longer  any  carts 
available,  the  horses  having  been  taken  for  the  artillery,  and 
therefore  the  only  means  of  transit  was  by  water ;  and  the 
absence  of  the  British  ships  had  to  be  watched,  so  that  the 
passage  of  the  boats,  bringing  it,  could  be  effected. 

The  fire  still  was  directed  against  Quebec  ;  the  attempt  was 
even  made  to  reach  Saint  Roch  by  the  Point  Livis  guns.  On 
the  loth  the  firing  was  continued,  while  the  fleet  was  kept 
passing  between  cap  Rouge  and  Point  aux  Trembles.  On  the 
nth  there  was  great  activity  apparent  on  the  part  of  the 
British  force.  The  fire  from  Point  Levis  was  persevered  in, 
and  the  fleet  ascended  the  stream  as  if  threatening  the  whole 
river  side  to  Point  aux  Trembles.  De  Bougainville  was  again 
reinforced  ;  some  Indians  even  were  added  to  his  column  on 
the  I2th.  His  detachment  followed  the  ships  up  the  river, 
prepared  to  meet  any  offensive  movement  on  their  part  when- 
ever it  would  be  made. 

On  the  4th  a  letter  had  been  received  from  Amherst,  which 
could  not  be  considered  cheering  to  the  leaders  of  the  attack- 
ing force.  It  was  dated  the  7th  of  August  from  Crown  Point. 
It  gave  no  promise  of  his  future  movement  to  aid  them  in 
their  now  desperate  undertaking.  A  second  letter,  addressed 
to  the  admiral,  was  confined  to  the  request  that  transports 


1759]  NON   CO-OPERATION   OF  AMHERST.  269 

should  be  sent  to  New  York  to  carry  to  England  the  six 
hundred  and  seven  prisoners  taken  at  Niagara.  Saunders 
received  it  on  the  day  he  despatched  the  flat-bottomed  boats 
to  embark  the  troops  which  had  been  marched  up  the  south 
shore,  to  proceed  with  Holmes  to  destroy  the  enemy's  ships: 
an  attempt  which  could  not  be  made. 

There  was  thus  no  hope  of  aid  from  Amherst.  There  is 
scarcely  an  instance  in  history,  where  an  expedition  undertaken 
in  accord  with  a  settled  plan  of  operations,  was  left  so  unaided 
as  that  of  Wolfe.  The  secret  of  the  inactivity  of  Amherst 
can  only  be  attributed  to  his  belief  that  Wolfe  would  fail  in 
his  enterprise.  When  Niagara  had  fallen  there  was  nothing 
to  prevent  his  descent  of  the  Saint  Lawrence.  He  had 
destroyed  Carillon  and  fort  Frederick,  and  why  he  should 
waste  time  in  building  vessels  to  attack  tie  aux  Noix  is 
inexplicable,  except  in  the  behef  that  if  he  reached  Montreal, 
owing  to  Wolfe's  failure,  he  would  have  the  whole  French 
force  upon  himself  Amherst  would  risk  nothing.  His 
nature  was  eminently  a  cautious  one.  He  placidly  passed  his 
time  establishing  himself  at  fort  Frederick  and  in  constructing 
vessels  to  cope  with  those  of  the  French  in  lake  Champlain. 
His  campaign  will  be  described  in  the  following  chapters.  I 
cannot  but  think,  whatever  the  risk,  it  was  his  plain  duty  to 
have  left  a  sufficient  garrison  at  fort  Frederick  to  finish  the 
fort  and  to  continue  his  ship-building,  and  in  August  to  have 
descended  the  rapids.  It  was  the  true  generalship,  and  he  so 
acted  the  following  year,  for,  Montreal  taken,  !le  aux  Noix, 
with  the  forts  at  Chambly  and  Saint  John,  could  not  have 
resisted  for  twenty-four  hours.  The  exigencies  of  the  opera- 
tions on  lake  Champlain  do  not  furnish  a  satisfactory  explana- 
tion for  his  want  of  support  of  Wolfe  in  the  hour  of  trial.  It 
was  not  by  his  aid  that  Quebec  fell.  Amherst,  and  undoubt- 
edly he  was  a  man  of  a  high  calibre,  cannot  be  recognized  as 
the  conqueror  of  Canada,  although  the  final  movements  of 
the  campaign  were  made  under  his  command.* 

"  The  letter  of  Guy  Carleton,  aflerwarils  lord  Dorchesler,  to  loril  Geoige 
Gemiaine,  otihe  20ih  of  May,  1777,  must  be  looked  upon  as  a  part  of  Canadian 


270  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  ['759 

For  a  few  hours  the  army  was  depressed  by  the  news  that 
Wolfe  was  again  prostrated  by  sickness  and  confined  to  his 
quarters  :  it  was  the  mind  acting  upon  the  body  which  caused 
Wolfe's  illness.  His  nature,  however,  was  not  one  to  yield  to 
depressing  influences.  Although  the  painful  impression  must 
have  been  present  that  his  future  was  at  stake,  and  that  failure 
was  only  another  word  for  ruin,  he  never  quailed  before  the 
desperate  character  of  his  position,  and  in  every  respect  rose 
to  the  height  of  the  demand  upon  his  courage  and  genius. 
Never  was  a  more  conspicuous  example  that  "  courage  mount- 
eth  with  occasion  ;"  •  his  stout  heart  in  a  few  hours  triumphed 
over  physical  weakness  and  debility,  and  he  was  again  among 
the  troops,  superintending  the  arrangements  for  his  final 
effort.  On  the  sth,  the  28th,  35th,  47th  and  58th  were  moved 
along  the  south  shore  and  embarked  on  the  vessels  above  the 
town.  On  the  6th,  the  1  sth,  43rd  and  six  hundred  men  of  the 
78th  followed  to  the  Etchemin,  and,  having  crossed  that  river, 
took  their  place  on  the  transports.  Thus  on  the  7th  there 
were  four  thousand  men  on  board  the  ships.  The  vessels 
were  much  crowded,  so  much  so  that  many  of  the  men  had 
to  remain  on  deck,  even  when  the  weather  was  bad,  and  there 
was  heavy  rain  on  the  7th  and  Sth.  Wolfe  had  ordered  a 
feigned  attack  to  be  made  on  the  Beauport  shore  on  the 
morning  of  the  Sth,  but  the  weather  led  to  its  postponement. 

Seeing  that  the  troops  would  suffer  by  being  overcrowded 
on  the  transports,  Wolfe  ordered  sixteen  hundred  of  them  to 
be  placed  on  shore,  so  that  they  could  obtain  rest  and  refresh- 
ment. He  himself  was  on  board  the  "Sutherland"  off  cap 
Rouge.     It  was  from  this  vessel  that  he  wrote  his  last  despatch 

histoiy  [vii/^  report.  Can.  Archives,  1E85,  p.  CKKxiii.],  for  it  is  his  protest  agairut 
the  trealmenl  he  received  when  superseded  by  the  incompetent  Uurgoyne.  He 
points  out  that  seldom  liad  a  co-operating  general  stronger  motives  to  exert  his 
eniieavours  "  to  draw  off  part  of  those  ureal  numbers  which  opposed  Mr.  VVolfe. 
,  .  .  yet  Mr.  Amherst  did  not  pass  Ihis  same  lake  Champlain.  .  .  .  and 
received  no  censure."  Allhoueh  mention  is  only  iiicidenlally  made  of  Amherst's 
failure  to  advance,  his  want  of  co.operation  with  Wolfe  in  remaining  at  Crown 
Point  is  strongly  condemned.  The  whole  passage  is  well  worthy  of  consideration. 
•  King  John,  II.,  1. 


1759]  WOLFE'S   LAST   ORDER.  271 

to  lord  Holderness.  After  recapitulating  the  events  of  the 
campaign,  he  continues  :  "  The  weather  has  been  extremely 
unfavourable  for  a  day  or  two,  so  that  we  have  been  inactive. 
1  am  so  far  recovered  as  to  do  business,  but  my  constitution  is 
entirely  ruined,  without  the  consolation  of  having  done  any 
considerable  service  to  the  State,  or  without  any  prospect 
of  it."  • 

It  was  resolved  that  the  attempt  should  be  made  on  the 
night  of  the  izth  ;  the  final  orders  were  issued  on  the  evening 
of  the  nth.  The  troops  were  directed  to  embark  at  five  in 
the  morning,  with  the  exception  of  the  light  infantry  and  the 
Royal  Americans,  who  were  to  go  on  board  at  eight.  All  that 
the  soldier  took  with  him  was  two  days'  provisions,  with  his 
canteen  of  rum  and  water';  an  extra  gill  being  served  out 
owing  to  the  night  duty.  As  the  order  set  forth  :  "Their  ships, 
with  their  blankets,  tents,  necessaries,  and  so  forth,  will  soon 
be  up."t 

The  whole  day  of  the  I2th  the  men  were  engaged  in  clean- 
ing their  arms  and  examining  their  accoutrements.  At  nine 
at  night  the  troops  were  to  take  their  position  in  the  boats. 
As  the  boats  were  moving  forward,  the  "Sutherland  "  would 
show  two  lights  in  the  main-topmast's  shrouds,  one  above  the 
other.  The  men  were  ordered  to  keep  silent  and  not  to  dis- 
charge their  muskets  from  the  boats.  The  officers  of  the  navy 
were  not  to  be  interfered  with,  and  the  frigates  were  not  to  fire 
until  broad  daylight. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  1 2th  Wolfe  issued  the  last  order  he 
was  ever  to  publish.  It  was  to  the  effect  that  the  foremost 
party,  on  reaching  the  shore,  should  attempt  to  ascend  the 
height,  and,  on  succeeding  in  the  attempt,  was  to  march  upon 
the  enemy  and  drive  him  from  his  post.  Officers  must  be 
careful  that  the  men  following  on  the  path  to  the  summit 
should  not  fire  on  those  who  had  gone  before.  A  detachment 
was  to  be  left  to  secure  the  landing-place,  the  rest  were  to 

•  Wright,  p.  565. 

■t  OnJen  Gen.  Wolfe,  p.  5a. 


272  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [l759 

march  on  and  endeavour  to  drive  the  French  from  their  ground 
and  take  possession  of  it.*  "The  officers  and  men  will 
remember,"  Wolfe  continued,  and  his  words  may  be  looked 
upon  as  addressed  to  posterity,  "  what  their  country  expects 
from  them,  and  what  a  determined  body  of  soldiers,  inured  to 
war,  is  capable  of  doing  against  five  weak  French  battalions, 
mingled  with  disorderly  peasantry.  The  soldiers  must  be 
attentive  and  obedient  to  their  officers,  and  the  officers  resolute 
in  the  execution  of  their  duty."  -f- 

It  had  been  resolved  that  during  their  operations  a  demon- 
stration should  be  made  against  Beauport,  to  awaken  fears  of 
a  descent  in  that  quarter.  As  evening  wore  on,  the  ships  of 
the  line  approached  the  shore  as  near  as  they  possibly  could. 
Boats  full  of  soldiers,  marines,  and  blue-jackets  were  lowered 
and  placed  in  order,  as  if  contemplating  a  landing.  As  the 
evening  advanced  the  ships  of  lighter  draft  sailed  up  the 
river,  and  joined  the  vessels  at  cap  Rouge,  and  when  darkness 
came  on,  the  detachments  were  moved  from  the  island  of 
Orleans  to  Point  L^vis,  and  the  whole  force  unperceived 
proceeded  to  the  spot  appointed. 

At  midnight  one  light  was  shewn  from  the  "  Sutherland," 
and  the  troops  embarked  and  rendezvoused  between  that 
vessel  and  the  south  shore.  When  the  two  lights  appeared 
the  boats  commenced  to  drop  with  the  tide.  The  point 
selected  for  disembarkation  was  the  anse  au  Foulon,  about 
two  miles  above  the  town.  It  had  been  examined  on  the 
loth.  Wolfe,  with  Holmes,  Monckton,  and  Townshend  recon- 
noitred it  from  the  south  side,  below  the  Etchemin  river  from 
a  rising  ground.     The  bank  at  that  time,  at  spots  covered 

■  Wright,  p.  57a. 

f  On  ihe  cTening  of  the  12th  he  sent  foe  his  old  schoolfellow,  John  Jetvis, 
then  in  command  of  (he  "  Porcupine,"  10  be  known  in  history  as  earl  of  Si. 
Vincent.  During  the  conversaiion,  WolTe  ;aid  that  he  had  a  presentimenl  thai  he 
should  Tall  in  the  action,  and  accordingly  gave  Jervis  Miss  Lowther's  miniatuie, 
to  be  sent  to  her  if  such  should  happen.  He  had  already  made  his  will.  Hii 
plate  he  left  to  admiral  Saunders  ;  his  camp  equipage  lo  Monckton  ;  his  books 
and  papers  lo  Carleton. 


I7S9]       FIRST  HOURS  OF  THE  13TH  OF  SEPTEMBER.  273 

with  small  bush,  was  naturally  precipitous,  and  it  had  been 
regarded  by  the  French  as  impracticable  for  ascent  A  picket 
of  100  men  only  had  been  detailed  for  its  defence.  On  the 
night  of  the  12th  the  outpost  was  under  the  command  of  de 
Vei^or,  who  had  obtained  an  unfortunate  notoriety  by  having 
been  the  commandant  who  surrendered  Beaus^jour.  In  all 
national  misfortunes  some  explanation  is  generally  offered. 
In  this  case  the  endeavour  has  been  made  to  trace  the 
successful  landing  to  individual  neglect.  French  Canadian 
indignation  has  been  abundantly  heaped  upon  de  Vergor's 
memory.  The  study  of  his  career  does  not  convey  the  idea 
that  he  was  a  man  of  high  character,  that  possibly  he  was 
self-indulgent ;  but  those  who  calmly  examine  his  conduct  on 
this  occasion,  and  will  judge  him  with  justice,  cannot  attach 
to  him  any  particular  blame.  As  Wolfe  examined  the 
northern  shore  from  the  opposite  side,  it  was  seen  that  a  path 
passed  up  this  height,  and  it  was  to  command  this  path  that 
de  Vergor's  picket  had  been  established.  The  path  itself  had 
been  broken  and  impeded  hy  abatis,  but  it  still  could  serve  as 
the  means  of  communication  with  the  lower  level.  'Wolfe's 
examination  had  further  given  him  a  view  of  the  country  to 
the  plains  of  Abraham,  and  he  saw  that  when  in  possession 
of  the  height,  he  would  be  able  immediately  to  form  his  troops 
in  line  of  battle.  The  boats  detailed  for  service  were  only 
capable  of  holding  seventeen  hundred  men.  The  first 
detachment  was  to  consist  of  400  men  of  the  light  infantry, 
and  1,300  taken  from  the  28th,  43rd,  47th  and  58th,  with  some 
of  the  78th  highlanders.  Two  of  the  brigadiers,  Murray 
and  Monckton,  were  present.  The  ships  containing  the 
troops  for  the  second  landing  were  to  follow  the  boats.  They 
consisted  of  three  frigates,  a  man-of-war  sloop,  three  armed 
vessels,  two  transports,  with  some  ordnance  vessels.  These 
ships  contained  the  15th,  the  Louisbourg  grenadiers,  the 
remaining  companies  of  the  78th,  the  35th,  the  2nd  battalion 
Royal  Americans ;  amounting  to  1,910  men.  The  total  force 
of  British  troops  which  stood  in  line  before  Quebec  on  the 



morning  of  the  i3th  was,  of  all  ranks,  between  3,6cnd  and 
3,800  men.* 

It  has  beenf  stated  that  captain  Smith,  an  officer  of  the 
light  troops,  informed  the  brigadiers  that  the  naval  officer  had 
stated  to  him,  that  by  following  the  south  shore  there  was 
danger  of  being  carried  past  the  landing  place;  and  that  not 
being  able  to  communicate  with  Wolfe  the  brigadiers  gave  the 

•  The  state  of  "  the  strength  of  the  army  (Jth  September,  before  the  battle 
of  Quebec,"  is  given  in  Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I.,  vol.  88,  p,  1 16,  viz. : 

- 1     1 !  -  J 1  s  s    t.  i  J 

RiBfmcnn.  u-lSuJ         uu<cSXScii  f- 

ISlh,        Amherst's I  3  "4      3 *"    *  *79  3'» 

aSih,        Brafig's I    ..  57      7 18     7  3<»  345 

3Sth,        Olway's. 1      I  5  II     10 aS  . .  406  461 

43rd,        Kennedy's. i  6    6  5  ,.    ..      1   ..   ..  19  11  356  305 

47lh,        Lascelles' I    ..  S    ^      S 11     7  196  246 

48lh,        Webb's I    ..  S  15      8 1     i  33  14  649  7*7 

58lh,         Anstruther's I  4     7       6 19     2  300  339 

60th  (2),  Monckton's 2    6      6 al  10  218  263 

60th  (3),  Lawrence's. .    ..    I    .,  4U     l'   .      aS  14  474  543 

7Slh.        Fraier's 6  11       5 23  12  532  589 

Loiiisbourg  Grenadiers  ,.    i..  2    8     ...■     1 9    4  "6  241 

. .    6     4  47  104   69  . .      I     I     I     1  239  83  3826  4382 
Staff 13 

From  the  total  number  the  3rd  Batt.  Royal  Americans,  placed  to  guard  the  landing- 
place,  must  be  deducted.  They  amounied  to  543  in  strength,  which  would  place 
the  numbers  at  3,852.  In  "  A  short  authentic  account  of  the  expedition  against 
Quebec  in  the  year  1759,"  published  al  Quelecin  1872,  the  numbers  are  given  al 
3,610.  The  difference  is  not  serious,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  latter 
number  may  be  correct,  owing  lo  the  absence  of  many  included  in  rhe  slate.  This 
MS.  is  known  as  the  "Thompson  MS."  For  many  yenrs  it  was  in  the  pos- 
sessioD  of  dep.  com.-genl.  Thompson.  The  author  is  generally  considered  to  have 
been  Mr.  James  Thompson,  who  died  al  Quebec  the  25th  of  August,  1E30,  in  his 
98lh  year.  He  arrived  in  Canada  with  Wolfe's  force,  and  after  the  peace  re- 
mained at  Quebec.  Subsequently  he  became  overseer  of  works,  to  which  office 
he  was  appointed  by  Haldimand.  He  was  known  lo  the  duke  of  Kent,  and 
received  much  attention  from  lord  Dalhousie.  Some  dispute  has  arisen  with 
regard  to  the  authorship  of  this  MS.,  into  which  I  do  not  consider  it  necessary 

+  Townshend  papers,  p.  322,   "  Rough  notes  relating  to  the  siege,  etc." 


1759]  THE   BOATS  GO   FORWARD.  275 

order  to  descend  by  the  north  shore.  I  cannot  myself  accept 
the  story  as  being  even  probable.  Wolfe  accompanied  the 
first  division  to  cap  Rouge,  where  the  "  Sutherland  "  lay,  about 
five  miles  west  of  the  landing  place,  and  it  seems  hardly  possi- 
ble to  suppose  that  any  other  course  would  have  been  followed 
than  the  north  shore.  • 

I  have  mentioned  the  distress  which  the  French  were  suffer- 
ing from  want  of  food.and  so  urgent  was  the  situation  that  it  was 
determined  to  attempt  to  bring  the  provisions  by  water  from 
Saint  xAugustin.  The  night  of  the  12th  and  13th  was  selected 
for  the  attempt.  The  belief  has  been  expressed  that  a  deserter 
gave  this  information  to  Wolfe.  The  fact  is  So  mentioned  by 
de  Levis  in  an  uncertain  way  ;  other  writers  are  silent  on  this 
pofnt.  It  may  be  said  that  information  of  this  character  would 
scarcely  be  known  to  the  class  of  men,  with  whom  desertions 
take  place.  On  the  whole,  I  think  this  story  must  be  rejected. 
It  is  more  probable  that  provisions  had  been  sent  in  this  form 
previously,  and  that  they  were  again  expected. 

De  Bougainville  with  his  force  was  at  cap  Rouge ;  the 
manoeuvring  of  the  preceding  day  had  led  him  to  believe  that 
the  landing  would  be  attempted,  if  not  at  cap  Rouge,  at  some 
point  between  that  locality  and  Point  aux  Trembles.  Some 
bateaux  and  a  sloop  were  in  the  small  river,  available  for  any 
emergency.  The  inaccessible  character  of  the  river  bank  east 
of  cap  Rouge  removed  the  probability  that  an  attempt  would 
be  made  lower  down.  The  activity  in  the  "  Sutherland  "  and 
the  other  ships  was  displayed  in  front  of  the  shore  he  was 
observing;  and  at  two  o'clock  in  themorning  there  was  nothing 
to  lead  him  to  fear  that  a  movement  would  be  made  elsewhere. 
De  Bougainville  was  simply  out-generaled. 

Between  cap  Rouge  and  Sillery  there  were  three  posts  to 
be  passed  by  the  British  boats.  It  was  expected  that  barges 
with  provisions  would  ascend  the  river,  and  an  order  had  been 
given  to  allow  them  to  proceed  unchallenged.     No  countersign 

•  The  well  known  slory  of  Wolfe  repeating  some  lines  from  Grey's  "Eleg7," 
on  the  authorily  of  professor  Robinson  of  Edinburgh,  at  that  period  a  midshipman 
in  the  navjr,  establiihes  the  presence  of  Wolfe  in  the  first  division. 


276  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [l759 

had  been  agreed  upon  ;  it  was,  perhaps,  not  possible  to  give 
one.  The  ascent  of  these  boats,  by  one  of  those  fatalities  in 
war,  had  been  delayed  until  the  following  day.  The  three 
posts  were  those  of  the  chevalier  de  Rumtgny  of  "  la  Sarre," 
of  M.  Duglas,  of  "  Languedoc,"  and  of  de  Vergor.  The 
sentries  of  the  first  two  challenged  the  leading  British  boat, 
A  captain  of  the  light  infantry  who  spoke  French  answered 
the  challenge  by  "  la  France  ;"  being  considered  to  be  the 
provision  boats,  they  were  allowed  to  pass.  The  first  boat, 
driven  by  the  tide,  actually  passed  the  point  of  landing  ;  as  it 
was  difficult  to  contend  against  the  strong  ebb  tide,  it  was 
resolved  to  make  the  attempt  where  the  men  were  It  was 
an  hour  before  daybreak  when  the  gallant  little  band  began 
scrambling  up  the  rocky  height.  After  some  short  interval 
the  noise  alarmed  the  sentries,  who  commenced  firing  down 
the  pathway.  The  other  troops  had  now  landed,  and  prepared 
to  climb  the  steep  rock.  The  troops  in  the  first  boats  were 
the  light  infantry  under  Howe,  picked  men,  in  the  first  years  of 
youth  and  strength.  With  dauntless  despatch  they  persevered, 
soon  to  reach  the  crest.  It  took  them  but  a  few  minutes  to 
form  and  charge  the  picket  The  French,  taken  by  surprise, 
for  they  were  only  looking  for  an  approach  by  the  path, 
made  slight  resistance.  De  Vergor  was  wounded  and  taken 
prisoner  with  half  his  picket ;  the  remainder  rushed  towards 
the  town,  giving  the  alarm  to  sentries  on  the  bank,  who  fired 
down  on  some  of  the  boats  that  had  dropped  beyond  the 
landing-place.  These  boats  were  brought  back  by  Wolfe 
himself,  who  directed  his  men  to  row  after  them.  The 
ascent  was  now  clear  from  obstruction,  and  the  troops,  unem- 
barrassed by  resistance,  followed  it  to  the  summit  One 
gun  was  carried  up  the  height  and  made  ready  for  action. 
Wolfe  now  detached  some  of  the  light  infantry  to  examine 
the  neighbouring  woods  and  to  scour  the  front  of  the  bank 
towards  the  town.  There  was  a  four-gun  battery  which  was 
commencing  to  be  troublesome,  which  Howe  was  ordered  to 
take.  A  small  body  of  troops  had  established  themselves  in 
a  house,  from  which  they  were  firing,  and  some  Indians  in  an 


1759]  THE  LINE  OF  BATTLE.  277 

adjoining  thicket  became  aggressive  ;  after  a  few  shots  both 
parties  were  dispersed.  It  was  now  about  six  o'clock.  The 
British  were  formed  with  their  right  to  the  town,  facing  the 
Saint  Louis  road,  Wolfe,  seeing  the  enemy  increasing  in 
numbers  before  him,  changed  his  position,  and  placed  himself 
in  their  front.  By  this  time  the  48th  regiment  and  third 
battalion  of  Royal  Americans  had  landed,  bringing  the 
expeditionary  force  to  its  full  strength.  This  battalion  of 
Royal  Americans  did  not  take  its  position  in  the  field,  but 
was  placed  to  guard  the  place  of  landing. 

Monckton  was  in  command  of  the  right  It  consisted  of 
the  28th,  the  35th  and  the  43rd.  On  the  extreme  left  the 
35th  was  formed  en  potence*  with  the  48th  in  reserve.  The 
centre,  commanded  by  Murray,  included  the  47th,  the  78th 
highlanders  and  the  s8th  regiment.  Brigadier  Townshend 
was  on  the  left  with  the  15th  en  potence,  and  the  2nd  60th  or 
Royal  Americans,  in  reserve.  His  command  was  to  act  as  a 
second  line. 

De  Ramezay,  lieutenant  pour  le  rot,  was  left  in  command  of 
the  city,  with  1,500  men,  generally  composed  of  the  land  troops, 
the  militia  and  the  crew  of  the  ships  which  had  been  told  off 
to  scr\'e  the  batteries.  The  alarm  had  been  early  given  by  the 
musketry  shots  heard  at  the  anse  au  Foulon.  De  Ramezay 
was  absent  and  the  chevalier  de  Bernetz,  who  was  in  command, 
ordered  some  militia  out  to  meet  the  attack.  On  the  Beauport 
lines  the  troops  had  been  on  bivouac  all  night,  from  hour 
to  hour,  looking  for  an  attempt  to  land.  Montcalm,  himself, 
had  remained  with  them  until  one  o'clock.  About  six  o'clock, 
when  the  troops  had  gone  off  duty  in  the  trenches,  after  drink- 
ing "  some  dishes  of  tea,"  Montcalm  ordered  the  horses  to  be 
saddled  to  ride  to  de  Vaudreuil's  quarters,  and  it  was  between 
six  and  seven  he  first  heard  of  the  landing.  He  said  a  few 
words  to  de  Vaudreuil,  and  remarking  to  Johnston,  his  aide- 
de-camp,  that  the  affair  was  serious,  sent  him  with  orders  to 
colonel  Poulariez  that  he  should  remain  at  the  ravine  with 
two  hundred  men  and  despatch  the  remainder  of  his  force  to 

*  Troops  foTmed  iriih  two  frontE,  in  Ihe  form  of  the  letter  V, 


278  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  ['759 

the  plains  as  fast  as  they  could  march.  Montcalm  himself 
assembled  all  the  troops  that  were  available  and  led  them 
across  the  Saint  Charles.  The  distance  to  the  battle  field  is 
about  six  miles.  The  two  Montreal  battalions,  amounting  to 
fifteen  hundred  men,  were  left  to  guard  the  camp  at  Beauport 

Montcalm  arrived  on  the  ground  before  nine,  and  his  line 
of  battle  was  rapidly  formed.  The  Indians  had  already  fired 
from  the  wood  and  had  been  troublesome,  while  the  militia 
with  some  Indians  had  lined  the  bushes  in  front  and  com- 
menced an  irregular  fusilade.  Townshend  described  this  force 
as  formed  of  the  best  marksmen. 

Montcalm  placed  a  thousand  Indians  and  Canadians  on 
the  flanks,  who  somewhat  "galled"  the  British,  while  the 
fire  of  some  skirmjshers  proved  equally  effective.  It  was 
returned  from  the  British  line,  but  the  ranks  remained  un- 
broken ;  and  the  one  field-piece  forced  up  the  height  was 
rapidly  and  admirably  served.  The  French  brought  two 
pieces  into  action.  On  the  right  some  colonial  troops  were 
placed  with  the  regiments  of  "  la  Sarre  "  and  "  Languedoc  ; " 
the  centre  was  held  by  the  regiments  of  "B^arn"  and 
"Guyenne,"  succeeded  on  the  left  by  the  "Royal"  Rousillon, 
some  colonial  troops  and  the  Canadian  militia.  The  French 
force  amounted  to  between  four  and  five  thousand  men. 
Without  pretensions  to  exactness,  it  may  be  said  that  they 
must  have  amounted  nearly  to  the  latter  number.* 

*  It  is  exceedingly  difficult  to  fonn  a  correct  estimate  of  the  troops  brought  into 
the  field  by  the  French,  on  the  13th  of  September. 

There  is  »  memora.ndum  attached  to  ibe  despatch  of  Townshend  of  the  I5tb 
September  [Can.  Arch.,  A.  &  W.  I.,  vol.  gS,  p.  147]  which  places  [he  force  at 

(La  Colonic 350  1 

^S^'" 34°  il   l3.po«nder. 

Languedoc 320 

(B£am.. 200 

Column..  }  La  Guienne 200 

(  4"! 

T   (,          \  f  ^y'V*™""""'  --'^  h  "-po-ndw  blended  .0  be 

I-ft-..       LaColome joo      J      ^errbul  was  not  placed. 


1/59]  THE   FRENCH   LINE.  279 

To  Montcalm  there  appeared  no  alternative;  both  duty  and 
policy  consisted  in  immediately  engaging  the  enemy.  Every 
hour  would  strengthen  his  numbers  and  render  him  more 
formidable.     Even  as  the  battle  was  being  fought,  sailors  were 

Militia  in  the  bushes 
and  along  ihe  face 
of  the  bank i.SOO 

Total . 

5  companies  Grenadiers, 
130  Canadian  Volunteeis, 

M.  Bougainville's  command-!  „      ,  VTotal  1,500 

I S70  Militia. 

Bigot  describes  Ihe  number  as  3,500,  "ne  rormoient  que  3,500  hommes  ou 
environ."  [Letier  of  the  isih  Oclober  lo  Marechal  de  Belle- isle,  Dussieux,  p.  402,] 
De  Lrivis  gives  the  number  from  3,500103,600  men,  [Journal,  p.  20S.]  "Pour  la 
garnison  de  la  ville  on  n'en  Hi  aucun  usage,  de  sorte  que  lorsque  loul  fut  assemble, 
il  ne  se  trouva  que  trois  mille  ciuq  i  six  cent  hommes  pour  combattre,  donl  tris  peu 
de  troupes  regimes." 

The  writer  of  the  memoir  "  Ev^nements  de  la  Gnerre  en  Canada  durant  les 
ann^  1759  et  1760,"  published  b;  the  Historical  Society  of  Quebec,  and  which 
is  partially  translated  in  New  York  Documents  [vol.  X.,  pp.  1016-1046],  calcu- 
lates the  force  at  4,500  [p.  66.]  It  appears  to  me  that  we  have  the  means 
approximatelj  of  judging  the  French  numbers.  This  writer  gives  the  original 
strength  of  the  French  force  as  foilovrs  [p.  31 J : — 

Land  Troops 1,600 

Marine 600 

Canadians 10,400 

Volunteers 30O 


Indians 918 

Total 13,718 

We  have  of  the  fighting  force  of. 13,800 

Left  in  Quebec  as  garrison 1,500 

Sent  to  Montreal  with  de  Ldvis 1,000 

Withde  Bougainville 3.300 

Killed  and  wounded  dnring  the  siege,  say 1,000 

Lei)  in  garrison  at  Beauport 1,500 


Leaving  eHective 5,500 

Montcalm  did  not  commence  the  action  until  ten  o'clock,  so  it  may  be  inferred 
that  he  strengthened  his  force  as  much  as  passible.  It  is  on  this  data  I  have  given 
the  numbers  in  the  text.    No  account  has  been  taken  of  the  Indians- 


280  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1759 

forcit^  Up  the  height,  guns  and  stores.  There  was  a  large 
reserve  force  on  the  ships  which  could  be  landed  in  a  few 
hours.  It  was  in  Wolfe's  power  to  intrench  himself  where  he 
was,  and  to  cut  off  all  supplies  of  every  kind  coming  from  the 

The  extent  of  the  casualties  has  kIso  some  relationship  with  (be  numbers 
brought  into  (he  field. 

The  French  loss  was  reported  by  Townshend  in  his  letter  of  the  aoth  of 
September  lo  Pitt.  "  I  believe  their  loss  (hat  day  might  ainoun(  to  1,500 ;  they 
have  at  least  now  50a  wounded  in  (heir  Hospital  General."  On  the  i6lh  of 
October  Saunders  wrote  Pitt  [Can.  Arch,  A.  &  W.  I.,  p.  45]  that  1,000  French 
officers,  soldiers  and  seamen  had  been  embarked  on  board  some  "  cats  "  to  pro- 
ceed (o  France.  De  lAvis  in  his  journal  gives  an  account  of  the  tosses  of  the  13th, 
which  refers  to  the  regular  troops  only  (pp.  218-9].  ^i  isaomewhatdifficulKobe 
understood,  but  if  I  read  it  aright,  11  officers  were  killed.  sS  were  wounded,  who 
were  made  prisoners;  7  wounded  officers  remained  with  (heir  regiments,  137 
rank  and  file  killed,  351  wounded  and  prisoners,  4^3  are  reported  as  sent 
to  France. 

The  official  report  of  the  British  loss  is  : — 

Officers  (general  Wolfe) I 

Royal  Artillery I 

Captains 6 

Lieutenants ■ 

Ensigns i 


Sergeants 3 

Rank  and  file 45 

w.„,^  58 

Staff ° 6 

t^pi«'"- 13 

Lieutenants 36 

Ensigns to 


Seigeants 35 

Drummers 4 

Rank  and  lile 506 


Artillery 7 


Killed  and  wounded  655 

All  wri(ers  agree  in  (he  imperfect  resis(«nce  made  by  (he  French  line. 
De  Liiii  in  his  Journal,  p.  109,  thus  records  i(  ;     "  Notre  droile  plia  et  fut 
suivie  auccessivement  de  toute  la  gauche  avec  la  plus  grande  confusion." 

Bigot  remarks  [Dussieui,  p.  402],  "la  noire  prit  malheureusement  la  fuite  k  la 
premiire  dicha^e  des  ei 



west ;  below  Quebec  the  country  had  been  devastated  as 
far  as  Malbaie,  so  that  it  could  not  furnish  a  bushel  of  wheat 
The  whole  daily  food  of  the  garrison  could  only  reach  the 
troops  from  Three  Rivers  and  Montreal,  The  enemy's  fleet 
commanded  the  river.  With  several  thousand  men  within 
the  city  and  intrenched  east  of  it,  not  a  mouthful  of  bread  or 
meat  could  reach  the  force.  Why,  it  has  also  been  asked,  did 
Montcalm  not  wait  for  the  arrival  of  de  Bougainville,  who 
had  twenty-three  hundred  men  with  him,  and  among  the  best 
troops  of  the  army  ?  He  virtually  so  acted,  for  he  did  not 
attack  before  ten  o'clock.  De  Bougainville  had  no  more  dis- 
tance to  pass  over  to  engage  Wolfe,  than  Montcalm  himself  had 
to  march.  From  Montcalm's  head-quarters  to  the  battle  held 
is  about  six  miles.  It  was  no  further  from  cap  Rouge  than 
it  was  from  Beauport  to  the  plains  of  Abraham.  De  Bougain- 
ville had  been  on  bivouac  all  night,  watching  the  operations 
of  the  fleet  before  him,  not  knowing  where  the  landing  would 
be  attempted.  His  fears  had  been  directed  to  the  country 
above,  rather  than  anticipating  danger  below.  It  was  not 
unreasonable  for  him  to  suppose  that,  so  near  to  the  city,  the 
garrison  and  the  outlying  pickets  were  sufficient  to  guard 
against  danger.  As  has  been  shewn,  the  first  ascent  by  Howe 
was  east  of  the  known  path,  where  an  attempt  at  landing  was 
looked  upon  as  impossible  ;  the  picket  was  surprised  ;  and  it 

De  Raniezay  in  his  "  MJmoire,"  p.  8,  stales,  "  dts  U  premiite  decharge  noire 
tumje  ful  miie  en  deroute      .  Les  debris  de  notre  armje  relourn^enl  en 

diSsotdre  ji  Beauport." 

The  writer  of  the  '*  Ev^enienti  de  la  guerre  en  Canada  duranl  le*  annto 
1759  et  1760,  p.  67,"  gives  Ihis  description  of  the  action  :  "  lis  [the  British] 
ripoitereni  ensuite  avec  beaucoup  de  vivacile,  et  1c  mtiuveraent  qu'an  deiacheinent 
de  leui  centre  d'environ  soo  bommes  fit  en  avant,  la  bayonnette  au  bout  de  fusil 
sulSl  pour  faire  prendre  la  fuite  i  presque  toule  noire  erm^ ;  les  Canadiens 
■ccoutum^  i  riculer  k  la  maniiie  des  Sauvages  (et  des  anciens  Parthes)  et  k 
retoumer  ensuite  k  rennemi  avec  plus  de  confiance  qu'auparavanl  se  mlliereni  en 
quelques  endroits,  et  k  la  faveut  des  felits  ieii  dont  ils  ^laient  environn^  iU 
forcirent  dJITerens  corps  k  plier,  mais  enfin  il  fallut  cMer  k  la  superiority  du 

The  two  lasi-naiDed  references  are  in  accordance  with  the  publications  of  the 
Hist.  Soc  Quebec. 


282  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l759 

was  in  hand-to-hand  encounters  of  this  character  the  weakness 
of  the  Canadian  militia  was  felt.  It  was  said  of  them  in  bush 
fighting,  one  Canadian  was  equal  to  three  French  soldiers,  but 
in  the  regular  operations  of  war  one  French  disciplined  man 
was  of  more  account  than  three  men  taken  from  their  farms. 

The  explanation  of  every  proceeding  of  the  French  appears 
to  me  to  be  simple  ;  they  were  bewildered  by  the  masterly 
generalship  of  Wolfe,  by  his  readiness  of  resource,  and  by  his 
multiplicity  and  rapidityof  movement,  which  made  his  designs 
impenetrable.  Moreover,  while  Wolfe's  genius  could  combine 
and  direct,  he  felt  the  confidence  of  the  experienced  soldier, 
that  the  disciplined  force  he  commanded  would  achieve  all 
that  could  be  hoped  from  courage  and  steadiness.  What 
personal  gallantry  and  military  capacity  could  supply  to  the 
French  force,  was  efficiently  furnished  by  Montcalm  and  de 
S^nezergue,  the  second  in  command.  The  troops  were  led 
forward  gallantly  to  the  attack.  They  fired  a  volley  and 
marched  onwards.  They  appear  to  have  been  pressed  for 
room.  With  steady  and  disciplined  troops  the  consequence 
would  not  have  been  serious,  but  with  the  militia  of  which 
Montcalm's  force  was  to  some  extent  composed,  it  caused 
confusion  and  disorganization.  The  advance  was  made 
irregularly,  and  cohesion  in  the  ranks  was  broken.  The 
attack  on  the  left,  where  Townshend  commanded,  was  reportd 
by  him  to  have  been  "  brisk  and  animated."  Wolfe's  instruc- 
tions to  his  soldiers  had  been  earnest  and  plain,  not  to  throw 
away  their  fire.  Early  in  the  morning  he  had  directed  his 
men  to  lie  down  until  the  attack  should  commence,  in  order 
to  spare  them  from  the  dropping  fire  which  came  from  the 
Canadians  and  Indians,  and  to  give  them  rest,  throwing  out 
pickets  on  his  flank  to  prevent  surprise.  They  had  been 
somewhat  harassed  by  some  Indians  in  a  corn  field  on  the 
right,  but  Monckton  dispersed  them.  Wolfe's  men  were 
accordingly  comparatively  fresh,  for  they  had  had  two 
hours'  inaction. 

There  could  have  been  scarcely  a  man  in  the  British  ranks 
who  did  not  feel  how  much  depended  on  his  own  manhood. 


1759]  THE  BATTLE.  283 

The  situation  was  essentially  one  to  call  forth  those  qualities 
which,  from  the  early  days  of  English  history,  have  become 
traditional.  Even  in  modem  times  many  of  the  greatest 
victories  of  the  British  race  have  been  obtained  under  adverse 
circumstances.  The  meanest  capacity  present  must  have  seen 
that  the  British  soldier,  as  he  stood,  an  invader  before  the  town, 
could  only  look  forward  to  victory  or  annihilation  :  that  as  he 
sowed  he  must  reap.  Such  an  hour  had  long  been  in  con- 
templation, for  the  dawn  of  coming  events  had  unmistakably 
appeared  on  the  horizon.  The  teaching  of  the  31st  of  July, 
when  the  impetuosity  of  the  grenadiers  was  publicly  reproved 
in  general  orders  as  the  cause  of  failure,  must  have  come  to 
every  man's  mind  to  enforce  the  thought,  that  steadiness  was 
as  indispensable  as  courage.  It  is  no  figure  of  speech  to  say 
that  they  were  present  to  conquer  or  to  die,  and  each  individual 
of  that  serried  band  must  have  felt  that  the  enemy  was  to  be 
hopelessly  defeated,  or  their  own  bones  must  whiten  the  plains 
on  which  they  stood. 

The  British  troops  steadily  came  forward,  receiving  the 
French  fire  without  any  return,  until  within  forty  yards,  when 
they  fired.  The  volley  was  repeated,  and  with  such  terrible 
effect,  that  the  enemy  gave  way  without  further  resistance. 
Wolfe  early  in  the  action  had  been  hit  in  the  wrist,  but  he 
simply  tied  his  handkerchief  round  his  wound.  Giving  the 
order  to  fix  bayonets,  he  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
Louisboui^  grenadiers  to  lead  the  charge.  As  they  advanced, 
he  was  struck  by  a  musket  ball  in  the  breast.  The  wound 
was  mortal ;  he  could  not  stand.  He  asked  the  officer  beside 
him  to  support  him,  and  begged  to  be  carried  to  the  rear, 
requesting  that  the  fact  might  be  concealed.  "  The  day  is 
ours,"  he  continued,  "keep  it."  As  they  reached  a  redoubt 
which  had  been  captured  in  the  morning,  he  requested  to  be 
laid  down.  One  present  proposed  to  run  for  a  doctor,  when 
he  told  them  it  was  useless,  for  all  was  over.  He  lay  there 
motionless,  doubtless  from  physical  weakness ;  but  what  was 
the  thought  which,  while  the  flickering  flame  of  life  was 
passing  away,  still   animated   that   noble,  highly  organized 


284  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l7S9 

nature  ?  As  this  comatose  condition  continued,  it  was  thought 
he  was  dead,  when  one  of  those  present  exclaimed,  "  They 
run  !  They  run  ! "  "  Who  run  ?  "  cried  Wolfe,  with  an  effort 
of  earnestness  as  if  he  were  awakened  from  stupor.  "  The 
enemy,  sir,"  was  the  reply  ;  "  they  run  away  everywhere." 
As  he  heard  the  words,  Wolfe  said,  "  Go  one  of  you,  my  lads, 
to  colonel  Burton,  tell  him  to  march  Webb's  regiment  with  all 
speed  down  to  Charles  river  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the 
fugitives  from  the  bridge."  He  turned  on  his  side  as  if  to  get 
relief  from  pain,  but  the  end  came  only  too  soon.  Wolfe's 
last  words  were,  "  God  be  praised  :  I  die  in  peace."  Wolfe 
was  in  his  thirty -third  year. 


1759]  MONCKTON.  285 


The  aide-de-camp  who  informed  Monckton  that  the  com- 
mand had  fallen  upon  him,  found  him  prostrate  with  a  severe 
wound.  When  leading  on  the  47th  he  had  been  struck  by  a 
ball,  which  entered  by  the  right  breast,  passed  through  part 
of  the  lungs,  and  was  afterwards  cut  out  under  the  blade 
bone  of  the  shoulder.*  The  French  were  then  giving  way, 
and  in  the  space  of  fifteen  minutes  the  whole  line  had  retreated 
in  disorder.  The  fugitives  rushed  down  the  hill  to  the  Saint 
Charles,  while  others  endeavoured  to  enter  the  city.  On  the 
left  of  the  French  line  a  small  body  for  a  time  stood  their 
ground,  and  served  a  gun,  in  the  hope  of  checking  the  pursuit; 
on  the  right  about  nine  hundred  of  the  Canadian  militia 
attempted  a  desultory  attack,  skirmishing  from  the  woods,  but 
they  were  driven  from  their  position  by  an  advance  of  the 
28th  and  43rd. 

At  this  period  Townshend  assumed  the  command.  His 
first  orders  were  to  recall  the  troops,  and  to  re-establish  his 
line.  During  the  whole  morning  the  weather  had  been 
threatening  and  portended  a  storm,  but  as  the  British  were 
reforming,  and  taking  up  their  ground,  the  sun  appeared,  and 
the  whole  landscape  was  gilded  with  the  brightness  and  charm 
of  the  Canadian  after-summer. 

By  this  time  de  Bougainville's  detachment  appeared  in  the 
rear,  and  was  seen  advancing.  Two  battalions  were  directed 
against  him  ;  de  Bougainville,  however,  had  both  heard  and 
seen  that  the  battle  had  been  fought  and  lost ;  he  immediately 
retreated  from  the  field,  and  on  the  part  of  the  British  there 
was  no  attempt  to  interfere  with  him. 

In  the  action  Montcalm  was  mortally  wounded.  S^nezergue, 
the  second  in  command,  was  struck  down,  and  was  carried  a 

■  Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  4  W.  I,,  88,  p.  no. 


286  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1759 

prisoner  on  board  ship  to  die.  St.  Ours,  the  next  in  rank, 
was  killed.  Montcalm,  nevertheless,  was  endeavouring  to 
rally  the  troops,  when  he  received  a  bullet  in  the  lower  part 
of  the  abdomen.  The  injury  was  so  serious  that  he  could  not 
sit  on  his  horse,  and  was  carried  into  Quebec  to  the  house  of 
Arnoux,  the  king's  surgeon.  The  elder  brother  was  absent, 
the  younger  examined  the  wound,  and  Montcalm  heard  the 
opinion  that  it  was  mortal.  He  asked  how  long  he  could  live. 
Arnoux  replied  that  he  might  hold  out  until  three  in  the 
morning.  The  writer*  of  the  narrative  sent  to  Montcalm  to 
say,  that  if  he  could  be  of  use,  he  would  come  immediately  to 
Quebec.  The  man  returned  with  the  message  that  Montcalm 
had  only  a  few  hours  to  live,  and  that  it  was  his  advice  for 
the  writer  to  remain  at  his  post  with  Poulariez,  until  the 
arrival  of  de  L^vis,  Montcalm  parsed  the  remaining  hours  of 
his  life  conversing  with  those  around  him  with  calmness,  and 
with  his  senses  unimpaired.  "I  die  content,  he  said,  since  I 
learn  ( ?  leave)  the  affairs  of  the  king,  my  dear  master,  in  good 
hands.  I  always  had  a  very  great  consideration  for  the 
talent  and  capacity  of  M.  de  L^vis."  Montcalm  peacefully 
breathed  his  last  during  the  early  hours  of  the  14th  of 

The  loss  of  the  French  amounted  from  twelve  to  fifteen 
hundred  men.  Two  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners  were  taken 
in  the  field,  among  them  ten  captains  and  six  subalterns-f 
The  French  were  pursued  to  the  walls,  and  many  killed  in  the 
glacis  and  ditch.  The  28th,  43rd,  and  Louisbourg  grenadiers 
charged  with  their  bayonets,  while  the  78th  highlanders, 
drew  their  broad  swords,  that  terrible  weapon  in  the  pursuit 
of  an  enemy,  and  sustained  by  the  58th,  caused  great  havoc. 
There  were  two  houses  in  which  a  detachment  of  the  light 
infantry  were  stationed,  from  which  they  repeatedly  sallied  to 
dislodge  the  Canadian  militia  as  they  gathered  from  time  to 
time  to  renew  an  irregular  fire;  finally,  the  isth  regiment 

■  Que.  Doc.,  IV.,  p.  131. 

t  Saunders  to  Piit,  without  date,  after  ihe  action.  Can.  Arch.,  Series 
A.  &  W.I.,  88.  p.  46. 


ITS9]  riE  RAMEZAY.  287 

attacked  their  front  and  dispersed  them.  They  were  a  body 
of  men  who  had  been  detached  to  attack  the  British  rear. 

The  British  troops  in  possession  of  the  ground  set  parties 
to  work  on  the  road  by  which  the  ascent  would  be  made 
practicable  ;  at  the  same  time  the  seamen  were  engaged  in 
bringing  up  cannon  to  the  front.  The  wounded  were  sent  to 
the  ships,  the  killed  buried.  The  casualties  had  been  58  killed, 
597  wounded,  making  a  total  of  655.  The  force  commenced 
to  intrench  itself,  and  tents,  stores  and  provisions  were  carried 
from  the  ships.  Strong  pickets  were  also  sent  out  to  cut  off 
communication  with  the  town. 

The  three  days  succeeding  the  action  passed  without  any 
movement  on  the  part  of  the  British.  They  were  generally 
engaged  in  providing  fascines  and  pickets  for  the  prosecution 
of  the  siege.  As  it  became  necessary  to  appoint  other  briga- 
diers, colonels  Burton,  Frazer  and  Walsh  were  nominated.  On 
the  night  of  the  l6th  a  redoubt  was  commenced  about  four 
hundred  yards  from  the  works,  to  protect  the  attack  against 
the  bastion  of  Saint  Ursula.  On  the  17th  much  rain  fell,  and 
the  works  for  the  time  were  discontinued.  During  the  after- 
noon a  white  flag  appeared  with  proposals  for  a  capitulation. 

As  the  French  left  the  field  those  who  did  not  enter  the 
city  gathered  on  the  works  of  the  bridge  on  the  Beauport  side 
of  the  Saint  Charles.  They  were  there  ordered  to  proceed  to 
their  quarters.  A  council  of  war  was  held  with  what  officers 
remained,  when  it  was  resolved  that  the  position  at  Beauport 
should  be  abandoned  that  night,  and  that  the  troops  should 
march  to  Jacques  Cartier. 

The  commandant  at  Quebec  was  de  Ramezay,  the  son  of 
the  officer  of  that  name  mentioned  in  this  history,  who,  after 
being  governor  of  Three  Rivers,  was  during  twenty  years 
governor  of  Montreal,  until  the  period  of  his  death.  There 
were  four  sons,  three  of  whom  died  in  the  service.  De 
Ramezay  entered  the  marine  corps  in  1720,  consequently  he 
had  been  nearly  forty  years  actively  employed.  In  1745  he 
was  in  command  at  Nepigon  ;  the  following  year  he  was 
selected  to  command  a  body  of  eighteen  hundred  men  to  take 


288  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1759 

part  in  the  expedition  of  d'Anville.  In  1749  he  was  named 
major  of  Quebec,  and  In  1750  he  had  been  appointed  lieutenant 
de  rot  of  the  town. 

In  the  memoir  published  by  him  he  expresses  his  astonish- 
ment that  this  decision  was  arrived  at ;  his  opinion  was  that 
the  enemy  should  have  been  attacked  on  the  same  day  or 
the  following  morning,'  troops  being  gathered  from  all  parts 
of  Canada.  It  was  the  course  which  de  Levis  endeavoured 
to  take  six  days  later.  Whether  the  tents  were  left  standing 
for  the  purpose  of  deceiving  the  enemy,  or  abandoned  in  the 
haste  of  despair,  on  the  morning  of  the  14th,  as  they  were 
seen  from  Quebec,  the  general  belief  was  that  the  troops 
remained  in  their  position  :  de  Ramezay  had  no  such  illusions. 
During  the  13th,  after  the  action,  he  had  written  to  de 
Vaudreuii,  setting  forth  the  unfortunate  position  in  which  the 
town  was  placed,  asking  for  reinforcements  of  men,  and  a 
supply  of  food,  of  which  the  city  was  utterly  destitute.  At 
six  o'clock  he  received  his  instructions ;  he  was  told  that,  in 
consequence  of  the  position  of  the  enemy  above  Quebec, 
and  from  the  failure  to  remove  the  British  force,  each  hour 
becoming  stronger  by  intrenchments ;  from  the  check  which 
the  army  had  received,  and  from  the  utter  want  of  provisions, 
a  retreat  became  absolutely  necessary,  as  the  only  means  of 
saving  the  colony.  De  Ramezay  was  not  to  wait  for  an 
assault,  but  so  soon  as  the  want  of  food  was  felt  he  should 
send  his  ablest  and  most  intelligent  officer  to  propose  terms 
of  capitulation.  A  paper  was  appended,  containing  the  eleven 
articles  he  should  ask.  De  Ramezay  at  six  o'clock  received  a 
second  letter  from  de  Vaudreuii,  acknowledging  the  receipt  of 
de  Ramezay's  two  letters,  in  which  he  repeated  that  he  was 
forced  to  retreat  A  third  letter  was  sent,  in  which  de  Vaudreuii 
notified  de  Ramezay  that  he  was  leaving  that  instant,  not  to 
write  after  that  date,  that  he  would  give  him  news  on  the 
morrow,  and  bidding  him  "good-evening."  • 

•  "  Comma  je  pars  dans  le  raomciH  je  vous  prie  de  ne  plus  m'&rire  des  ce 
soir,  je  vous  donneral  de  mes  nauvelles  demain.  Je  vous  souhaite  le  bon  soir," 
Memoir,  p.  14. 


1759]  THE  CITIZENS'  MEMOIR.  289 

The  only  force  on  which  de  Ramezay  could  depend  was  one 
hundred  and  twenty  land  troops.  They  had  arrived  on  the 
14th,  but  unaccompanied  by  supplies.  He,  himself  a  Canadian, 
declares  he  could  in  no  way  rely  on  the  bad  militia :  artisans 
who  had  never  been  out  of  the  city  ;  mostly  married  men  and 
above  the  age  of  service;  moreover  worn  out  with  the  bad  and 
insufficient  diet,  to  which  they  had  long  been  subjected.  The 
hundred  sailors,  who  were  in  the  town,  were  of  some  use  ;  they 
had,  however,  a  bad  character  and  had  been  addicted  to  pillage. 
Almost  all  trace  of  discipline  in  the  city  had  disappeared  and 
there  were  but  few  officers  to  aid  in  its  re-establishment.  Not 
a  single  engineer  was  present  to  conduct  the  defence,  and  the 
place  was  provided  with  neither  provisions  nor  munitions  of 
war.  While  the  belief  existed  that  the  troops  remained  at 
Beauport  the  town  was  not  without  hope.  When  the  inhabit- 
ants heard  that  captain  Barrot,  of  the  regiment  of  B^arn,  had 
received  orders  to  retire  from  the  place  with  the  good  soldiers 
he  could  collect,  the  truth  could  not  be  concealed.  There 
was  universal  depression  and  discouragement.  It  became  a 
general  outcry  that  they  had  been  abandoned  by  the  army.  A 
public  meeting  was  called  at  the  house  of  M.  Daine,  the 
lieutenant  general  of  police  and  mayor  of  the  city  :  it  consisted 
of  the  leading  merchants,  the  militia  officers  and  the  principal 
citizens,  when  it  was  resolved  that  a  capitulation  was  necessary, 
and  that  this  opinion  should  be  communicated  to  the  governor. 

The  memoir  in  the  names  of  the  mayor,  M.  Daine,  the 
royal  notary  and  king's  attorney,  Panel,  and  Jean  Tachet,  the 
syndic  of  the  merchants  on  behalf  of  the  citizens,  set  forth  that 
they  had  not  been  intimidated  by  a  bombardment  of  sixty- 
three  days,  that  many  hours  of  duty  and  a  weary  service  had 
not  depressed  them,  and  if  their  strength  had  suffered  from 
insufficient  food,  the  hope  of  conquering  the  enemy  had  revived 
it.  The  loss  of  their  property  had  not  affected  them,  and  they 
had  been  insensible  to  all  privations  from  the  desire  of  preserv- 
ing the  city.  This  feeling  had  been  sustained  by  the  army  ; 
but,  alas !  it  existed  no  longer,  and  they  saw,  with  extreme 
sorrow,  that  the  three-fourths  of  their  blood  which  had  been 


290  THE   HISTORY  OK   CANADA.  [l7S9 

shed  would  not  prevent  the  remaining  part  from  becoming 
sacrificed  to  the  fury  of  their  enemies.  Their  only  resource 
was  to  make  their  yoke  as  light  as  possible.  They  gave  three 
reasons  for  this  view  ;  there  was  only  food  in  the  city  to  furnish 
half  rations  for  eight  days ;  there  were  no  means  of  obtaining 
any  further  supply ;  and  there  were  no  troops  to  defend  the 
town.  Under  the  circumstances  they  were  placed,  no  course 
was  open  to  them  but  an  honourable  capitulation.  The 
memoir  concluded  with  "  Finally  preserve  the  little  which  has 
escaped  fire.  It  is  not  disgraceful  to  yield  when  it  is  impossible 
to  conquer.  The  citizens,  sir,  flatter  themselves  that  they  have 
proved  what  they  say,  and  they  hope,  from  your  humanity, 
that  you  will  not  expose  them  to  the  hardships  of  an  assault 
and  of  famine." 

De  Ramezay  did  what  any  one  would  have  done  in  his 
place.  He  called  a  council  of  war,  producing  the  orders  of  de 
Vaudreuil  to  capitulate  when  there  was  no  food.  It  met  on 
the  1 5th  ;  it  consisted  of  fourteen  officers."  With  the  excep- 
tion of  an  officer  named  de  Piedmont,  the  vote  was  unanimous 
for  an  honourable  capitulation.  Had  de  Ramezay  immediately 
acted  on  this  decision,  he  would  have  been  spared  much  of 
the  calumny  which  has  been  unjustly  thrown  on  his  name. 
That  he  did  not  do  so,  he  has  written  with  some  bitterness, 
was  the  only  cause  why  he  could  reproach  himself 

While  these  events  were  taking  place,  de  Ramezay  received 
a  message  from  de  Vaudreuil  to  the  effect  that  he  was  about 
immediately  sending  food,  which  was  to  come  by  water;  but 
time  passed,  and  none  arrived.  On  the  morning  of  the  17th 
de  Ramezay  sent  to  Beauport  to  gather  what  had  been  left, 
but  the  camp  had  already  been  pillaged  by  the  habitants. 
The  flour  stores  had  been  plundered  and  everything  thrown 
■  about  in  disorder.     It  is  strange  to  relate  that  in  these  four 

■  The  only  name  familiar  at  thisdale  in  Canadian  life  is  lh»l  of  lie  Cellea;  the 
present  representuive  of  Ihe  family  is  Ihe  general  librarian  of  (he  house  of  com- 
mons at  Ottawa.  I  will  take  ihis  apportunitj'  of  ihankfully  acknowledging  the 
many  obligations  under  which  Mr.  de  Celles  has  placed  me  during  my  labours 
oti  this  work. 


1759]  THE  CAPITULATION.  291 

days  the  British  had  m  no  way  interfered  with  the  standing 
tents.  Would  such  have  been  the  case  had  Wolfe  lived,  or 
Monckton  had  not  been  helpless  from  a  wound  ?  Townshend, 
however,  was  now  in  command,  and  the  admiral  doubtless  felt 
it  did  not  fall  within  naval  duty  to  deal  with  the  emergency. 
Saint  Laurent,  the  aide-major  of  de  Ramezay,  was  sent  to 
collect  the  tents  to  prevent  them  becoming  a  British  trophy  ; 
two  officers  were  likewise  despatched  to  the  army  at  Jacques 
Cartier  to  report  on  its  condition.  They  returned  with  the 
information  that  there  was  little  discipline  and  great  disorder, 
and  they  formed  the  conclusion  that  there  was  no  hope  that 
assistance  would  be  sent.  The  depression  hourly  increased  ; 
every  night,  and  often  in  daytime  desertions  took  place. 
Some  of  the  men  returned  to  their  parishes,  a  few  joined  the 
army  at  Jacques  Cartier,  others  deserted  to  the  British ;  a 
sergeant  even  carried  with  him  the  keys  of  the  gates.  The 
batteries  were  abandoned,  the  weak  points  of  the  fortifications 
left  unguarded.  There  were  not  sufficient  officers  to  carry 
out  the  orders,  for  de  Ramezay  felt  that  the  militia  officers 
could  not  be  trusted.  On  the  17th  de  Ramezay  heard  that  a 
British  detachment  in  boats  was  advancing  to  the  lower  town, 
and  that  ships  of  the  line  were  sailing  to  the  front  of  the  city: 
at  the  same  time  a  strong  column  was  marching  towards 
the  palace-gate,  by  which  free  access  to  the  town  was  attain- 
able. De  Ramezay  caused  the  assembly  to  beat ;  an  aide-de- 
camp returned  to  tell  him  that  the  militia  were  unwilling  to 
fight,  and  shortly  afterwards  the  officers  presented  themselves 
and  declared  they  would  not  sustain  an  assault ;  that  they 
knew  his  orders  were  in  a  contrary  direction  ;  that  they  would 
carry  back  their  arms  to  the  arsenal,  so  that  when  the  British 
troops  entered  they  would  be  found  unarmed,  for  now  they 
looked  upon  themselves  as  citizens,  not  as  soldiers.  In  this 
dilemma  de  Ramezay,  by  the  advice  of  his  officers,  sent  out 
a   white   flag   with   offers   to   capitulate.*     We    learn    from 

*  This  statemenE  is  distioclly  coiroboraled  by  Saunders,  and  fully  vindicates 
th«  good  fame  of  de  Ramezay.  Saunders  lelates  thai  the  attack  was  organized, 
and  steps  laken  to  carry  it  out.     [Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I.,  S8,  p.  48.] 


292  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l759 

Townshend  how  the  offer  was  received :  "  I  sent  the  officer 
who  had  come  out  back  to  town,  allowing  them  four  hours  to 
capitulate  or  no  further  treaty.  He  returned  with  terms  of 
Capitulation  which  "  says  Townshend,  "with  y"  Admiral  were 
considered,  agreed  to  &  signed  on  both  sides  by  8  o'clock 
in  y  Morning  of  y  i8th  instant."  • 

The  capitulation  was  drawn  up  in  French  ;  there  is  no 
authenticated  copy  in  English.  The  terms  granted  were  that 
the  troops  should  march  out  with  the  honours  of  war,  with 
arms  and  baggage,  and  drums  beating,  with  two  pieces  of 
artillery,  the  troops  to  be  embarked  and  landed  in  France; 
the  inhabitants,  on  laying  down  their  arms,  to  retain  their 
houses,  property  and  privileges,  and  not  to  be  molested  for 
having  carried  arms;  the  effects  of  absent  officers  and  citizens 
not  to  be  touched  ;  the  inhabitants  not  to  be  obliged  to  aban- 
don their  homes  until  the  conditions  should  be  settled  by  the 
two  monarchs.  Article  6  as  asked  by  de  Ramezay  was  as 
follows:!  "That  the  exercise  of  the  catholic,  apostolic,  and 
Roman  religion  shall  be  maintained  ;-that  safeguards  shall  be 
granted  to  the  houses  of  the  clergy,  and  to  the  monasteries 
and  convents,  particularly  to  his  lordship  the  bishop  of 
Quebec,  who,  animated  with  zeal  for  religion,  and  charity  for 
people  of  his  diocese,  desires  to  reside  in  it  constantly,  to 
exercise  his  episcopal  authority  in  the  town  of  Quebec  freely 
and  with  that  decency  which  his  state  and  the  sacred  offices 
of  the  Roman  religion  require  whenever  he  shall  think  proper, 
until  the  possession  of  Canada  shall  be  decided  by  a  treaty 
between  their  most  Christian  and  Britannic  Majesties."  The 
amended  condition  was  worded  :  "The  free  exercise  of  the 
Roman  religion  is  granted,  likewise  safeguards  to  all  religious 
persons,  as  well  as  to  the  bishop,  who  shall  be  at  liberty  to 
come  and  exercise,  freely  and  with  decency,  the  functions  of 
his  office,  whenever  he  shall  think  proper,  until  the  possession 
of  Canada  shall  have  been  decided  between  their  Britannic 
and  most  Christian  Majesties." 



Artillery  and  military  stores  were  to  be  given  up,  the  sick 
cared  for,  guards  to  be  posted  for  protection  of  convents  and 
churches,  and  permission  was  to  be  given  to  send  intelligence 
to  the  French  governor  and  to  the  minister  in  France* 

On  the  evening  of  the  i8th  the  Louisbourg  grenadiers  and 
three  companies  of  the  light  infantry  took  possession  of  the 
gates,  and  a  force  was  sent  to  preserve  order.  On  the  morn- 
ing of  the  19th  fifty  of  the  artillery,  with  one  field-piece, 
marched  to  the  grand  parade.  The  commanding  officer  of 
the  force  followed,  to  whom  the  keys  were  delivered. 
Captain  Palliser,  with  a  detachment  of  seamen,  landed  in  the 
lower  town,  and  they  established  themselves  there.  Detach- 
ments were  then  sent  to  take  possession  of  the  forts  and  stores. 
It  fell  to  the  duty  of  the  commanding  officer  of  the  artillery 
"  to  fix  the  union  flag  of  Great  Britain  at  y  most  conspicuous 
place  of  the  garrison."  The  three  regiments,  the  isth,  28th 
and  3Sth,  marched  into  the  town,  or,  as  Murray  states,  "the 
.  ruins  of  it."  The  soldiers  and  seamen  who  had  surrendered 
as  prisoners  were  embarked  upon  the  vessels  to  proceed  to 
France.  On  the  21st,  it  was  resolved  to  hold  the  town,  and 
Murray  was  appointed  governor.  A  form  of  oath  of  condi- 
tional allegiance  was  drawn  up,  and  those  who  took  it  were 
permitted  to  depart,  their  names  being  registered. 

As  de  Vaudreuil  was  retreating  to  Jacques  Cartier  on  the 
night  of  the  1 3th  with  the  entire  force  which  was  at  Beauport, 
he  wrote  to  de  L/vis  to  join  him,  De  L^vis  was  then  at 
Montreal ;  on  the  15th  he  heard  of  the  battle  and  the  wound 
of  Montcalm.  He  immediately  left,  and  arrived  at  Jacques 
Cartier  on  the  17th.  The  broken  army  of  de  Vaudreuil  had 
arrived  there  on  the  evening  of  the  isth.  The  number  of 
fugitives  which  de  L^vis  began  to  meet  at  Three  Rivers  pre- 
pared him  for  the  disorder  he  should  find.  "  I  never  saw 
anything,"  he  said,  "  equal  to  their  condition."  Everything 
had  been  abandoned  on  leaving  the  camp  at  Beauport;  tents, 
kettles  and  equipage.  The  army  was  in  want  of  the  most 
common  necessaries.     De  Vaudreuil  informed  de  Levis  that 

*  The  original  text  in  French  is  given  m  the  end  of  this  chapter. 


294  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['739 

Quebec  had  not  been  taken,  and  that  it  still  contained  a 
strong  garrison  :  with  what  truth  the  details  I  have  given 
establish.  De  L^vis  earnestly  entreated  de  Vaudreuil  to 
repair  the  fault  which  had  been  committed,  and  to  march 
back  to  succour  the  place.  It  was  the  only  means  to  prevent 
the  flight  to  their  homes  of  the  Canadians,  and  the  abandon- 
ment of  the  French  cause  by  the  Indians,  and  to  restore  the 
general  courage  and  confidence.  De  Levis  argued  that  in 
their  march  they  would  pick  up  many  stragglers,  that  the 
habitants  in  the  neighbourhood  would  rejoin,  that  the  French 
had  a  knowledge  of  the  country  which  the  enemy  did  not 
possess,  and  that  they  could  safely  approach  closely  to  the 
British,  and,  if  advisable,  attack  them.  By  these  means  they 
would  prolong  the  siege  and  could  send  reinforcements  and 
food.  If  it  became  necessary  to  evacuate  the  town,  they 
could  burn  and  destroy  it,  so  there  would  be  no  place  for  the 
enemy  to  And  shelter  during  winter.  Bigot  sustained  de 
L^vis  in  his  argument,  and,  with  the  energy  and  ability  which 
he  possessed,  obtained  subsistence  for  four  days,  so  that 
the  march  could  be  commenced.  The  army  started  at  day- 
break on  the  1 8th,  the  morning  the  town  had  surrendered. 
Its  destination  was  Point  aux  Trembles,  while  de  Bougain- 
ville, with  the  advance  guard,  was  sent  to  cap  Rouge. 

A  messenger  had  been  despatched  to  de  Ramezay,  giving 
him  information  of  the  proposed  movement :  he  only  arrived 
when  Joannas  had  started  a  second  time  with  the  acceptance 
of  the  conditions  Townshend  would  grant.  No  written  com- 
munication had  been  entrusted  to  him  ;  his  mission  was  to 
deliver  a  verbal  message,  telling  de  Ramezay  that  provisions 
would  be  sent  to  him,  and  that  the  army  would  return  to 
occupy  the  town.  There  was  nothing  definite.  "  What  hope," 
says  de  Ramezay,  "  could  I  have  upon  such  vague  assurances, 
when  I  had  seen  every  expectation  I  had  formed  end  in  dis- 
appointment ?  "  The  British,  moreover,  were  then  intrenched 
and  fortified,  and  were  bringing  into  position  their  formidable 
artillery,  of  which  the  town  had  had  such  painful  experience 
to  threaten  bombardment. 


17S9]  WANT  OF  FOOD.  295 

In  order  to  carry  out  the  promiseof  help,  de  Rochebaucourt, 
commanding  the  cavalry,  had  orders  to  take  one  hundred 
men,  each  trooper  to  carry,  attached  to  his  saddle,  a  sack  of 
corn  of  the  lai^^t  possible  quantity.  De  Bougainville  was  to 
follow,  convoying  the  provisions  gathered  for  the  relief  De 
Levis  relates  that  he  wrote  to  the  chevalier  de  Bemetz,  an 
officer  of  some  reputation,  who  had  remained  at  Quebec,  to 
sustain  de  Ramezay  in  his  efforts  to  defend  the  town  ;  and 
that  on  his  arrival  at  Point  aux  Trembles,  on  the  1 8th,  he 
received  a  courier  from  de  Rochebaucourt,  that  he  had  de- 
livered one  hundred  and  fourteen  sacks,  and  had  given 
assurance  of  the  presence  of  relief,  but  de  Ramezay  had 
replied  that  it  was  too  late,  he  was  treating  for  surrender. 

This  account  is  manifestly  incorrect.  De  Bernetz  was  one 
of  those  who,  at  the  council  of  the  i  jth,  advocated  a  capitula- 
tion, owing  to  the  total  want  of  provisions.*  De  Ramezay  is 
careful  to  state  the  fact  that  the  supply  of  food  was  not 
received  until  the  capitulation  had  been  signed,  and  that  the 
total  quantity  was  from  eighteen  to  twenty  sacks  of  mouldy 
biscuit  So  denuded  was  Quebec  of  provisions,  that  one  of 
the  first  duties  of  the  British  governor  was  to  furnish  the 
people  with  food  in  the  shape  of  twelve  hundred  pounds  of 
biscuitf  When  the  hospital  was  taken  possession  of,  it  was 
without  provisions.  In  the  first  instance  Murray  declined  to 
furnish  any  food,  as  he  had  only  sufficient  for  his  garrison, 
stating  the  French  must  provide  for  their  own  sick.  J   Bernier, 

*  "J'opine,  Bllendil  la  diselle  dcs  vivres  qui  noui  manquenl  lotalement,  de 
cspitulcr  aux  condilions  d'oblenir  du  gfnfral  Anglois  U  meilleure  capilulalion  cl 
U  plus  honorable."    A  Quebec  le  15  7bre,  1759.    S'lgni,  Le  chevalier  de  Berneiz. 

t  "  Sk  boucauUs  [hogsheads]  de  biscuits  pesanti  douze  cent  livres."  Certilicat 
de  Perl  hi  us. 

J  The  battle  was  witnessed  from  the  windows  of  the  hospital  bj  the  nuns. 
"Ilie  dead  and  dying,"  says  itie  journal  of  the  rtliginue,  "were  brought  into  us 
in  hundreds,  many  of  ihem  of  our  close  connections.  .  .  .  Loaded  with  the 
inmates  of  ihiec  convents  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  nei|{hbourlng  suburbs,  which 
the  approach  of  the  enemy  caused  10  fly  in  this  direction,  you  may  judge  of  our 
terror  aitd  confusion."  She  teUtes  that  after  loud  and  repeated  knocks  at  ibe 
door,  an  officer  entered,  keeping  his  guard  outside.  He  asked  for  the  Superior, 
and  assured  the  nuni  of  bis  protection :  troops  were  sent  for  that  purpose.     "  We 


Zg6  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l759 

who  was  acting  as  commissioner,  appealed  to  "  the  well  known 
British  humanity,"  and  finally  Murray  consented  to  give  i,ooo 
pounds  of  flour  and  i,ooo  pounds  of  biscuit,  which  were  to  be 
returned.  Murray  also  agreed  to  furnish  food  for  the  sick  on 
condition  that  Bigot  would  repay  him  in  kind  after  the  har- 
vest ;  he  would  take  Bigot's  word  that  he  would  do  so,  but  he 
must  send  an  officer  as  an  hostage  ;  and  if  Bigot  failed  to 
keep  his  word,  Murray  would  hang  him.  Murray  undertook 
to  allow  supplies  to  be  received  at  the  hospital,  and  Bernier 
received  a  passport  to  proceed  to  de  Vaudreuil  to  communicate 
these  conditions. 

Murray  informed  Bernier  that  the  habitants  who  were 
present  in  Quebec  could  return  home  to  gather  their  harvest, 
and  what  they  had  to  sell  would  be  paid  for  in  current  English 

De  L^vis  continued  his  march  until  he  joined  the  advance 
guard  of  de  Bougainville,  who  informed  him  of  the  capitula- 
tion. Notwithstanding  this  intelligence,  he  advanced  as  far 
as  Saint  Augustin,  within  thirteen  miles  of  Quebec,  sending 
on  the  advance  guard  to  cap  Rouge.  He  remained  three  days 
in  this  position  with  his  broken,  dispirited,  half-starved  army, 
in  no  way  interfered  with  by  Townshend.  The  inactivity  of 
the  British  force  during  these  events  furnishes  a  striking  con- 
trast to  the  continual  movement  and  enterprise  under  Wolfe, 
and  must  have  surprised  the  French.  De  L^vis  was  even  able 
to  send  a  detachment  to  Beauport,  to  gather  what  munitions 
of  war  could  be  found.  In  other  respects  the  camp  had  been 
plundered  by  the  habitants,  and  all  that  was  of  value  to  them 
carried  away.  What  was  left,  de  L^vis  obtained.  It  was 
resolved  to  withdraw  to  Jacques  Cartier,  and  there  intrench 
the  force.  De  Bougainville  was  left  at  Point  aux  Trembles, 
with  an  advance  guard  at  cap  Rouge,  with  instructions  to 

could  not,"  aildsihe  riiigicuie,  "  without  injuslice,  complain  of  the  mnnner  in  whicli 
(hey  treated  us."  The  English  general  visited  the  hospilal,  and  lo  place  it  in 
safety,  a  guard  of  ihirty  men  was  sent  there.  This  protection  was  not  without  ihe 
" amari  aiiquid."  We  leam  from  the  religuuu  that  on  being  relieved  ihe  guard 
cnrried  off  many  of  their  bhinkels.  "  Our  greatest  misfortunes,"  adds  the  wrilec 
of  the  diary,  "  was  to  hear  ihem  talking  during  divine  service." 


1759]  LORD  COLVILLE.  297 

harass  the  garrison  on  every  opportunity  and  de  Vaudreuil 
proceeded  to  Montreal  to  assume  the  government,  and  to  send 
reinforcements  to  ile  aux  Noix. 

Now  that  the  stores  and  supplies  were  landed,  and  the 
garrison  which  was  to  hold  the  town  placed  on  duty,  the  ships 
with  the  troops  not  detailed  for  further  service  prepared  to 
take  their  departure.  Lord  Colville  was  sent  with  the 
"  Northumberland "  and  four  ships  of  the  line  and  some 
frigates  to  Halifax.  A  captain  was  named  to  the  "  Northum- 
land "  and  CoIviUe  was  instructed  to  hoist  a  broad  pennant 
and  take  command  of  the  squadron.  His  instructions  were 
to  remain  there  during  the  winter,  and  at  the  earhest  opening 
of  the  navigation  reappear  in  the  Saint  Lawrence  to  sustain 
the  garrison.  The  transports  were  sent  off  in  different 
divisions  under  convoy.  To  admiral  Holmes  was  assigned 
the  duty  of  seeing  them  out  of  the  river.  Twenty  cannon, 
ten  24-prs.  and  ten  12-prs.  were  supplied  to  the  new  garrison. 
The  policy  of  attacking  the  French  frigates  above  Quebec 
was  considered  ;  it  was  not  the  difficulty  of  the  attempt,  but 
the  time  to  effect  any  result  that  was  the  point  weighed.  The 
French  army  was  intrenched  in  the  neighbourhood,  and  for 
the  ships  to  force  their  way  to  destroy  the  frigates,  the  con- 
clusion was  formed  that  the  enterprise  would  interfere  with  the 
departure  of  the  ships.  The  season  was  now  so  far  advanced 
that  it  was  indispensable  for  them  to  sail  away  without  further 
delay.  The  middle  of  October  was  passed,  and  the  risk  of 
descending  the  river  in  storms  of  snow  and  through  ice  was 
strongly  felt.  Saunders,  with  the  first  division  of  his  fleet, 
sailed  on  the  iSth.  One  of  the  passages  in  his  last  despatch 
from  Quebec  to  the  minister  was ;  "  I  have  not  heard  from 
general  Amherst,  therefore  have  not  been  able  to  confer  with 
him  upon  any  further  operations  this  year."*  Brigadier 
Monckton  left  with  the  remaining  ships  on  the  26th. 

*  Even  when  ihe  American  expedition  was  closed  for  the  season,  iiaunders 
did  not  consider  that  his  work  was  done.  On  his  way  home  he  mel  captain 
Philippi.  in  the  "  Juno."  On  speaking  with  the  vessel  he  heard  that  the  French 
fleet  was  at  sea,  and  sir  Edward  Hawke  wa«  after  it.  Saunders  immediatel; 
steered  away  from  the  course  to  his  native  tand,  for  which  he  and  his  crew  had 


298  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  ['759 

The  inhabitants  began  to  bring  in  provisions  of  all  kinds  to 
the  town.  One  want  they  seriously  felt,  they  were  without 
salt,  and  they  preferred  to  receive  it  in  preference  to  payment 
of  money.  There  was  a  great  quantity  of  salt  in  the  king's 
stores,  and  Murray  divided  it  according  to  rank  among  the 

There  was  an  extraordinary  want  of  money.  The  expedi- 
tion had  started  with  an  insufficient  amount,  a  defect  which 
Amherst  had  been  unable  to  remedy ;  indeed,  he  himself 
suffered  from  the  like  official  poverty.  The  military  chest 
was  so  ill-furnished,  that  it  was  unable  to  meet  the  require- 
ments of  Murray.  In  ordinary  times  as  governor  he  might 
have  issued  notes  redeemable  in  a  few  months ;  but  the 
French  card  money  had  so  fallen  in  value,  and  was  held  in 
such  detestation,  that  to  have  introduced  another  paper  cur- 
rency would  have  been  most  impolitic.  Consequently  a 
proclamation  was  issued  calling  on  the  friends  and  well- 
wishers  of  the  government  to  lend  what  sums  they  could 
furnish  from  their  private  funds;  money  for  which  bills  would 
be  given  on  the  home  authorities,  at  six  months  payable  with 
interest  £B,ooo  was  thus  obtained  from  the  troops,  the  non- 
commissioned officers  and  private  men  of  the  63rd  contribu- 
ting ;f3,ooo.  Saunders  made  the  same  appeal  to  the  navy, 
and  collected  ;£'4,ooo. 

The  last  service  of  the  navy  was  to  destroy  the  houses  and 
stores  at "  Seven  island  harbour,"  which  was  a  king's  post,  and 
to  inflict  the  same  chastisement  at  Mingan, 

During  the  progress  of  the  expedition  public  feeling  in  the 
mother  country  had  passed  through  the  alternations  invariably 
called  forth  when  any  important  result  is  unassured.  There 
are  two  classes  of  minds :  those  which  look  upon  life  hope- 
fully, those  which  can  only  contemplate  disaster.  As  time 
so  yearned,  and  with  the  "  Devonshire"  and  "  Vanguard,"  sailed  lo  join  Hawke 
in  his  operatiani.  When  at  ile  Groas  on  the  3ind  of  November,  he  heard  that 
Hawke  had  beaten  the  French  at  Qaiberon  buy  an  the  zolh  :  one  of  the  moat 
gallant  actions  in  the  naval  record)  of  England,  Saunders  accordingly  sailed 
homewards,  and  by  adverse  winds  waa  driven  into  Cork,  Anallj  lo  reach 


1759]  THE  NEWS  IN  LONDON.  299 

wore  on,  and  no  favourable  news  arrived,  a  foreboding  ot 
failure  took  possession  of  many.  The  real  difficulties  of  the 
enterprise  had  not  been  fully  estimated  :  even  Chatham  could 
not  have  foreseen  their  magnitude.  Men  from  New  England 
had  so  confidently  written  and  spoken  of  the  facility  of  the 
conquest,  and  they  had  created  the  belief  that  no  formidable 
opposition  would  be  met.  To  them  the  power  of  New  France 
was  a  constant  threatening  reality,  and  the  destruction  of  its 
power  the  first  element  of  their  safety ;  they  were  thus 
prepared  to  consider  as  unimportant  the  obstacles  to  be 
overcome.  A  different  feeling  now  seized  the  more  general 
public,  and  the  difficulties  which  had  been  underrated  were 
held  to  be  insuperable.  Doubts  began  to  be  felt  of  Wolfe's 
capacity  ;  the  very  character  of  the  expedition  was  assailed  ; 
and  a  spirit  of  despondency  was  exercising  its  depressing 
influence.  The  old  fears  of  a  French  invasion  were  renewed  ; 
even  early  in  July  it  was  reported  the  French  had  landed. 
The  victory  of  Minden,  on  the  ist  of  August,  restored  confi- 
dence. Wolfe's  despatch,  however,  of  the  2nd  of  September, 
which  recorded  his  repulse  before  Beauport  on  the  31st  of 
July,  again  depressed  the  public  expectation.  Wolfe  himself 
gave  no  promising  view  of  his  own  hopes,  and  sanguine  men 
read  in  his  words,  as  it  were,  a  preparation  for  the  failure 
of  the  expedition.  Horace  Walpole  foretold  its  collapse.* 
Three  days  later  he  recorded  the  victory,  adding  that  "  if  their 
[the  French]  army  had  not  ammunition  and  spirit  enough 
to  fall  again  upon  ours  before  Amherst  comes  up,  all  North 
America  is  ours." 

The  news  reached  London  on  the  17th  of  October;  the 
revulsion  of  feeling  led  to  the  greatest  exultation,  for  the 

•  "  You  must  nol  be  surpriaed  that  we  have  failed  at  Quebec,  as  we  ceiiainly 
shall.  .  .  .  Two  days  ago  caroe  lellers  from  Wolfe,  despairing,  as  much  as 
heroes  can  despair.  The  (own  is  well  victualled,  Amherst  is  nol  arrived,  and 
15,000  men  encamped  defend  it.  We  have  lost  many  men  by  the  enemy,  and 
some  of  our  friends,— that  ia,  we  now  call  our  9,000  only  7,000.  How  this  little 
aimy  will  get  away  f[om  a  much  larger,  and  in  this  season  in  that  country,  I  don't 
guess — yes,  I  do." 

Letters  Hod.  Horace  Walpole.     Letter  CCCXLII. 


300  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['7S9 

success  was  unlooked  for.  It  penetrated  all  classes,  and  the 
sorrow  for  Wolfe's  death  was  universal:  mourning  was  worn 
by  the  poorest,  and  his  exploit  was  regarded  with  as  much 
astonishment  as  admiration.  His  remains  were  landed  with 
ail  the  marks  of  official  respect,  with  lowered  flags,  minute 
guns,  and  troops  with  reversed  arms  ;  while  a  large  crowd 
with  deep  emotion  looked  upon  the  ceremony.  Wolfe's  body 
was  placed  by  the  side  of  his  father,  in  the  vaults  at  Green- 
wich church.  A  vote  of  the  house  of  commons  unanimously 
prayed  the  king  to  erect  a  monument  to  his  memory  in 
Westminster  abbey.  His  epitaph  in  a  few  words  records  he 
was  "  slain  in  the  moment  of  victory  " ;  but  his  memory  is 
still  more  imperishably  written  in  the  great  heart  of  the  em- 
pire, to  pass  from  generation  to  generation. 

The  capture  of  Quebec  proved  to  be  the  conquest  of 
Canada  ;  for  the  events  of  1760  can  only  be  considered  as  its 
consequence.  The  courageous  attempt  of  de  L^vis  against 
Quebec  in  the  early  months  of  the  year  is  a  striking  contrast 
to  all  that  otherwise  happened  before  the  final  surrender :  but 
it  was  the  enterprise  of  desperation,  and  never  had  a  prospect 
of  success.  The  death  of  Wolfe  has  embalmed  his  personal 
memory,  to  overshadow  his  genius  as  a  soldier.  Owing  to  his 
untimely  fate,  the  early  age  at  which  he  achieved  his  great- 
ness, and  the  personal  interest  attached  to  the  narrative  of 
his  life,  the  merit  of  his  generalship  has  been  lost  sight  of  in 
the  personal  admiration  of  the  general.  There  was  a  party  in 
the  army  opposed  to  Wolfe,  who  would  not  acknowledge  in 
his  earnestness  and  capacity  any  title  to  consideration  ;  who 
looked  upon  his  selection  for  the  position  as  unjust  to  them- 
selves. It  was  a  violation  of  the  principle  of  routine  ;  and 
they  recognized  no  right  but  seniority.  Their  own  family 
relationships  had  secured  their  early  advancement,  and  it  was 
accordingly  a  pretension  which  they  could  safely  advance. 
The  nobler  minds,  endeavouring  to  obtain  distinction  by 
ability  and  conscientiousness,  were  looked  upon  by  them  as 
intruders.  The  representatives  of  these  opinions  were  princi- 
pally found  among  those  connected  with  the  powerful  political 


1759]  AFTER  WOLFE'S   DEATH.  301 

families,  rather  than  with  the  ancient  gentry  of  the  land. 
Merit  belongs  to  no  particular  order  ;  envy,  hkewise,  is  to  be 
met  in  every  condition  of  life,  and  no  human  being  is  exempt 
from  its  malignancy.  Men  of  the  highest  social,  even  of 
exalted  rank,  are  not  spared  by  its  remorselessness.  The 
possessors  of  power  will  never  see  it  pass  from  their  grasp  ; 
and  they  are  ready  by  innuendo  and  sneer  to  detract  from 
merit,  wherever  it  may  be  found  out  of  their  set,  often  a 
reproach  to  them,  or  what  is  worse,  they  feel  it  to  be  an  inter- 
ference with  their  interests.  Possibly  no  one  more  suffered 
from  this  adverse  feeling  than  Wolfe.  His  genius  enabled 
him  to  outlive  and  master  it  during  his  life  :  it  is  certain  that 
no  trace  of  its  existence  clings  to  his  memory.* 

*  It  is  painful  to  record  the  irealment  which  Ihe  family  of  Wolfe  received 
after  his  death.  While  Pitt,  in  the  house  of  commons,  declared  that  "  wilh  a 
handful  of  men  he  had  added  an  empire  10  English  rule,"  and  the  nation,  or  as 
the  epitaph  strangely  relates,  "  the  king  and  parliament,"  dedicated  a  monument 
to  his  memory  as  the  "commnniler-in-chief "  on  an  expedition  afiainst  Quebec, 
the  conduct  of  the  war  office  officials  was  marked  by  wrong  and  meanness,  which 
must  bring  a  blush  on  the  face  of  every  man  who  has  a  sense  of  national 
honour.  In  February,  1761,  Wolfe's  mother  asked  that  her  son's  pay  might  be 
estimated,  as  thai  of  a  command er-in'chief.  George  II.  had  died  on  the  preced- 
ing 25ih  of  October,  and  the  young  king,  George  III.,  in  his  twenty-third 
year,  had  had  but  little  experience  in  public  life.  The  application  was  therefore 
left  in  the  hands  of  the  secretary  of  war.  Lord  Barringion,  who  opposed  the  claim 
with  the  narrowest  of  official  objections.  If  the  old  king  had  had  the  determioa- 
lion  of  Ihe  maltar,  Iherc  is  little  doubt  that  the  answer  would  have  been  different 
to  the  refusal  given.  It  is  not  impossible  that  Barrington's  correspondence  with 
Ihe  dead  general  [ante,  p.  155]  may  have  crossed  his  mind.  This  discreditable 
want  of  justice  of  Baninglon.  for  it  was  in  his  power  to  grant  or  refuse  the  demand, 
and  the  amount  involved  was  only  about  ^£3,000,  was  subsequently  sustained  by 
Charles  Townshend,  the  brother  of  the  general  vrho  thought  Wolfe's  generalship 
was  as  bad  as  his  health.  In  1764,  Mrs.  Wolle  memorialiied  Ihe  king  on  Ihe 
subject.  .She  received  a  lelter  from  the  secretary  of  war,  Welbore  Ellis,  written 
in  the  perfection  of  ofRcial  liltleness.  "  I  am  to  inform  you,"  we  read  in  thLi 
dt>cumenl,  "that  his  Majesty  commanded  me  to  acquaint  you,  that  when  Mr. 
Townshend  was  secretary  of  war,  a  full  state  of  this  demand  was  laid  before  him, 
and  his  tiecision  Ihereon  taken,  which  was  that  his  Majesty  did  not  think  Ihe 
General  enlilled  to  j^io  a  day  during  the  expedition,  and  his  Majesty  sees  no 
reason  to  alter  that  determination." 

What  would  the  world  say,  if  this  document,  engraved  in  brass,  was  appended 
to  Wolfe's  monument  in  Westminster  Abbey?  Could  any  conclusion  lo  Wolfe's 
immorlal  services   be   more   painful?     That   this   national   disgrace   exists,  is 


302  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1759 

It  is  the  duty  of  the  modem  writer  to  consider  Wolfe  as  the 
scientific  soldier.  The  fact  of  the  successful  landing  of  his 
army  in  a  few  hours  after  midnight,  and  before  dawn,  on  a 
dark  night  in  a  rapid  current,  with  a  height  to  ascend  looked 
upon  as  inaccessible,  in  the  face  of  defenders  on  the  summit, 
alone  furnishes  the  proof  that  a  great  mind  can  achieve,  what 
to  a  common  nature  is  looked  upon  as  an  impossibility.  That 
he  was  opposed  only  by  a  handful  of  men  was  owing  to  the 
enemy  having  been,  by  the  masterly  movements  of  the  ships, 
diverted  from  the  true  point  of  attack  both  east  and  west  So 
that  in  spite  of  every  difficulty,  his  small  army  stood  daunt- 
less in  line  at  dawn,  of  the  morning  of  the  13th  of  September. 

I  have  given  the  history  of  the  eleven  weeks'  campaign  as 
simply  as  I  could  write  it,  from  the  feeling  that  it  needed  no 
■extrinsic  glamour  ;  it  is  the  narrative  of  a  passage  in  history 
which  has  become  a  household  word  in  every  rank  of  life. 
Few  know  why  or  for  what  cause ;  but  for  nearly  a  century 
and  a  half  the  memory  of  it  has  been  universally  preserved,  to 
be  mentioned  with  exultation,  untinged  by  any  of  those  pain- 
ful episodes  which  disfigure  many  a  triumph. 

The  success  may  likewise  be  attributed  to  the  harmony 
between  the  services.  The  memory  of  Saunders  is  entitled 
to  the  highest  honour.  His  name  must  be  remembered  by 
the  side  of  that  of  Wolfe,  and  there  can  be  no  greater  praise. 
It  was,  however,  Wolfe's  spirit  which  animated  the  humblest 
men  in  the  ranks.  His  goodness,  chivalry  and  courage  were 
on  the  surface  in  every  act  of  his  life ;  there  was  never  a 
thought  of  self  His  beacon  star  was  duty ;  his  guide,  honour ; 
his  principle,  self-sacrifice  ;  his  hope,  the  recognition  that  he 
had  faithfully  served  his  country. 

The  British  troops  on  that  memorable  day,  arrayed  under 
his  order,  were  sustained  by  the  common  feeling  that  they 
had  to  act  with  the  manhood  of  their  race,  to  fulfil  the  trust 

attributable  to  the  two  minislets,  who  are  answerable  for  it,  Bamngton  and 
-Chailes  Townshend.  Those  who  alTect  10  fear  the  advance  of  liberal  principles, 
would  have  difficult)'  in  creating  the  belier,  Ihal  such  meannns  and  wrong  were 
possible,  with  the  tnost  democialic  government. 


I7S93  OPINION   IN   ENGLAND.  303 

reposed  in  them  ;  if  need  be,  to  die  in  the  ranks  in  which 
they  stood. 

"  A  letlei  to  an  honounbU  Brigadier-General,"  which  appeared  u  a 
pamphlet  in  London  in  1760,  remains  a  portion  of  the  litemlure  of  that  dale.  Il 
furnishes  a  strong  proof  of  the  dissatisfaction  felt  with  regard  to  Townshend's 
pretensions  in  England  ;  for  it  is  to  him  the  letter  was  addreased.  He  is  there 
spoken  of  as  one  whom  fortune,  in  one  short  campaign,  made  a  colonel,  a  general 
andacommander-in-ehief.  The  original  text  read  a  "soldier,"  but  it  was  changed 
in  the  errata  to  the  position  of  rank.  I  cannot  resist  the  impression  that  the  word 
was  in  the  liist  instance  seriouslf  written.  The  letter  may  be  accepted  as 
repteseniaiive  of  a  large  seclion  of  public  opinion.  Townshend  is  called  to 
account  for  signing  the  articles  oF  capitulation  when  Monckton  was  present,  and 
appointing  the  staff  of  the  garrison  of  Quebec.  Townshend  is  twice  accused  of 
having  formal Ijr  entered  his  protest  of  attacking  the  place  ;  neveilhelesi  he  enjoyed 
all  the  honours  of  the  conquest.  He  was  told  that  he  "  had  prudently  quitted  a 
Scene  where  Danger  would  have  been  too  busy."  He  was  arraigned  for  not 
having  written  "  one  civil  Compliment  to  the  Memory  of  General  Wolfe"  or  adding 
even  "one  kind  Expression  of  Esteem  or  Affection  with  regard  to  his  person." 
The  absence  of  this  sympathy  was  contrasted  with  the  mention  of  the  memory  of 
Prideaux  at  Niagara  by  sir  William  Johnson.  The  writer  proceeds  to  say  "  That 
they  must  hare  known  very  little  of  the  Expedition  to  Quebec,  who  expected  that  you 
would  bear  Testimony  to  the  conduct  of  a  General  whose  plan  of  Operations  you 
had  the  flonour  both  in  public  and  private  to  oppose,  and  against  whose  last 
desperate  attempt  you  protested  in  form." 

This  letter  has  been  al^ibuted  to  the  duke  of  Cumberland. 
A  refutation  was  published  by  some  friend  of  Townshend  ;  his  brother  Charles 
has  been  named  as  the  author.     It  is  but  a  poor  production.    The  writer  argues 
thai  Monckton  was  too  ill  to  act,  and  that  although  Townshend  did  protest  against 
the  plan  of  Wolfe,  it  was  against  the  policy  of  attacking  the  inlrenchments. 

After  reading  the  private  letter  of  Townshend  to.his  wife,  we  must  took  with 
some  suspicion  on  the  published  extract  of  a  letter  to  a  friend,  setting  forth  his 
admiration  of  Wolfe.  It  is  given  as  a  reply,  to  the  complaint  of  hb  silence  in  the 
despatch  regarding  the  loss,  which  the  nation  had  experienced.  It  may,  however, 
have  merely  been  the  want  of  good  taste  and  good  feeling  which  led  to  the  omis- 
sion of  the  general's  name  with  proper  respectful  loention.  Townshend  was  one 
of  th^  characters  whose  thoughts  ate  selfishly  confined  entirely  to  their  own 
interests  ;  his  cold,  callous  nature  rarely  looked  beyond  them.  It  will  be  fortunate 
for  his  memory  if  he  is  only  remembered  as  the  signer  of  the  treaty  of  capitulation 
with  admiral  Saunders  on  the  part  of  the  British  crown,  for  there  is  little  else 
in  bis  career  to  call  for  respect. 


304  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l7S9 


The  memory  of  both  Wolfe  and  Montttlm  has  been  honourably  perperuaied 
at  Quebec. 

The  firsi  memorial  is  menlioned  by  Mr.  Isaac  Weld  in  his  (ravels,  published 
in  1799,  "A  voyage  to  Canada  and  the  United  Slates."  [I.,  p.  346.J  Quebec 
iras  visited  by  him  in  1796.  He  tells  us,  "The  spot  where  the  illustrious  hero 
breathed  his  last,  is  marked  with  a  lai^e  stone,  on  which  a  true  meiidional  [sic] 
is  drawn."  The  place  was  also  described  by  Lambert,  in  his  liavels,  published 
in  l8i6.  His  remarks  are  important  in  establishing  the  identity  of  the  spot. 
"The  spot  where  Wolfe  died  1  have  often  visited  with  a  sort  of  pleasing  melan- 
choly. It  is  the  comer  of  a  small  redoubt,  which  is  yet  visible,  and  was  formerly 
distinguished  by  a  lai^e  roclc. stone,  upon  which,  it  is  said,  he  was  supported  after 
he  received  the  fatal  wound.  From  this  stone,  strangers  were  freiiuenily 
prompted,  by  tlieir  feelings,  to  break  olf  a  small  pieqe,  to  keep  as  a  memento  of 
the  fate  of  that  gallant  hero  ;  but  the  sacrilegious  hands  of  modern  upstart  inno- 
vators have  removed  that  sacred  relic,  because  it  came  within  the  inclosure  of  a 
certain  commissary-general,  who  had  erected  what  he  called  a  pavilion,  and  would 
probably  have  soon  planted  potatoes  and  cabbages  in  the  redoubt,  had  he  not 
been  discharged  from  his  onice  by  the  present  governor- general,  for  a  trifling 
deficiency  m  his  accounts."    [Vol.  I.,  p.  44.] 

In  1835  lord  Aylmer,  then  governor-general,  erected  a  monument  on  the  site, 
with  the  words : 

The  monument  became  dilapidated,  and  was  altack<;^  by  tourists  who  annually 
visit  Quebec,  by  whom,  the  guide  books  tell  us,  it  was  carried  away  piecemeal. 
In  1S49  it  was  replaced  by  a  column,  at  the  cost  of  the  olficers  of  the  army  in 
Canada,  at  the  instigation  of  sir  Benjamin  d' Urban,  with  the  same  inscription.  Lord 
Aylmer  also,  in  1S35,  erected  a  slab  to  the  memory  of  Montcalm  in  the  Ursuline 
Convent,  with  the  inscription ; 


le  deatin  en  lui  d^robint 
La  Victoire 
L'a  recompense  par 
Une  Mort  Gtorieuse 
In  November,  1817,  lord  Dalhousie  laid,  in  the  public  garden  of  Quebec  over- 
looking the  river,  the  foundation  stone  of  the  world-famed  obelisk  10  the  memory 
of  Wolfe  and  Montcalm.     Both  names  appear  with  the  inscription  : 

A.  D.  1S37 
The  funds  were  gathered  by  a  general  subscription  in  the  province  of  Quebec 





The  articles  of  oipitulalian,  as  Ihey  appear  on  ihis  page,  are  taken  vtriatim, 
with  the  abreviations  from  Ihe  uries  in  the  Canadian  Archives  [A.  ft  W.  I.,  vol. 
88,  pp.  50-54.]  The  perusal  of  these  same  articles  as  they  are  given  in  thejoarnal 
of  de  L^vis  [p.  315I  and  ai  they  are  placed  on  record  by  de  Kamesay  [Que.  His. 
Soc.  Pub.,  p.  30]  will  shew  the  differences  between  the  two.  They  have  also 
been  published  in  the  form  of  an  English  translation  [N.Y.  I>oc.,  X.,  pp.  tot  1 -13.] 
It  may  be  looked  upon  as  a  matter  of  certainty  that  the  articles  wer«  only  drawn 
up  in  French ;  and  accordingly  reference  must  be  had  to  the  tell  in  thai  language, 
when  [heir  meaning  has  to  be  determined  wilh  precision.  The  text  which  I  have 
followed  is  the  authenticated  copy  of  the  capitulation  as  given  in  the  imperial 
archives,  and  must  be  regarded  as  unimpeachable. 

Les  Articles  de  la  Capitulation  de 
I'autre  Cfiti  onl  Hi  accord^es  sous  les 
Conditions  et  de  la  Maniere  suivante 
par  Mons'.  Chas.  Saunders  Admiral 
de  I'Escadre  Hleiie  de  la  Grande 
Bretagne  dont  la  Flotte  est  actuelle- 
ment  devant  les  Mara  de  Quebec 
dans  le  Bassin  de  la  d".  Ville. 

La  Garnison  de  la  Ville  composfe 
des  Troupes  de  Terre,  Marines  &  Mate- 
lots  sorliront  de  la  Ville  avec  Armes  & 
Bagages  Tambour  Ijatlant,  Meches 
allum^s  avec  deux  piece  de  Canon  <ie 
Prance  etdou^e  coups  A  tirer  par  piice, 
et  sera  embarqu^  le  plus  commod^ment 
possible  pour  §tre  mises  en  France  au 
premier  Port. 

Accord^,  en  mellant  les  Armes  bas. 

Articles  de  Capitolalion  demands 
par  M.  de  Ramsay  Lieulen'.  le  Roy 
Commandant  les  haute  et  basse  l^ille 
de  Quebec,  Chevalier  de  I'Ordre  de 
S'.  Louis  i.  son  Excellence  Mons'.  le 
General  des  Troupes  de  sa  Maj<*. 
Brill"'.  <jiii  doit  6tre  approuve  par 
Son  Excell".  Mon'.  le  Admiral  de 
I'Escadre  Bleiie  acluellement  devant 

Art.  1. 
Mons'.  de  Ramsay  demande  les  hon- 
neurs  de  la  Guerre  pour  sa  (iamison  et 
qu'elle  soil  ramen^  i  I'Arm^e  par  le 
plus  court  Cbemin  arec  Armes  et 
Bagages,  six  pieces  de  Canon  de  fonte, 
deuic  Mortiers  ou  Aubuiiers  et  douie 
Coups  it  tirer  par  piece. 

Art.  2^». 

Que   les  habitans  soient  Couservjes 
dans  la  possessions  de  teurs  Maisons, 
liiens  etfets  &  privil^es. 
Art.  3. 

Que  les  habilans  ne  pouriont  Stre 
recherches  pour  avoir  port^  les  Armes  i 
la  DiSfense  de  la  Ville,  ailendu  qu'ils  y 
ont  i\i  forc&,  et  que  les  habitans  des 
Colonies  des  deux  Couronnes  y  servenl 
^galement  com  me  Mil  ices. 



Libre  exercise  de  U  Religion  Ro- 
oialne  Sauve-gardes  accordes,  ^  (outes 
perEonnes  Religieuses  el  surtout  i 
M'.  i'EvSque  qui  poutra  venir  exercet 
librement  ei  avec  dicence  lea  fonciions 
dSS  son  elal,  loraqu'il  jugera  k  propos, 
jusqu'i  ce  que  la  possession  du  Canada 
ait  iti  d^idee  entre  Sa  Maj.  Bril.  el 
S«  Maj.  T.  Chtit. 


Que  les  d*".  hsbilans  ne  seront  point 
iransf^r^s  ni  lenus  de  quitter  leur^  mai- 
sons  jusqu'i  ce  qu'un  Traile  detinitif 
entre  sa  M.  T.  C.  &  S.  M,  B,*  aye 
regie  leiir  Elal. 

An.  6. 

Que  I'Exercice  de  la  Religion  Catho- 
lique,  Aposlolique  &  Romaine  sera  con- 
setvee,  que  I'on  ordonnera  des  Sauve- 
gardes  aux  Maisons  Ecclcsiasliques, 
Religieux  el  Religieuses  et  particu- 
lieremenl  k  Mon'.  EvSque  de  Quebec, 
qui,  rempli  de  zele  pour  la  Religion  et 
de  sa  charite  pour  le  peuple  de  son  Dio- 

cer  librement  et  avec  decence  que  son 
Elal  el  les  Sacrfe  Myslires  de  la  Reli- 
gion Romaine  son  authority  Episcopate 
dans  la  Ville  de  Quebec,  lorsqu'il 
jugera  k  propos  jusqu'^  ce  que  la  pos- 
session du  Canada,  soil  d^cidee  par  un 
trailf  entre  leurs  M.  T.  C.  *  B. 

An.  7. 

Que  I'Artilterie  ei  les  Munitions  des 
guerre   seront  lemises  de  bonne  foy  et 

-s  les  Malades. 

Art.  8 
Qu'il  en  sera  iis£  en 
blesses,  Commissaii 
Midecins,  Chirurgiens,  Apothiqaires  el 
Bulres  personnes  employes  au  Service 
des  hOpitaux  conrorm^menl  hu  Traili 
d'E^hange  6  f^vrier  1759  convenu  enlre 
S.  M.  T.  C.  &  M.  B. 

Art.  9. 
Qu'avant  de  livrei  ta  porte  &  I'Entr^ 
de  la  Ville  aux  troupes  Anglais  leur 
General  voudra  bien  meltre  quelques 
Soldits  pour  Eire  mis  en  Sauve-gardes 
auK  ^lises,  Couvenls  &  principales 

*  Sa  Majesle  1'res  Chr^tienne  et  Sn  Majesty  Btitannique. 



Le  pieseni:  Traill  a 
le  l8lh  Sepiembre,  17; 


10.  Alt.  10. 

Qu'il  sera  permis  au  Lieut',  du  Roi, 
Coramondant  dans  la  Ville  de  Quebec, 
d'cDvoIer  inronner  M'.  le  Marq*.  de 
Vaadreuil,  Gouvec".  G^n^cal,  de  la 
Redditian  dela  place ;  comme  aussique 
ce  G^n^ral  pourra  fcrire  au  Ministre  de 
France  pour  Ten  informer. 

11.  ,Art.  II. 

Que  la  pc^scDte  Capitulation  sera  exe- 
cutee  suimnte  sa  forme  el  Teneur  sans 
qu'elle  puisae  Sire  Sujette  i  inen^uiion 
sous  prjiexte,  de  Repr&ailles  ou  d'une 
Ineiteurion   de   quelque    CapiiuUlion 

e  fail  &  arrfl^  double  entre  nous  au  camp  devant  Quebec 





From  the  Conquest  of  Quebec,  1759,  to  the  Pe 
OF  Paris,  1763. 





Amherst  commenced  his  preparations  for  the  coming  cam- 
paign of  I7S9  with  great  energy  and  determination.  One 
important  duty  had  been  removed  by  Forbes'  success  on  the 
Ohio,  consequently  his  efforts  could  be  concentrated  on  the 
protection  of  the  New  York  frontier.  The  best  means  by 
which  he  could  redeem  the  ill  effect  arising  from  the  repulse  of 
Abercrombie,  on  the  8th  of  July,  was  by  driving  the  French 
from  lake  Champlain  ;  a  movement  only  preliminary  to  the 
advance  upon  Montreal,  so  that  Canada  would  be  assailed  both 
at  the  east  and  west.  The  French  force  would  thus  be  divided, 
and  could  be  assembled  in  its  full  strength,  neither  at  Quebec, 
nor  on  lake  Champlain.  Consequently,  Amherst's  attack  of 
Ticonden^a  fsrmed  a  leading  part  of  the  plan  of  operations, 
so  that  wherever  the  attack  might  be  directed,  the  difficulties 
would  be  lessened,  by  the  imperious  call  on  the  resources  of 
Canada  in  every  direction. 

In  addition  to  the  expedition  against  take  Champlain,  lake 
Ontario  equally  presented  claims  to  attention.  If  Osw^o 
were  to  be  re-established,  Niagara  could  not,  with  safety, 
remain  under  French  authority.  This  place,  now  strongly 
forti6ed  and  weli  garrisoned,  was  important  from  commanding 
the  passage  from  lake  Ontario  to  lake  Erie  ;  it  was  the  source 
of  supply  of  the  posts  on  the  Ohio,  and  formed  the  most  con- 
venient connection  with  Detroit  and  the  Illinois.  It  was  not, 
however,  the  only  connection  with  the  west,  another  route  was 
available  by  the  river  Ottawa  and  lake  Nipissing  to  lake 
Huron  ;  but  this  fort  possessed  the  advantage  of  being  on 
the  more  direct  line  of  communication  and  thus  became  the 
common  centre  of  supply  for  the  western  and  the  Ohio  posts  : 
at  the  same  time  it  was  a  constant  threat  to  Oswego,  Since 
the  destruction  of  Cat«u^qui,  French  posts  had  been  estab- 


312  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [t7S9 

lished  at  La  Presentation,  Ogdensburg,  and  on  He  Galops  at 
the  head  of  the  rapids,  and  a  combined  movement  was  at  any 
time  possible  against  the  British  possessions  on  the  lake. 

Oswego  was  of  the  highest  value  to  the  British  in  every  point 
of  view,  being  the  termination  of  the  only  route  by  which  lake 
Ontario  could  be  reached  from  Albany.  The  ascent  of  the 
Mohawk  had  been  protected  by  forts,  and  the  carrying-place, 
modern  Rome,  had  been  made  tenable  by  the  construction 
of  fort  Stanwix.  The  eastern  entrance  to  the  river,  leading  to 
lake  Oneida,  had  been  also  fortified.  The  removal  of  troops 
and  stores  to  Oswego  had  thus  become  practicable ;  but  there 
was  always  the  risk  of  its  re-establishment  being  disputed,  and 
the  point,  from  which  any  assault  was  to  be  feared  was 

Amherst  determined  to  fortify  the  head  of  lake  Geoi^e, 
and  colonel  Montresor  having  prepared  plans  for  the  work,  it 
was  begun  and  carried  on  during  the  summer;  one  bastion 
was  completed  towards  the  end  of  September.  The  pro- 
gress of  events  made  its  continuance  no  longer  necessary. 
Montresor  was,  accordingly,  ordered  to  Crown  Point  to  assist 
in  the  re-establishment  of  the  fort,  and  the  work  at  lake 
George  was  never  resumed. 

In  the  month  of  February  there  were  12,405  troops  serving 
in  North  America  ;  some  3,300  men  were  required  to  complete 
the  strength.  The  orders  received  from  England  somewhat 
reduced  these  numbers,  and  at  the  end  of  March,  Amherst 
received  his  instructions  with  regard  to  the  regiments  which 
were  to  be  included  in  the  expedition  against  Quebec,  with 
the  information  that  Monckton  was  to  command  a  brigade. 
A  fortnight  earlier  Amherst  had  heard  of  Forbes'  death,*  and 
had  designed  Monckton  to  succeed  him.  As  this  arrangement 
could  not  now  be  carried  out,  Stanwix  was  sent  to  Pittsburg, 
and  Monckton  with  Fraser's  regiment  was  ordered  to  join 
Wolfe's  expedition. 

No  active  operations  of  any  importance  took  place,  except 

'  The  date  reponed  by  AmheisI,  the  lllh  of  March,  agrees  with  tlie  (titeraent 
of  Dr.  Fi^o,  [ante  page  al6],     C«n.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W,  I.,  89.1,  p.  115. 



the  French  continued  their  system  of  la  petite  guerre,  by 
Indian  parties  directed  against  stragglers  arid  detachments 
«eak  in  strength,  or  failing  to  observe  proper  caution.  A 
corporal  and  four  highlanders  near  fort  Stanwix  were  surprised 
and  attacked  by  a  large  party  of  Indians :  the  corporal  only 
escaped  ;  and  there  were  several  such  instances.  Caution  was 
enforced  on  the  soldiers  of  every  garrison,  and  in  the  generality 
of  cases,  it  was  disobedience  of  orders  which  entailed  the 
penalty  of  the  loss  of  life.  Amherst  determined  to  make 
reprisals  for  these  attacks ;  moreover,  he  was  desirous  of 
obtaining  information  of  the  enemy's  condition.  Accordingly, 
on  the  3rd  of  March,  Rogers  was  sent  down  lake  George  with 
a  force  consisting  of  200  regulars,  84  rangers  and  52  Indians. 
The  engineer,  who  accompanied  him,  was  enabled  to  make  a 
sketch  of  the  fort  and  intrenchments  at  Ticonderoga.  He 
reported  that  the  abatis  extended  for  twenty-five  paces  in  front 
of  the  breastwork.  Rogers  returned  in  a  week  with  seven 
prisoners  and  four  Indian  scalps.  In  these  affairs  thirty  of 
the  enemy  had  been  killed.  Risers'  loss  was  two  rangers, 
one  regular  and  one  Indian  wounded.  We  learn  how 
remorseless  this  warfare  had  become,  when  we  read  that  two 
prisoners  who  could  not  keep  up  with  the  party  were  killed.* 
The  New  York  privateers  at  this  time  were  particularly  active. 
Out  of  twenty-two  ships  which  sailed  from  San  Domingo, 
escorted  by  "  Le  Palmier,"  74,  and  a  frigate  of  40  guns,  eleven 
were  taken,  the  value  of  these  prizes  amounting  to  £120,000. 

In  April  Amherst  went  to  Philadelphia,  to  determine  the 
policy  to  be  followed  with  the  Indians,  and  obtain  the  passage 
of  the  supply  bill.  As  was  usual  in  Pennsylvania,  there  was 
a  difficulty  in  this  respect.  Although  the  past  campaign, 
closing  with  the  conquest  of  Pittsburg,  had  obtained  peace, 
and  conferred  protection  against  the  assaults  of  the  French 
Indians,  and  how  much  is  contained  in  these  simple  words, 
and  a  lai^e  accession  of  territory  for  the  enterprise  of  the 
citizens  of  the  province  had  been  obtained,  all  that  Pennsyl- 
vania  could    recognize   was  "the   disagreeable   necessity  of 

*  Can.  Arch.,  ISeries  A.  &  W.  L,  S9.1,  p.  216. 


314  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l759 

representing,  that  the  teamsters  were  unpaid  for  their  service, 
and  the  owners  of  the  waggons  and  horses  remained  unsatis- 
fied for  their  loss,  the  waggons  being  broken  and  the  horses 
dead."  They  remonstrated  against  the  mode,  in  which  the 
teams  had  been  obtained  for  the  service  of  their  own 
province ;  they  protested  against  the  issue  of  billets  for  the 
soldiers  fighting  their  battle ;  and  when  supplies  to  assist  in 
carrying  on  the  war  were  asked,  the  house  of  assembly 
declared  its  readiness  to  grant  them,  but  asked  the  governor 
that  in  "  discharging  the  duty  you  owe  to  the  best  of  kings 
and  to  the  people  of  the  province  that  immediate  steps  might 
be  taken  for  the  redress  of  their  grievances." 

It  was  undoubtedly  to  be  regretted  that  the  debts  due  had 
not  been  paid  ;  a  few  weeks,  however,  had  only  passed  since 
the  return  of  the  troops,  and  the  illness  and  death  of  Forbes 
had  added  to  the  complication.  There  was  possibly  much 
private  suffering  from  the  non-payment  of  these  obligations  ; 
but  there  were  other  modes,  and  certainly  a  more  dignified 
and  honourable  manner  of  advancing  these  claims,  than  the 
threatening  attitude  taken  by  the  province.  The  time  was 
one  of  war,  whea  every  filing  of  patriotism  should  have  been 
called  forth.  To  the  Pennsylvanian  the  struggle  was  as  much 
one  for  existence  as  for  the  possession  of  territory.  Neglect 
of  these  obligations  in  previous  years  had  caused  great  loss  of 
life  and  property,  with  much  suffering.  The  indignant 
frontiers-men,  at  one  period  of  this  crisis,  needed  but  little 
incitement  to  march  upon  Philadelphia,  and  obtain  vengeance 
for  the  neglect,  by  which  they  had  suffered.  The  last  four 
years  had  seen  the  abandonment  of  homesteads,  from  the 
inability  of  the  province  to  defend  its  territory  against  the 
Canadian  and  Indian  incursions.  The  last  campaign  had 
entirely  changed  the  a.spect  of  matters  ;  nevertheless,  all  that 
the  legislature  could  recognize  was,  that  the  wages  of  the 
teamsters  were  unpaid,  the  compensation  for  the  broken  carts 
and  killed  horses  unadjusted,  while  complaints  were  made 
that  a  roof  had  been  found  for  the  British  soldier,  when  many 


1759]  PRIDEAUX.  315 

of  the  troops  had  been  wounded  in  the  struggle  to  assure 
Pennsylvanian  pre-eminence. 

Amherst  appointed  a  committee  to  examine  into  and  adjust 
the  claims:  naming  two  commissioners,  he  directed  the  legis- 
lature to  select  the  other  members.  As  the  province  hesitated 
to  respond  to  his  appeal  for  troops,  he  called  upon  the  legis- 
lature to  furnish  the  same  number  as  were  on  service  the 
previous  year;  otherwise  he  must  abandon  all  thought  of 
carrying  on  any  operations  in  the  western  part  of  the  province, 
and  would  reinforce  the  army  to  the  east,  with  the  troops 
intended  to  act  in  Pennsylvania. 

Leaving  governor  Denny  to  urge  his  legislature  to  pass  the 
supply  bill  and  to  vote  the  men,  Amherst  returned  to  fort 
Edward,  on  the  Hudson.  He  arrived  at  Albany  on  the  3rd 
of  May  to  meet  sir  William  Johnson,  who  informed  him  that 
he  could  bring  800  Ihdians  in  the  field,  all  of  whom  were 
desirous  of  attacking  Niagara.  It  was  the  policy  which 
Amherst  had  determined  to  follow  ;  he  deemed  it,  however, 
prudent  to  defer  any  expression  of  his  views.  He  ordered 
provisions  for  five  thousand  men  for  three  months  to  be  sent 
to  Schenectady  by  land.  The  supplies  for  fort  Edward  reached 
the  fort  by  water.  In  order  to  assure  his  communications,  he 
stationed  Gage's  regiment  to  the  north  of  Albany  ;  he  bridged 
over  the  Hudson  at  fort  Edward,  and  ordered  the  woods  to  be 
burned  between  that  place  and  lake  George. 

Amherst  selected  Frideaux,  who  had  arrived  at  New  York 
in  the  "  Diana"  on  the  7th  of  April,  for  the  command  of  the 
expedition  against  Niagara :  the  force  to  be  taken  from 
the  troops  collected  at  the  Mohawk,  Abercrombie's,  the  44th, 
Thomas  Murray's,  the  46th,  with  2,680  New  York  provincials. 
Amherst  sent  notice  of  his  intention  to  Stanwix  at  Pittsburg, 
asking  if  possible  that  he  should  co-operate  in  the  attack.  In 
the  middle  of  May  both  Prideaux  and  Johnson  were  informed 
that  the  expedition  would  be  undertaken,  and  in  anticipation 
of  the  services  of  the  Indians  being  required,  Johnson  assem- 
bled a  congress  of  the  Six  Nations.  Not  only  these  tribes, 
but  five  other  nations  attended,  and  there  were  about  five 



hundred  men,  women  and  children  present  Johnson  was 
enabled  to  report  that  the  feeling  was  unanimous  against  the 
French,  and  that  they  warmly  advocated  the  proposed  attack.* 
On  receiving  his  orders  regarding  it,  Johnson  asked  for  ;£^3,ooo 
sterling  to  meet  the  preliminaiy  Indian  expenses. 

The  operations  he  had  resolved  to  undertake  on  lake 
Ontario  suggested  to  Amherst  the  opportunity  of  becoming 
aggressive  on  the  Ohio.  He  sent  an  officer  to  Stanwix, 
ui^ing  him  to  push  forward  a  column  to  attack  Venango  and 
le  Boeuf,  believing  that  these  posts  would  to  some  extent  be 
abandoned,  and  that  they  might  be  taken  without  much  effort 
Stanwix  expressed  his  readiness  to  co-operate  in  the  move- 
ment as  he  was  directed,  and  despatched  the  1st  battalion 
Royal  Americans  to  aid  in  the  siege  of  Niagara.  He  com- 
plained of  his  want  of  money,  and  reported  the  difficulty  he 
experienced  in  supplying  his  posts,  owing  to  his  want  of 
waggons.  It  took  a  loaded  waggon  twenty  days  to  go  from 
Carlisle  to  the  Ohio,  and  ten  to  return  empty.  So  a  waggon 
could  only  make  one  load  a  month,  he  required  thirteen  hun- 
dred such  waggons  to  bring  the  supplies  he  required.  There 
were  i,6oo  Virginians  at  Pittsburg,  four  hundred  at  Loyal 
Hannen,  and  they  had  to  be  fed. 

On  the  20th  of  May  Prideaux  set  out  for  his  command. 
For  a  few  days  he  established  his  headquarters  at  Schenectady, 
which  he  left  on  the  31st.  On  the  day  of  his  departure  the 
Mohawk  suddenly  rose,  so  the  bateaux  and  boats  got  adrift 
Many  were  carried  down  the  river ;  generally  they  were 
regained,  but  several  went  over  the  grand  falls.  At  fort 
Edward,  Amherst  was  endeavouring  to  establish  discipline, 
which  was  not  readily  accepted  by  the  provincials,  and  there 
was  from  time  to  time  trouble  with  them.  As  desertion  was 
becoming  frequent,  Amherst  determined  sternly  to  repress  it. 
Two  deserters  of  the  regulars  were  hanged.  Two  of  the 
Rhode  Island  regiment  were  sentenced  to  death  for  the  same 
crime  ;  one  was,  however,  pardoned,  in  the  hope  that  the 
extreme  sentence  in  the  other  case  would  exercise  its  influence. 

*  Johnson  10  Amherst,  21st  April,  1759.    Ca.n.  Arch.,  A.  &  W.  I.,  90,  p.  173. 



The  Indians  still  hung  about  the  several  garrisons  to  indict 
injuries  on  individual  stragglers.  The  one  object,  in  continuing 
these  merciless  attacks,  was  to  keep  the  Indian  attached  to  the 
French  side.  Parties  were  continually  lurking  about  to 
destroy  all  whom  they  could  safely  attack.  Nothing  was  too 
petty  for  their  vengeance.  In  May,  one  man  at  fort  Miller, 
who,  contrary  to  orders,  crossed  the  river  was  seized.  At  fort 
Stanwix,  lieutenant  Stevens  and  sixteen  men  were  out  uncon- 
cernedly shooting  pigeons,  when  they  were  surprised  by  a 
strong  party  of  Indians  and  shot  down  ;  a  volunteer  officer 
and  four  men  were  killed,  one  was  taken  prisoner,  the  sergeant 
wounded.  'A  party  of  twelve  with  a  subaltern,  coming  from 
Stillwater,  marching  carelessly,  never  suspecting  attack,  were 
fired  upon  by  twenty  Indians  ;  the  lieutenant  and  two  men 
were  killed,  three  were  wounded,  and  the  corporal  missing. 
Early  in  June  some  batemix  men  carrying  guns  up  the  Mohawk 
were  attacked  by  Indians.  Seven  were  killed,  six  of  them 
scalped,  one  wounded,  and  one  missing. 

On  forming  his  force  to  proceed  against  Niagara,  Prideaux 
was  instructed  to  increase  the  strength  of  the  garrison  at  fort 
Stanwix  by  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  ;  fifty  men  were  to  be 
placed  at  the  east  end  of  lake  Oneida,  one  hundred  and  fifty 
men  at  the  west  end  of  the  lake,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty 
men  at  the  falls  of  the  riven  the  whole  line  of  communica- 
tion would  then  be  assured.  After  taking  Niagara,  Prideaux 
was  instructed  to  proceed  with  a  sufficient  force  and  establish 
himself  at  La  Galette,  at  the  head  of  the  rapids  on  the  Saint 
Lawrence.  Having  obtained  the  necessary  boats  and  bateaux, 
and  otherwise  perfected  his  organization,  on  the  ist  of  July 
he  started  from  Oswego,  leaving  behind  a  considerable  force 
to  rebuild  and  re-establish  the  fort  at  that  place. 

The  second  in  command  was  Frederick  Haldimand. 
Having  been  governor-general  of  Canada  during  the  troubled 
years  of  the  American  revolution,  few  men  have  rendered  more 
important  service  to  the  British  crown  ;  but  his  name  is 
not  recorded  in  any  dictionary  of  biography.  In  Canada  his 
reputation  has  been  made  the  target  of  every  shaft  of  malignity 


3l8  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [1759 

and  ignorance,  by  those  who,  too  indolent  to  investigate,  have 
been  ready  to  join,  in  the  chorus  of  defamation.  He  is  accused 
of  arbitrary  illegah'ty  in  the  administration  of  his  government, 
as  being  unscrupulous,  unjust,  and  naturally  insolent.  Even 
those  who  affect  to  treat  him  with  consideration,  describe  him 
as  a  martinet,  a  good  soldier  knowing  no  rule  but  the  bayonet 
His  character  was  the  opposite  to  that  of  so  repellant  a  per- 
sonage. He  was  a  man  of  rare  administrative  ability,  of  a 
generous,  frank,  simple  nature,  sustained  in  the  most  difficult 
positions  by  the  desire  of  performing  his  duty.  During  the 
period  of  his  government  he  acted  with  remarkable  firmness 
and  decision.  He  thoroughly  repressed  all  sedition  and  every 
attempt  at  disorder,  and  effected  his  purpose  without  the 
extreme  measure  of  hanging  the  disturbers  of  the  peace. 
This  fact  alone  is  sufficient  to  obtain  respect  for  his  memory.* 

Haldimand  was  born  at  Vverdun,  in  Switzerland.  We  first 
hear  of  him  in  a  prominent  position  as  being  in  command  in 
Philadelphia.  He  was  thence  transferred  to  the  duty  of 
recruiting  for  the  Royal  American  regiment,  his  headquarters 
being  Albany.  He  was  also  detached  to  this  duty  in  New 
England,  the  Carolinas,  and   Georgia.     In   1757  he  was  en- 

*  Mr.  Urymner,  the  Canadian  Archivist,  was  the  first  to  vindicate  Haldimuid's 
chancier  [Report,  1887].  and  il  is  by  his  researches  that  the  main  lines  of  his  life 
are  known.  Italdiinand  was  a  coUecloi  :  with  great  pains  and  labour  he  gathered 
all  the  papers  accessible  to  him.  These  records  extend  from  1757  to  1765,  and 
consist  oF  232  volumes.  Bouquet's  papers,  which  consist  of  34  volumes,  were  left 
10  Haldimand.  The  whole  were  presented  to  the  Hritiah  Museum  in  1757  hf 
Haidimand's  nephew.  They  have  Iwen  copied  Tor  the  Canadian  governmeni,  and 
the  volumes  are  now  included  in  the  Uominion  records.  These  papers  have  been 
calendared  by  Mr.  Brymncr  with  great  industry  and  ability  in  a  most  thorough 
manner.  1'hey  extend  over  2,405  Svo.  primed  pages,  a  labour  invaluable  to  all 
historical  students.  These  papers  have  particularly  allractei]  the  attention  of 
writers  in  the  United  Stales  desirous  of  obtaining  correct  information  of  the  period. 

Haldimand  took  part  in  the  operations  of  the  war  till  the  surrender  of  Montreal 
in  176a  He  acted  for  some  months  as  governor  of  Three  Rivers,  and  was  sub- 
sequently appointed  to  (hat  po*ition.  Three  years  later  he  was  transferred  to 
Florida  with  the  rank  of  brigadier.  In  1773  he  was  nominated  governor  of  New 
York.  In  177S  he  was  appointed  govern  or -general  of  Canada,  which  office  he 
held  untii  1784.  Haldimand  died  at  Yverdun,  probably  in  May,  1791.  I  briefly 
mention  here  Haidimand's  subsequent  career,  for  without  this  notice  much  of  the 
interest  attached  Co  his  name  would  be  lost. 


1759]  ^E   LA   CORNE'S   ATTACK.  319 

gaged  in  Pennsylvania  in  endeavouring  to  protect  the  frontier 
against  Indian  attack.  The  following  year  he  was  on  the  staff 
of  Abcrcrombie  at  fort  Edward,  but  he  did  not  join  in  the 
unfortunate  expedition  against  Ticonderoga.  He  was  now 
present  with  Prideaux.  Amherst  having  given  special  instruc- 
tions that  he  should  be  left  at  Oswego,  he  was  placed  in 
charge  to  carry  on  the  works,  during  the  period  that  the  main 
expedition  was  absent  before  Niagara.  His  garrison  consisted 
of  some  companies  of  the  battalion  of  Royal  Americans,  and 
some  of  the  New  York  regiments,  the  total  strength  being 
about  one  thousand  men. 

Haldimand,  left  in  command  at  Oswego,  with  the  duty  of 
rebuilding  the  fort,  proceeded  to  intrench  himself  as  he  was 
able.  A  large  quantity  of  flour  and  pork  had  been  brought 
for  the  subsistence  of  the  army,  as  is  customary,  in  barrels. 
Haldimand  availed  himself  of  this  means  of  defence,  erected  a 
barricade  of  tiers  of  barrels.*  Working  parties  were  sent  into 
the  woods  to  cut  the  timber  necessary  for  the  construction  of 
the  fort.  No  particular  caution  was  taken  against  surprise, 
and  the  men  carried  on  their  labours  without  fear  of  interrup- 
tion :  an  expectation  not  realized. 

Saint  Luc  dc  la  Cornc  had  remained  on  Galops  island  with 
his  force,  from  time  to  time  sending  out  parties  to  distress 
stragglers  from  the  forts  on  the  Mohawk.  His  scouts  bring- 
ing him  intelligence  of  the  occupation  of  Oswego  by  the 
British,  he  resolved  to  surprise  them,  and,  if  possible,  inflict 
such  serious  injury  on  the  force  before  it  was  established,  as 
to  force  an  abandonment  of  the  position.  De  la  Cornc  had 
no  certain  knowledge  of  the  force  he  had  to  contend  against, 
and  he  undertook  the  expedition  with  ill-defined  views  of 
what  he  could  effect,  and  the  opposition  he  must  encounter. 
His  own  detachment  was  composed  of  Canadian  militia  and 
Indians  of  about  one  thousand  in  number.  He  ascended  the 
Saint  Lawrence,  and  followed  the  southern  shore  of  lake 
Ontario.  The  movement  escaped  detection,  for  the  British 
had  only  bateaux  and  boats,  most  of  which  were  engaged  in 

*  Pouchot,  I.,  ^98. 


320  THE   IIISTOHY  OF  CANADA.  [l7S9 

the  transport  of  the  troops.  No  canoe  parties  were  out  as 
scouts.  On  the  5th  of  July,  de  la  Corne  landed  below  the 
fort.  He  was  accompanied  by  the  abb^  Picquet,  some  of 
whose  Indians  were  in  the  expedition.  The  priest  accordingly- 
had  considered  it  his  duty  to  be  present ;  a  feeling  which 
accorded  with  his  love  of  adventure  and  notoriety.  If  the 
deserters  who  joined  the  British  force  are  to  be  believed, 
Picquet,  in  his  exhortation  to  de  la  Come's  men,  entreated 
them  to  give  no  quarter. 

The  working  parties  taken  by  surprise,  by  a  volley  from  a 
concealed  enemy,  retreated  to  the  intrenchment,  the  firing 
having  been  returned  by  the  covering  party.  The  French 
force  partially  surrounded  the  fort,  remaining  at  some  dis- 
tance and  carrying  on  a  fusilade  from  among  the  cut  wood. 
It  was  a  harmless  display  of  hostility.  At  night  they 
retired  ;  next  morning  they  advanced  towards  the  left  of  the 
intrenchment,  where  there  were  three  pieces  of  cannon,  and 
commenced  firing  from  the  logs.  On  the  discharge  of  the 
guns  a  panic  seized  the  French,  and  exclaiming  that  the 
surprise  had  failed,  made  for  their  boats  as  rapidly  as  possible. 
De  la  Corne  had  been  wounded  ;  consequently  Picquet  con- 
sidered it  a  part  of  his  clerical  duty  to  endeavour  to  rally  and 
encourage  the  troops  to  return  to  the  attack.  They  would  in 
no  way  listen  to  him,  and  in  the  rush  to  the  lake  he  was 
thrown  down,  but  he  seized  one  of  the  men  in  the  flight, 
calling  out:  "Save  at  least  your  chaplain."*  The  men 
regained  their  canoes,  and  rapidly  paddled  their  way  to  the 
head  of  the  rapids.  The  deserters  to  the  British  reported 
that  they  had  expected  no  resistance,  and  that  de  la  Corne 
had  assured  them  there  were  only  five  hundred  men  prescntj-f- 
who  would  be  taken  by  surprise  and  easily  defeated.  Besides 
de  la  Corne  being  wounded,  one  officer  of  the  marine  service 
was  killed  ;  six  men  were  found  dead  in  the  woods,  and  it  was 
believed  many  were  wounded.  The  French  retired  without  a 
scalp  or  a  prisoner.     The  expedition  is  principally  remark- 

•   Pouchot,  I.,  p.  109,   iransifllioii. 

+  Can.  Arch..  Series  A.  &  \V.  I.,  91. i,  pp.  85-86. 


1759]  POUCHOT.  321 

able  as  being  the  last  i^gressive  attempt  of  the  French  on 
lake  Ontario,  The  British  loss  was  two  killed  ;  two  officers 
and  eleven  men  wounded.  • 

Prideaux,  on  leaving  Oswego  on  the  ist  of  July,  followed 
the  southern  line  of  coast  of  lake  Ontario ;  the  distance  to 
Niagara  is  about  seventy  miles.  It  would  have  been  a  navi- 
gation attended  with  danger  to  the  bateaux,  boats  and  canoes 
of  which  the  expedition  was  composed,  to  have  made  the 
transit  direct,  passing  far  into  the  lake.  There  was  another 
powerful  motive  for  this  proceeding.  An  armed  schooner, 
"i'lroquois,"  in  the  service  of  the  French  garrison,  was  con- 
stantly cruising  about  lake  Ontario,  and  might  have  indicted 
damage  on  the  boats.  As  several  of  the  bateaux  were  mounted 
with  artillery,  the  fire  of  the  schooner  could  have  been 
returned.  The  armed  vessel,  nevertheless,  might  have  proved 
troublesome,  and  that  it  failed  to  discover  the  expedition  was 
fortunate  for  the  boats  composing  it ;  the  fact  is  even  men- 
tioned, as  a  matter  to  be  blamed  on  the  part  of  her  captain. 

The  officer  in  command  of  the  fort  was  captain  Pouchot,  of 
the  regiment  of  B^arn,  a  good  and  experienced  officer,  and  in 
other  respects  a  man  of  capacity ,f  He  had  never  anticipated 
any  such  attack,  having  relied  on  his  relations  with  the  Six 
Nations,  and  had  felt  certain  that  any  contemplated  movement 
would  have  been  communicated  to  him.  The  Indians  had 
moreover,  assured  him,  that  he  had  no  cause  for  apprehension. 
What,  to  some  extent,  also  made  the  expedition  a  surprise,  was 
the  belief  that  Amherst  would  descend  the  Saint  Lawrence  and 
endeavour  to  effect  all  that  was  attainable  in  one  campaign, 
and  it  was  greatly  feared  in  the  colony  that  this  course  would 
be  taken.     He  had,  however,  done  his  best  to  make  the  fort 

*  Both  Poucbot  and  de  Lfvis  menlion  the  panic  with  which  the  French  troopt 
were  seized.  De  Levis  places  it  during  the  first  attack  [Journal,  p.  189.]  From 
the  narrative  of  the  events  bjr  Haldimand,  who  knew  nothing  o(  the  panic,  it 
musi  have  taken  plac«  immediately  prior  to  their  re-embarkation. 

f  In  17S1,  at  Yverdun,  in  Switzerland,  he  published  a  work  upon  the  war, 
"Mimoiies  sur  la  demiire  guerre  de  rAmerique,  •  •  »  suivis  d'observalions 
dont  plusieurs  sont  rtUlivej  au  theatre  acluel  de  la  guerre,  de  noaveaux  details  sur 
la  mcEurs,  les  usages  des  Sauvages  avec  des  Cartes  Typc^raphiques." 


322  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  ['759 

secure,  and  had  extended  and  improved  the  defences  so  far  as 
his  means  permitted.  The  fort  was  situated  on  the  spot  occu- 
pied by  the  present  building,  at  the  corner  of  the  western 
angle  at  the  discharge  of  the  river  Niagara  into  lake  Ontario : 
it  was  defended  by  bastions,  with  guns  en  barbelU,  directed 
towards  the  lake.  On  the  land  side  the  defences  were  more 
elaborate:  they  consisted  of  two  bastions  and  a  curtain, 
occupying  the  ful!  extent  of  ground  between  the  two  waters. 
They  had  been  built  of  casks,  filled  with  earth,  while  along  the 
lake  shore,  balks,  fourteen  inches  square  and  fifteen  feet  long, 
had  been  placed  side  by  side.  The  garrison  consisted  of  149 
regulars,  183  of  the  colonial  troops,  133  Canadian  militia,  21 
gunners,  the  whole  amounting  to  486  men.  There  were  two 
posts  connected  with  Niagara;  one  where  LewJston  now  stands, 
at  the  foot  of  the  ascent, was  known  as  the  "fort  du  portage:" 
while  on  the  height  at  the  foot  of  Grand  island,  opposite  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Welland  river,*  known,  after  the  conquest,  as 
Chippewa  creek,  a  second  post  was  established,  afterwards, 
called  fort  Schlosser.  It  was  at  this  point  that  goods  were 
received  from,  or  transferred  to  the  canoes  which  ascended 
between  Grand  island  and  the  main  land.  The  first  post  was 
held  by  joncaire  de  Chabert,  a  half-breed  officer,  with  a  small 

Pouchot,  considering  himself  secure,  had  weakened  his  force 
by  sending  detachments  to  the  Ohio.  The  first  intelligence  he 
heard  of  the  landing  was  from  a  soldier,  who,  with  two 
comrades  in  the  woods  shooting  pigeons,  had  been  attacked. 
He  escaped,  while  the  other  men  were  seized.  Pouchot,  con- 
sidering that  it  was  the  proceeding  of  some  stray  Indians,  sent 
out  a  party  of  ten.  As  they  were  marching  with  no  anticipa- 
tion of  danger,  they  found  themselves  surrounded.  Five  were 
taken  prisoners,  and  two  wounded  ;  thus  Pouchot,  for  the  first 
time,  knew  that  the  British  were  upon  him  in  force.  He  sent 
out  his  scouts  to  examine  the  enemy's  position.  He  was  then 
informed  that  Prideaux  had  established  himself  at  what  was 

•  Hy  proclamation  o(  179J  Ihis  stream  was  officially  described  as  Welland 
river,  it  took  Eome  years  for  the  name  10  be  generally  recognized. 


I7S9]  ATTACK   OF   FOUT   NIAGARA.  323 

known  as  the  little  Marsh,  with  a  portion  of  the  force 
encamped  in  the  woods,  the  barges,  under  a  guard,  were  drawn 
up  on  shore. 

Pouchot  immediately  sent  orders  to  joncaire  de  Chabert  to 
abandon  the  "  fort  de  portage,"  and  to  join  him  by  the  east 
side  of  the  river,  while  he  despatched  an  officer  with  orders  to 
the  commandants  at  Presqu'ile  and  Machault,  to  come  to 
Niagara  with  all  possible  despatch,  bringing  what  force  they 
could  gather  of  French  and  Indians.  Chabert  found  his  way 
to  Niagara,  first  burning  his  fort  as  untenable.  Having  taken 
these  precautions,  Pouchot  resolutely  prepared  for  the  defence 
of  the  place.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  8th  an  officer  appeared 
with  a  white  flag ;  a  captain  of  the  Royal  Americans.  Blind- 
folded, he  was  led  through  the  brush  wood,  and  brought  to 
Pouchot,  to  whom  he  gave  a  letter  from  Prideaux,  to  the  effect 
that  the  king  had  appointed  him  governor  of  fort  Niagara, 
and  he  was  present  to  cause  its  surrender,  if  necessary,  by 
force.  Pouchot  replied  he  did  not  understand  English,  and 
had  no  reply  to  make.  However,  he  invited  the  officer  to 
breakfast,  when  he  said  that  he  felt  himself  in  a  condition  to 
defend  the  fortress,  which  he  hoped  Mr.  Prideaux  would  never 
enter ;  and  before  making  terms  with  him,  at  least  he  would 
seek  an  opportunity  of  gaining  his  esteem. 

Prideaux  proceeded  to  invest  the  place;  on  the  nth  a 
battery  was  completed  but  the  fire  was  without  effect :  the 
works  had  been  commenced  in  the  wrong  spot.  At  this 
time  many  of  the  engineer  officers  of  the  army  are  represented 
as  being  ignorant  and  incompetent ;  there  were,  doubtless, 
exceptions  to  whom,  this  censure  did  not  apply.  Often, 
however,  their  work  was  worse  than  useless,  for  it  was  mis- 
leading, and  imposed  on  the  troops  much  unnecessary  severe 
labour.  A  curious  scene  took  place  in  the  fort  on  the  !2th, 
between  some  Iroquois  allies  of  the  French  and  those  on 
the  English  side,  when  each  party  endeavoured  to  persuade 
the  other  to  abandon  the  cause  it  had  embraced.  A  French 
Indian  had  first  visited  the  British  camp,  where  he  had 
been  received  by  a  chief  in  Johnson's  presence,  who  looked 


324  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1759 

Upon  the  event  in  the  light  of  a  jest  Pouchot  was  present 
at  the  interview  in  the  fort.  As  might  have  been  looked  for, 
the  meeting  was  without  result ;  it  had  been  acceded  toon  both 
sides  to  conciliate  the  Indians.  All  that  followed  was  that 
Pouchot  gave  each  of  his  visitors  a  loaf,  as  in  the  British  camp 
they  had  only  cakes  cooked  in  a  pan. 

The  British  continued  to  advance  their  lines,  but  the  bombs 
did  little  damage,  and  they  themselves  somewhat  suffered 
from  the  fire  of  the  besieged.  On  the  15th  and  i6th  a  new 
position  was  chosen,  and  the  British  commenced  to  fire 
musketry  from  their  trenches.  The  ground  had  been  selected 
with  the  design  of  the  battery  enfilading  the  covered  way,  and 
so  obtain  protection  against  sorties.  Shells  were  now  thrown 
into  the  fort  with  more  effect.  It  rained  heavily  on  the  i6th, 
and  the  following  day  was  foggy.  The  British  were,  therefore, 
enabled  to  push  forward  a  battery  within  780  yards  of  the 
bastion  angle,  the  fire  of  which  was  troublesome  to  the 
defenders.  On  the  following  day  the  works  were  advanced 
nearly  two  hundred  feet,  and  a  heavy  fire  directed  against 
the  fort  from  cannon,  mortars  and  howitzers. 

An  unfortunate  accident  happened  on  the  20th.  A  shell 
burst  on  leaving  the  gun,  a  piece  of  which  struck  brigadier 
Prideaux,  causing  instant  death.  Johnson  consequently 
assumed  the  command  and  energetically  urged  on  the  works  ; 
by  the  23rd  an  eight-gun  battery  was  opened  within  1 50  yards 
of  the  place. 

Pouchot  received  a  reply  to  his  letter  to  the  Ohio  forts, 
written  by  him  to  summon  those  garrisons  to  his  assistance,  in 
which  he  was  asked  which  was  the  best  course  to  be  taken  to 
relieve  him.  He  had  replied  that  the  enemy  was  divided  ;  a 
detachment  was  guarding  the  canoes,  and  the  rest  of  the  force 
was  on  the  side  of  the  little  marsh  ;  if  de  Ligneris  thought 
himself  capable  of  successfully  attacking  the  British  in  one  of 
these  positions,  he  should  make  the  attempt,  for  should  he 
defeat  them,  it  would  be  the  means  of  raising  the  siege.  The 
reinforcements  accordingly  started  for  Niagara.  In  addition  to 
the  Ohio  garrisons,  they  included  several  traders  and  Indians, 


1759]  DEFEAT  OF  THE  FRENCH.  325 

gathered  from  Detroit  and  the  Illinois,  numbering  twelve 
hundred  men.  The  material  was  good  as  far  as  courage  was 
considered  ;  but  it  was  an  irregular  force  without  discipline, 
except  on  the  side  of  the  men  sent  from  the  garrisons.  The 
trader's  wild  and  reckless  life  taught  him  to  be  daring,  and  he 
had  learned  every  stratagem  which  an  Indian  might  practise  ; 
generally  he  was  without  that  steady,  sustained  courage,  so 
necessary  in  an  emergency. 

Johnson's  scouts  gave  him  notice  of  the  approach  of  this 
reinforcement,  and  he  determined  to  intercept  it  on  its  march. 
He  posted  himself  below  the  falls,  and  on  the  evening  of  the 
23rd  he  advanced  some  light  infantry  pickets  to  intercept  any 
force  descending  the  road.  During  the  night  he  marched 
some  grenadiers  and  a  part  of  the  46th  to  sustain  the  attack. 
The  French  column  reached  the  ground  about  half-past  nine 
in  the  morning.  They  were  met  in  front  by  a  strong  body  of 
the  British  and  Indians.  As  an  attempt  was  made  to  force  a 
way  through  this  column,  an  attack  was  made  upon  the  flank. 
It  proved  disastrous  to  the  French :  in  an  hour,  after  great 
loss,  they  were  completely  -routed.  Many  prisoners  were 
taken,  among  them  nine  officers,  including  Aubry,  de  Ligneris, 
Marin,  de  Montigny,  and  de  R^pentigny. 

The  troops,  scattered  and  broken,  hurried  from  the  field  to 
the  fort  above  the  falls,  where  Rocheblave,  a  trader,  had  been 
left  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  in  charge  of  the  canoes 
and  bateaux.  Many  made  their  way  to  fort  Presqu'ile,  where 
they  were  joined  by  the  few  troops  of  that  place  and  of  fort 
Machault,  who  had  not  taken  part  in  the  expedition.  De 
Beilaitre,who  from  illness  had  been  unable  to  be  present,  now 
assumed  command.  The  loss  in  theaction  of  those  belonging 
to  the  garrisons  of  these  places  had  been  two  hundred  and 
fifty,  mostly  of  the  marine  force.  A  great  many  of  the  traders 
from  Illinois  had  likewise  been  killed,  or  taken.  What 
remained,  of  those  who  had  constituted  the  expedition, 
ascended  lake  Erie,  and  made  their  way  as  rapidly  as  possible 
to  Detroit. 

While  the  fight  was  going  on  west  of  the  fort,  a  French  ser- 


326  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1759 

geant,  observing  that  the  British  trenches  were  quiet,  imagined 
that  they  were  so  far  abandoned  as  to  be  unguarded,  and  asked 
leave  to  make  a  sortie  and  take  possession  of  them.  Pouchot, 
without  attaching  faith  to  the  proposition,  in  order  not  to 
depress  the  spirit  of  the  men,  granted  the  request,  but  placed 
the  force  under  the  command  of  de  Villars,  with  strict  injunc- 
tions to  keep  it  under  control.  The  first  indication  of  such  a 
movement  disclosed  the  fact,  that  the  trenches  were  manned 
as  usual ;  indeed,  an  unusually  strong  force  was  under  arms,  to 
act  as  occasion  would  suggest. 

The  following  day  Johnson  again  sent  a  summons  to  sur- 
render. The  bearer  of  the  letter  was  major  Hervey,  a  son  of 
lord  Bristol.  Johnson  asked  that  his  personal  statement 
might  hie  accepted.  Hervey  related  the  defeat  of  the  detach- 
ment, and  gave  the  names  of  the  prisoners.  In  reply  Pouchot 
sent  captain  de  Cervies,  of  the  Royal  Rousillon,  to  the  British 
camp.  The  messenger  there  saw  the  too  painful  evidence  of 
the  truth,  and  so  reported  to  Pouchot.  The  intelligence  had 
a  most  depressing  influence  on  the  garrison.  Theofficers  had 
the  greatest  difficulty  in  restraining  many  of  the  troops  from 
abandoning  the  place  ;  there  were  many  Germans  in  the 
colonial  corps,  lately  sent  over  from  France,  who  were 
exceedingly  mutinous. 

A  council  of  war  was  held,  and  it  was  resolved  to  capitulate. 
Major  Hervey,  who  remained  in  the  fort  during  the  absence 
of  M.  de  Cervies,  was  called  in  by  Pouchot,  and  the  olfer  of 
capitulation  was  made:  the  garrison  to  march  out  with  the 
honours  of  war,  and  to  be  sent  to  Montreal.  Johnson,  how- 
ever, refused  this  condition. 

The  terms  which  he  granted  were :  (l)  That  the  garrison 
should  march  out  with  the  honours  of  war  to  embark  in  boats 
to  proceed  to  New  York  ;  (2)  abandoning  their  arms,  but 
retaining  their  baggage  ;  (3)  the  officers  to  retain  their  arms  ; 
(4)  the  women,  children,  and  chaplain  to  be  sent  to  the  first 
French  fort,  so  they  may  proceed  to  Montreal,  except  in  the 
case  of  British  subjects  ;  (5)  the  sick  and  wounded  to  remain 
until  they  could  support  the  journey  ;  {6}  neither  officer  nor 



soldier  to  be  subject  to  any  act  of  reprisal ;  (7)  an  inventory 
to  be  made  of  munitions  of  war  and  artillery,  ships  and  boats, 
and  the  men  not  to  be  separated  from  their  officers  ;  (9)  the 
garrison  to  be  protected  by  an  escort  against  Indians  ;•  (10) 
the  employees  to  have  the  fate  of  the  garrison  ;  (11)  the 
Indians  not  to  be  ill-treated. 

The  last  clause  was  accompanied  by  the  recommendation 
that  the  Indians  would  leave  secretly. 

The  loss  of  the  French  during  the  siege  was  forty  regulars, 
forty-three  of  the  marine  service,  twenty-six  militia ;  total, 
one  hundred  and  nine  killed  and  wounded  :  there  were  thirty- 
seven  sick.  The  number  of  prisoners  of  all  ranks,  marched 
from  Niagara  to  New  York  was  six  hundred  and  seven.  This 
number  included  those  that  were  taken  at  the  action  of  the 
24th  of  July.  Forty-three  cannon  were  ceded  to  the  victors, 
from  2  to  14-prs.,  nineteen  of  which  were  i2-prs.,  with  a 
quantity  of  round  shot,  hand  grenades,  intrenching  tools, 
15,000  lbs.  of  powder,  40,000  lbs.  lead  balls  and  shot,  2  cwt. 
matches,  43  shells,  56  muskets  and  50  bbls.  powder. 

On  the  death  of  Prideaux,  Johnson,  on  the  assumption  that 
he  was  in  full  command,  wrote  to  Haldimand,  calling  on  him 
to  proceed  to  Niagara.  Haldimand  immediately  appealed 
to  Amherst,  expressing    himself  astonished   that  Johnson 

*  The  9th  clause  calls  for  special  atlenlion.  The  lollowing  is  the  full  text : 
"L&  gamLson  sera  condiulle  (sic)  avcc  on  cscorte  jusqu'a  rendioil  destin^  pour  son 
sijour.  M.  le  General  recomniendra  expressemenl  i  I'Escorte  d'empccher  que  lei 
sauvages  n'approchenl  el  n'insuUent  toul  ce  qui  compose  Ic  gamison  el  ne  la 
pUlent  ;  lors  qu'elle  quitlera  ses  stmes  el  s'embatquera  elle  aura  le  meme  soin  le 
long  de  la  route  parlout,  ou  il  pourra  servi  centre  des  Sauvages."  The  addition  to 
clauM  tl,  thai  the  IndUns  should  have  libeity  to  go  where  the;  pleased  is  worthy 
pieservalion,  "Accord^  tnais  tl  est  i  propos  qu'ils  tachenl  i  le  faire  eti  cachelle." 

It  is  plain  that  the  garrison  bore  in  mind  the  trealment  received  by  the  British 
garrison  at  William  Henry.  The  fact  can  be  read  in  the  stipulation,  (hat  the 
«»COrt  should  not  allow  the  Indians  lo  injure  the  French  troops  on  the  whole 
length  of  the  route  or  wherever  they  might  be.  This  convention  was  strictly 
carried  out.  Some  criticism  was  afterwards  made  on  the  observance  of  this  clause 
by  MoDtcatm,  who  ivrote  that  notwithstanding  the  great  cate  of  the  Ejiglish  ofKcert 
the  Iikdinns  had  pillaged  the  equipages  at  Niagara,  to  which  Amherst  replied  that 
he  thought  the  reports  were  without  ground.  Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I., 
gi.a,  pp.  17I-279,  October,  1759. 


328  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1759 

should  have  arrogated  to  himself  this  position  ;  for  when 
Haldimand  had  been  sent  in  the  spring  to  the  Mohawk, 
Johnson  was  only  looked  upon  as  the  head  of  the  militia. 
Haldimand,  on  the  contrary,  had  been  regarded  as  second  in 
command,  and  had  remained  at  Oswego  at  Amherst's  express 
desire.  Haldimand  had,  therefore,  determined  to  proceed  to 
Niagara  and  assert  his  rank,  but,  sooner  than  make  difficulty, 
he  would  serve  under  Johnson.  Amherst  immediately  replied, 
complimenting  Haldimand  on  his  determination  to  act  in  this 
spirit.  Amherst  heard  of  Prideaux's  death  on  the  29th  of 
July,  when  at  Carillon  ;  he  immediately  despatched  Gage  to 
take  command,  thus  removing  all  complications.  Gage  was 
instructed,  as  soon  as  he  could  possibly  do  so,  to  take  post  at 
La  Galette. 

While  fort  Niagara  was  garrisoned  by  the  British,  the  two 
upper  forts  were  either  destroyed  or  permitted  to  fall  into 
ruins.  Fort  Schlosser  •  was  subsequently  re-established,  and 
was  held  by  a  small  party  in  1761. 

The  loss  of  Niagara  was  the  destruction  of  French  power 
on  lake  Ontario.  There  alone  remained  to  them,  in  the 
west,  Detroit,  the  Illinois,  with  the  unimportant  posts  on  lake 
Michigan.  The  Ohio  was  as  completely  free  from  French 
influence  as  when  C^loron  de  Bienville,  in  1749,  entered  on  its 
first  exploration  and  warned  off  the  English  traders  from  its 
banks.  In  1753  possession  had  been  taken  of  the  upper 
waters  by  Legardeur  de  St  Pierre,  and  in  1754  fort  Duquesne 
was  built  In  1758  Forbes  regained  fort  Duquesne,  for  its 
name  to  be  no  longer  heard.  French  occupation  of  the  Ohio 
lasted  scarcely  six  years,  when  it  was  forever  swept  away,  and 
the  country  left  open  to  the  colonist  of  Pennsylvania  and 
Virginia.  The  French  had  no  longer  a  resting-place  on  the 
shores  of  lake  Ontario  or  lake  Erie  ;  their  only  safe  mode  of 
reaching  Detroit  was  by  proceeding  up  the  Ottawa  and  by 

*  So  named  after  a  Gennan  officer  of  the  Royal  Americans,  John  Joseph 
Schlosser.  He  had  obtained  a  commission  in  1756,  and  was  present  as  a  lieutenant 
in  Abercrombie's  repulse  from  Ticonderi^a  of  the  Sih  of  Juljr,  where  he  was 
wounded.     He  was  also  at  the  siege  of  Niagara. 


1759]  FORT  ROUILLfi.  329 

descending  lake  Huron.  Fort  Rouill^,  at  Toronto,  when  the 
capture  of  Niagara  became  known,  had  been  destroyed.  Its 
shattered  walls  and  charred  beams  were  the  only  mementoes 
of  French  rule  on  the  lake ;  and  that  this  spot  was  not 
occupied  by  the  British  race,  was  from  the  fact  alone  that 
it  was  no  longer  of  importance. 



It  was  now  incumbent  upon  Amherst  to  complete  the 
organization  he  was  himself  to  lead,  in  order  to  advance  by- 
lake  Champlain  and  attack  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point 
In  one  respect  he  found  himself  greatly  embarrassed  ;  he  was 
without  money  and  the  credit  of  the  imperial  treasury  had 
already  lost  much  of  its  prestige.  From  the  inability  to  make 
the  payment  incident  to  every-day  life,  public  confidence  had 
become  greatly  impaired.  In  this  emergency  Amherst  applied 
to  the  legislatures  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  for  some 
assistance.  He  asked  for  a  loan  of  ;ti  50,000  currency  from 
the  former,  from  the  latter  ;C50,ooo,  "  to  enable  His  Majesty's 
general  to  pay  debts  contracted  "  and  to  carry  on  the  public 
service.*  Amherst  wrote  to  de  Lancey,  then  governor  of  New 
York,  on  the  14th  of  June,  on  the  subject,  and  the  house  was 
specially  called  to  consider  the  request.  On  the  26th  the 
governor  sent  his  message,  stating  the  necessities  of  the  case^ 
the  loan  to  be  issued  on  bills  of  the  province,  redeemable  in 
twelve  months  after  date,  by  money  obtained  on  bills  of 
exchange  on  the  imperial  government.  The  amount  was  voted 
on  the  28th  of  June ;  the  province  to  be  kept  harmless  and 
to  be  indemnified  from  all  costs,  chaises  and  damages. 
Amherst  thanked  the  assembly  very  cordially  for  their  loyalty 
to  the  crown  and  zeal  for  his  service. 

*  The  York  shilling  whs  ihe  English  sixpence,  accordingly  ihere  were  ten 
shillings  sterling  lo  the  pound,  New  York.  On  the  other  hand,  four  shillings 
were  called  a  dollar,  consequently  there  were  two  and  a  half  dollars  lo  the  pound. 
New  York.  Thus  the  ;£i  50,000  currency  was  equal  to  $375,000,  New  York.  The 
^^50.000,  Pennsylvania,  appears  to  have  been  sterling  money.  There  was  the 
diffiGulty  in  Pennsylvania  that  the  governor  hesitated  to  act,  as  it  was  contrary  to 
his  instructions  from  the  propiicly  to  strike  paper  money.  Both  Amberst  and 
Slanwix  personally  appealed  to  him,  and  undertook  to  represent  the  difficulties  in 
which  the  military  authonlies  were  placed,  as  a  reason  for  his  proceeding  without 
reference  lo  the  home  authorities.  Under  these  circumstances,  Denny  consented 
to  disregard  the  restrictions  imposed  upon  him. 



Stanwix  wrote  to  Amherst  on  the  20th  of  June  "Our  credit 
is  so  bad  here  from  the  people  not  being  paid,  that  I  have  been, 
and  am  obliged  to  deposit  money  in  the  hands  of  a  creditable 
person,  to  pay  carriages  before  they  set  out."  • 

On  the  20th  of  June  Amherst's  force  left  fort  Edward. 
Posts  were  established  between  that  fort  and  fort  George,-^  at 
Half-way  brook.  Two  months'  provisions  were  tsfken  for  the 
expedition.  The  provincial  troops  arrived  slowly  and  it  was 
not  until  the  20th  of  July  that  the  column  was  ready  to  go 
forward.  The  artillery  was  embarked  during  the  night  and 
orders  were  given  for  the  tents  to  be  struck  at  two  o'clock.  On 
the  2ist  they  entered  the  boats  at  day-break  and  started  at 
nine.  The  army  was  formed,  into  four  columns,  the  boats  in 
each  column  rowing,  two  side  by  side.  Gage's  light  infantry 
covered  the  columns  in  front,  the  boats  being  abreast,  while 
Whiting's  provincials  were  in  the  rear.  There  was  no  obstruc- 
tion to  the  advance,  indeed  the  magnitude  of  the  force  made 
opposition  impossible.     In  all  ranks  it  amounted  to  11,3764 

"  Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I.,  91.1,  p.  75. 

t  The  DC«  (on  built  by  Amherst  on  the  site  of  the  old  structure,  William 

;  According  to  the  return  given  [Can.  Arch.,  Series  A.  &  W.  I,,  90,  p.  281], 
the  strength  of  Amheisl's  force  was  as  follows  : — 

is[  Battalion  Roya]  Americans  974 

I7ih      "         laie  Forbes 734 

37lh  Innisltillings 744 

43nd  Rofal  Highlanders. 1,023 

S3rd  Prideaux 728 

62nd  Montgomery's 960 

Gige't  Ught  Inrantry 534 

Rangers 724 

Artillery 116 

Massachusetts 1,202 

New  Jersey 991 

Lyman,  Connecticut 661 

Whiting,         "         736 

Filch,  •'         .   .,".   636 

Babcock,         "        613 


Total '1,376 


332  THE   HISTORY  OK   CANADA.  ['759 

At  daybreak  on  the  22nd  the  first  landing  was  made  on  the 
east  side,  within  three  miles  of  the  enemy's  post,  and  the 
troops  advanced  directly  to  the  saw  mills.  The  whole  of  the 
force  was  landed  three  hours  later  in  good  order,  and  as  each 
regiment  disembarked  it  drew  up  on  the  beach,  and  marched 
to  the  same  spot.  As  the  rangers  crossed  the  bridge,  they 
were  met  by  a  party  of  French  and  Indians  ;  the  latter,  how- 
ever, were  soon  dispersed,  a  few  prisoners  were  taken,  and 
some  Indians  killed,  whom  the  rangers  scalped.  The  party 
advanced,  and  took  possession  of  the  higher  ground,  on  which 
they  commenced  to  intrench  themselves.  It  was  a  hill  which 
commanded  the  fort,  and  was  held  by  the  Massachusetts 
troops.  From  the  information  received  from  the  prisoners,  it 
was  known  that  the  French  only  heard  of  the  British  advance 
at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  that  the  report  was  dis- 
believed. The  road  to  the  intrenchment  was  found  encum- 
bered with  trees,  which  were  removed,  and  two  12-prs.  and 
two  6-prs.  were  brought  up  to  the  saw  mills.  A  party  shewed 
themselves  on  the  height,  fired,  and  rapidly  retired.  News 
was  brought  that  men  were  actively  engaged  in  loading  the 
bateaux  and  sloops  which  were  on  lake  Champlain.  On  the 
morning  of  the  23rd  the  troops  began  their  march  towards  the 
intrenchment,  when  the  scouts  reported  that  the  enemy  had 
abandoned  their  lines,  only  a  few  sentries  appearing,  and  that 
some  buildings  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  fort  had  been  set 
on  fire,  and  were  then  burning:  the  fact  that  men  were  busy 
loading  bateaux  vids  corroborated. 

As  the  British  came  upon  the  intrenchment,  the  scene  of 
Abercrombie's  repulse,  it  was  found  to  be  abandoned,  so  the 
troops  marched  onwards  towards  the  fort.  They  were  here 
received  with  the  dischai^e  of  cannon.  As  the  regiments 
took  up  their  ground,  they  formed  banquettes  for  protection, 
the  enemy  firing  continuously  and  throwing  shells  among 
them.  That  night  the  British  troops  lay  on  their  arms ;  on  the 
following  morning  they  commenced  the  construction  of  the 
approaches.  The  men  were,  however,  very  fatigued,  and  on 
that  day  little  work  was  done.     During  the  night  some  of  the 



French  Indians  fired  upon  the  advance  posts.  Contrary  to 
orders,  the  light  infantry  discharged  their  muskets.  The 
instructions  had  been  given  to  receive  any  attack  with  the 
bayonet,  and  a  needless  alarm  was  given.  An  officer  of  the 
17th  was  killed  and  some  men  were  wounded.  By  the  25th 
the  fascines  had  been  made,  and  six  24-prs.  and  some  12-prs. 
moved  to  the  front.  Two  batteries  were  erected  ;  one  on  the 
right,  400  yards  from  the  fort,  and  that  of  the  left  450  yards, 
with  two  mortar  batteries.  The  flat  bottomed  boats  and  the 
whale  boats  were  carried  across  t\ie.  portage  to  lake  Champlain 
with  a  force  to  prevent  the  retreat  of  the  enemy.  Towards 
the  evening  of  this  day  colonel  Townshend,  the  quartermaster- 
general,  was  killed  by  a  cannon  shot ;  some  few  men  fell,  and 
several  were  wounded.  As  night  came  on  the  firing  ceased ;  on 
the  26th  it  was  resumed  with  activity.  Rogers  was  instructed 
with  a  party  to  descend  to  lake  Champlain,  and  cut  the  boom 
placed  across  the  narrow  waters  to  the  opposite  shore.  The 
French  Indians  continued  their  system  of  war  in  watching  for 
small  parties  off  their  guard  ;  they  attacked  a  few  men  of 
Wooster's  Connecticut  regiment,  killed  and  scalped  them  ;  and 
a  party  of  waggoners  crossing  lake  George,  running  negli- 
gently in  shore  without  keeping  watch,  was  seized  and  every 
man  scalped.  On  lake  Champlain  the  enemy's  boats  were 
extremely  active,  and  before  dark  the  French  troops  in  the 
fort  were  observed  getting  under  arms.  A  portion  of  them 
appeared  on  the  glacis  as  if  contemplating  a  sortie.  They 
ceased  firing,  and  some  doubt  was  experienced  as  to  what 
would  take  place,  when  three  deserters  came  into  the  camp. 
They  informed  Amherst  that  the  garrison  was  embarking  to 
abandon  the  fort,  and  were  leaving  a  match  in  the  powder 
magazine,  the  fuse  of  which  would  be  lighted  when  the  last 
man  had  left,  so  that  the  walls  could  be  blown  up.  Amherst 
offered  a  hundred  guineas  to  any  one  of  these  three  men  who 
would  return  and  point  out  where  the  fuse  was,  but  they 
declined  the  offer;  indeed,  they  stated  they  did  not  know  where 
it  was  laid  ;  it  had  been  placed  after  they  came  out,  and  there 


334  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1759 

was  so  much  powder  in  the  magazine  that  they  did  not  con- 
sider the  British  were  even  safe  in  their  encampment. 

At  eleven  o'clock  a  loud  explosion  was  heard,  and  the  whole 
fort  burst  into  a  flame  of  fire.  The  French  colours  were  seen 
in  the  blaze  flying  in  the  wind.  To  secure  possession  of  them 
a  dashing  young  sergeant  with  four  men  of  Gage's  light 
infantry  undertook  the  perilous  duty  of  rushing  forward  to 
■capture  them,  amid  the  fire  and  smoke  and  the  half-ruined 
walls.  On  the  left  of  the  British  line  a  party  of  twenty  men 
under  a  cadet  was  captured.  Their  account  of  themselves 
was,  that  they  had  been  absent  on  particular  duty,  and  that 
they  must  have  been  forgotten,  for  they  knew  nothing  of  the 
abandonment  of  the  fort.  The  British  learned  from  them, 
that  two  battalions  of  Berri  with  a  detachment  of  the  marine 
troops  and  the  militia  had  been  camped  on  the  French  line 
under  de  Bourlamaque  the  day  the  British  landed,  but  they 
had  at  once  retreated,  leaving  400  men  in  the  fort  under 
HebecourL  No  news  of  Quebec  could  be  obtained.  On 
the  27th  the  fort  continued  to  burn,  when  all  the  camp  kettles 
were  put  into  requisition  and  the  entire  force  employed  in 
extinguishing  the  flames.  It  was  found  that  the  two  sides 
near  the  water  were  demolished  ;  the  other  portion  remained 
entire,  the  fire  only  having  reached  the  upper  timbers. 
Rogers  was  successful  in  taking  two  bateaux  loaded  with 
powder,  and  had  towed  them  ashore. 

Amherst  encamped  within  the  lines,  and  remained  at 
Ticonderoga  to  fish  up  the  sunken  boats,  and  to  take  steps  for 
the  construction  of  vessels  to  contend  against  the  French 
armed  sloops  on  lake  Champlain.  Ticonderoga  was  the 
place  where  the  work  must  be  performed,  for  there  was  the 
sawmill,  and  timber  could  be  obtained  there.  He  also 
prepared  to  rebuild  the  batteries  and  trenches  and  to  restore 
the  shattered  fort.  On  the  evening  of  the  28th  the  fire  was 
totally  extinguished. 

These  matters  systematically  commenced,  Amherst  sent 
on  five  hundred  men  to  Crown  Point.  On  the  29th  he  heard 
of  the  death  of  Prideaux  and  of  the  unpleasant  relations 


1759]  CROWN  POINT.  335 

between  Johnson  and  Haldimand.  He  accordingly  sent 
Gage  to  take  command. 

The  French  force  at  Crown  Point  could  be  clearly  seen 
from  Rattlesnake  mountain.  Two  armed  sloops  and  a 
schooner  still  remained  there.  The  operations  were  tempo- 
rarily discontinued,  for  the  rain  fell  so  heavily  on  the  30th 
that  the  baleaux  could  not  be  forced  over  the  portage. 

The  damage  which  the  fort  had  received  was  now  made 
known.  There  was  only  a  part  of  the  walls  injured,  and  all 
the  work  of  importance  required  was  the  restoration  of  one 
bastion  and  a  part  of  the  curtain.  The  glacis  and  covered 
way  were  still  good,  the  casemates  uninjured.  Eleven  excel- 
lent ovens  remained  standing  in  good  condition,  and  they 
proved  of  the  greatest  use  to  the  conquerors,  for  bread  could 
be  baked. 

On  the  rst  of  August  the  scouting  party  returned  to  report 
that  Crown  Point  had  been  abandoned  and  destroyed. 
Another  party  brought  in  a  prisoner  in  French  uniform  ;  the 
unhappy  man  was  recognized  as  a  deserter,  one  too  who  had 
lately  been  pardoned  :  he  was  immediately  hanged.  On  the 
evening  of  the  4th  of  August  news  arrived  of  the  capitulation 
of  Niagara.  It  was  the  day  that  the  detachment  left  to  take 
possession  of  Crown  Point,  where  it  arrived  at  two  in  the  morn- 
ing. Amherst  followed  and  colonel  Eyre  was  sent  to  trace 
out  the  lines  of  a  fort,  for  the  injury  to  the  fortifications  was 
very  great.  Amherst  himself  proceeded  with  his  organization 
to  continue  the  ascent  of  lake  Champlain,  and  to  force  his  way 
forward  to  Montreal. 

Amherst,  hearing  of  the  capitulation,  again  urged  Gage  to 
descend  the  Saint  Lawrence.  Not  only  was  he  to  take 
possession  of  La  Galette,  but  to  proceed  as  near  to  Montreal* 
as  possible.  From  the  Cedars  he  was  to  send  across  to  Saint 
John's  and  Chambly  to  communicate  with  Amherst,  at  which 
place  he  then  hoped  to  be. 

Considering  that  Champlain  was  now  a  British  lake,  Amherst 
commenced   a    road    from    opposite    Crown    Point    to   the 

*  III  of  August,  1759.    Can.  Arch.,  A.  &  W.  I.,  91. 1,  p.  141. 



Connecticut  river.  The  road  ran  in  an  easterly  direction, 
inclining  to  the  south  ;  it  was  directed  to  a  place  then  known 
as  No.  4,  now  called  Charlstown,*  A  direct  communication 
with  the  lake  would  thus  be  opened  with  Massachusetts  and 
New  Hampshire.  Two  hundred  rangers  were  set  to  work  on 
the  road. 

Looking  upon  Crown  Point  as  the  best  possible  position  on 
lake  Champlain  for  a  fort,  Amherst  commenced  its  restoration. 
Four  hundred  men  were  set  to  work  on  the  ground,  and  three 
hundred  were  engaged  in  preparing  timber  in  the  woods. 
The  work  was  much  impeded  by  rain.  He  also  directed  an 
exploration  of  Otter  creek,  which  dischai^es  into  the  east 
of  lake  Champlain.  Three  thousand  men  were  set  at  work  on 
the  fort.  Amherst,  from  the  want  of  rigged  vessels,  hesitated 
to  ascend  the  lake  with  sixty-four  bateaux  and  whale-boats. 
De  Bourlamaque  was  strongly  intrenched  at  ile  aux  Noix,  and 
four  vessels  were  -  constantly  cruising  about,  one  of  which, 
"la  Vigilette,"  manned  by  sailors,  had  ten  guns.  Amherst 
felt  the  necessity  of  constructing  vessels  to  cope  with  this 
force.  At  one  time  he  entertained  the  design  of  burning  the 
French  vessels ;  he  even  obtained  the  names  of  the  best 
swimmers  in  the  force.  Some  boats  were  despatched  to  carry- 
out  the  enterprise,  but  they  found  the  French  on  their  guard 
against  surprise. 

The  events,  which  had  taken  place  on  lake  Champlain,  had 
entirely  changed  the  conditions  under  which  the  fort  at  the 
head  of  lake  George  had  been  commenced.  The  abandon- 
ment of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point  by  the  French  was 
regarded  as  having  permanently  advanced  the  British  frontier ; 
it  was  on  this  theory  that  a  new  line  of  road  had  been  opened 
to  New  England.  During  the  summer  one  portion  of  the  fort 
having  been  completed,  in  itself  forming  a  certain  defence,  the 
work  was  stopped,  and  the  men  ordered  to  Crown  Point,  to 
assist  in  pushing  on  the  fortiBcations  at  that  place. 

Amherst  wrote  to  Wolfe  from  Crown  Point  in  August.  The 
bearer  of  his  communication  was  captain  Quinton  Kennedy, 

"  So  spelt  in  Sauthier't  map  of  1779. 


1759]  THE  ABENAKIS.  337 

of  the  17th,  who  at  the  same  time  received  special  instruc- 
tions to  enter  into  friendly  relations  with  the  Abenaki  Indians 
at  Saint  Francis.  Amherst  wrote  in  the  paper,  with  which 
Kennedy  was  charged,  that  he  was  on  his  way  to  conquer 
Canada,  and  promised  that  if  the  Abenakis  remained  neutral, 
he  would  give  them  his  protection.  The  answer  to  this 
mission  was  to  make  the  bearer  a  prisoner,  and  to  carry  him 
and  those  who  accompanied  him  to  Quebec.  They  consisted 
of  captain  Kennedy,  lieutenant  Hamilton,  captain  Jacobs,  and 
four  Indians.  It  was  from  Montcalm,  on  the  9th  of  Septem- 
ber, that  Amherst  heard  that  his  messenger  had  been  taken, 
Montcalm  adding  that  he  would  send  them  back  with  the 
exchanged  prisoners,  but  by  the  laws  of  war  he  would  be 
justified  in  not  surrendering  them.  Amherst  simply  replied 
that  he  expected  them  to  be  returned.  There  had  always 
been  much  bitterness  of  feeling  against  the  Abenakis.  It 
was  they  who  had  been  the  most  active  in  the  attacks  when 
no  mercy  was  shewn.  The  Indians  of  the  sault  and  the  moun- 
tain, to  some  extent,  recognized  the  claim  of  kindred  with 
the  tribes  on  the  Mohawk,  and  they  could  not  always  be 
relied  upon,  in  the  attacks  of  isolated  spots  of  settlement.  The 
Abenakis  had  never  hesitated  in  wreaking  the  vengeance  they 
had  been  sent  to  execute.  They  had  ever  been  the  most 
remorseless  allies  of  the  French ;  their  past  history  was  written 
in  blood ;  their  names  appear  in  prominence  in  the  expedi- 
tions, the  whole  intent  of  which  was  to  destroy,  or  to  carry 
away  as  prisoners  those  they  surprised,  in  order  to  make 
settlement  impossible,  from  the  dread  of  being  killed  or  forced 
into  servitude.  They  were  nominally  christians,  ministered 
to  by  Jesuit  priests,  many  of  whom  had  been  present  on  the 
commission  of  their  enormities. 

The  treatment  of  Amherst's  messenger  led  him  to  form  the 
determination  to  infliot  summary  chastisement  on  the  settle- 
ment of  Saint  Francis.  The  duty  was  entrusted  to  Rogers, 
with  a  party  of  two  hundred  and  twenty  picked  men,  including 
several  volunteers  from  the  regulars. 

In  order  to  prevent  the  news  being  carried  by  spies  during 


338  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['759 

the  organization  of  the  expedition,  Rogers  was  described  in 
orders  as  proceeding  in  a  totally  different  direction. 

Amherst's  orders  were  emphatic.  "Take  your  revenge; 
but  don't  forget  that  tho'  those  villains  have  dastardly  and 
promiscuously  murdered  the  women  and  children  of  all  ages, 
it  is  my  orders  that  no  women  or  children  are  killed  or  hurt."  • 

Rogers  started  on  the  evening  of  the  13th  of  September,  in 
whale  boats.  He  had  to  advance  up  the  lake  with  great 
caution,  for  de  Bourlamaque's  armed  schooners  shewed  great 
activity,  and  were  constantly  cruising  to  intercept  any  boats  or 
canoes.  On  the  sth  of  March,  captain  Williams,  of  the  Royal 
regiment,  with  several  men  of  the  detachment,  were  injured  by 
an  explosion  of  gunpowder.  With  others  who  had  fallen  sick, 
the  whole,  to  the  number  of  forty,  were  sent  back  to  Crown 
Point     Williams  returned  with  reluctance. 

On  the  lOth  day  Rogers  reached  Missisquoi  bay,  between 
ninety  and  one  hundred  miles  north  of  Crown  Point ;  he  there 
concealed  his  boats.  Rogers  left  behind  him  two  Indians,  on 
whom  he  could  rely,  to  watch  the  craft,  and  to  remain  on  the 
spot  until  he  came  back :  or,  in  case  the  boats  were  discovered 
by  the  enemy,  to  follow  on  his  track  and  give  him  information 
of  the  fact. 

Rogers  had  not  proceeded  far  towards  the  Saint  Francis  on 
the  route  he  had  selected  when  he  was  joined  by  the  Indians, 
who  informed  him  that  his  boats  had  been  burned.  The  news 
much  affected  him.  His  hope  of  retreat  was  cut  off  and  there 
was  the  loss  of  the  provisions,  taken  with  the  boats,  likewise  a 
misadventure.  He  felt,  moreover,  the  certitude  of  his  being 
pursued.  Even  if,  in  an  encounter,  Rogers  got  the  better,  the 
enemy  could  be  reinforced,  while  his  own  force  would  be  cut 
off  from  ali  assistance.  He  resolved,  accordingly,  to  strike 
directly  for  the  Saint  Francis  and  to  anticipate  his  pursuers. 
It  was  a  march  of  eighty  or  ninety  miles,  through  a  rough, 
unbroken  country.  He  sent  off  lieutenant  McMulIen,  to  make 
his  way,  as  best  he  could,  to  Crown  Point,  to  report  to  Amherst 

*  Rogers' J oumaJ,  p.  14J, 


I759J  KOGERS'  ATTACK.  339 

the  facts  as  they  were,  and  to  ask  that  provisions  should  be 
sent  to  the  mouth  of  the  Amonoosuc,  a  tributary  of  the 
Connecticut,  some  ninety  miles  above  No,  4,  the  modem 
Charletown,  the  last  settlement  on  the  river.  McMullen  and 
his  party  reached  Crown  Point  on  the  3rd  of  October,  and 
on  the  following  day  a  party  under  lieutenant  Stephen  was 
despatched  with  the  supplies  required.  It  was  not  difficult  to 
forward  the  provisions  to  this  spot,  for  Amherst  had  caused  a 
road  to  be  cut,  both  from  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  to 
No.  4.  The  two  roads  joined  within  twenty  miles  of  Crown 
Point,  whence  it  was  continued  to  No.  4,  a  distance  of  between 
thirty  and  thirty-five  miles.  For  nine  days  Rogers  passed 
through  marshy  ground,  the  water  most  of  the  way  being  a  foot 
deep.  At  night  they  built  up  their  camps  upon  thick  layers  of 
hemlock  boughs  :  they  started  before  daylight  and  continued 
on  their  way  long  after  dark.  The  tenth  day  they  reached  the 
river  Saint  Francis,  about  fifteen  miles  above  the  Indian  town. 
The  current  was  swift,  the  water  five  feet  deep,  fordable  with 
caution  and  care.  To  experienced  woodsmen,  in  one  sense,  it 
was  an  easy  problem  ;  the  men  linked  arms,  and,  sustained 
by  a  staff  in  the  hand,  the  other  side  was  reached.  After 
cautiously  proceeding  some  distance,  Rogers  climbed  a  tree 
and  discovered  that  he  was  within  three  miles  of  the  doomed 
village.  Accompanied  by  two  of  his  officers.  Turner  and 
Avery,  he  proceeded  to  reconnoitre  the  place  he  was  presently 
to  surprise.  He  approached  sufficiently  near  to  see  that  the 
inhabitants  were  engaged  in  an  orgie,  dancing  and  yelling.  It 
was  on  the  5th  of  October,  the  twenty-second  day  of  his 
leaving  Crown  Point,  that  Rogers'  band  advanced  upon  the 
town.  There  were  now  but  one  hundred  and  forty-two  men, 
officers  included.  He  disposed  his  force  to  prevent  escape  on 
the  right,  left  and  centre.  All  were  asleep.  It  was  just  the 
break  of  dawn  ;  a  rush  was  made  upon  the  wigwams.  Those 
who  appeared  were  shot  down,  those  asleep  in  their  beds  were 
killed  ;  upwards  of  two  hundred  were  slaughtered  ;  some  few 
endeavoured  to  escape,  and  managed  to  start  in  their  canoes, 


340  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [1759 

but  they  were  pursued  by  forty  men  of  the  party,  and  aH  were 
shot  or  drowned.     "  About  seven  the  affair  was  over."  " 

Twenty  women  and  prisoners  were  taken  ;  fifteen,  however, 
of  them  were  immediately  released.  Rogers  brought  away 
two  Indian  boys  and  three  girls.  He  set  fire  to  all  the  houses 
except  three,  in  which  there  was  com,  which  Rogers  took  for 
his  own  use.  The  church  was  plundered  and  burned.  Rogers 
formed  the  opinion,  that  several  who  were  in  hiding  in  the 
village  were  burned,  including  the  priest.f 

Rogers'  loss  was  one  Stockbridge  Indian  killed,  captain 
Ogden  badly,  and  six  men  slightly,  wounded.  Five  English 
captives  were  released  by  him.  Six  hundred  scalps  brought 
from  New  England  were  hanging  as  trophies  from  every  door 
post,  as  a  memento  of  the  past  and  an  encouragement  to 
future  triumphs  in  la  petite  guerre.  Rogers  says  of  the 
Abenakis,  that  to  his  own  knowledge,  within  six  years  they 
had  killed  and  carried  into  captivity  from  New  England  four 
hundred  persons.  In  recording  his  success,  Rogers  adds  that 
had  not  the  boats  been  discovered,  he  would  have  got  back 
without  the  loss  of  a  man.  The  corn  which  was  found  was 
distributed  among  the  men  of  the  detachment  for  their  sub- 
sistence; the  party  had  become  short  of  food,  and  it  was  all  the 
supplies  that  they  could  obtain.  From  his  prisoners  Rogers 
heard  that  four  hundred  French  were  about  four  miles  down 
the  river  below  him,  and  that  a  party  of  two  hundred  French 
and  fifteen  Indians  had  gone  up  the  river  Wigwam  Martina. 
A  council  of  war  was  called,  and  it  was  determined  to  proceed 
homewards  by  No.  4  on  the  Connecticut.  The  detachment 
kept  together  for  eight  days,  until  near  Ampara  Magog  J  lake, 
when  it  was  divided  into  small  companies,  with  guides  given 
to  each,  to  assemble  at  the  mouth  of  the  Amonoosuc  It  was 
thought  that  by  these  means  they  could  better  sustain  them- 
selves by  hunting.     Ensign   Avery  followed  on   the  path  of 

*  It  is  Rogers'  Expression,  snd  i[  is  repealed  by  Amherst, 

t  Rogers  does  nol  so  slate  in  his  published  volume :  it  is  the  report  of  Amheist 
to  Fit),  evidently  on  the  siatement  of  Rogers.  It  is  plain  Dior«  letters  were 
written  than  Rogers  subsequently  published. 

J  So  written  by  Rogers  ;  evidently  take  Memphteroagog. 


1759]  FAILURE   IN   OBTAINING  WOOD.  341 

R(^ers  ;  a  party  of  the  enemy  came  upon  them,  and  took 
seven  of  them  prisoners  ;  two  escaped  and  joined  Rogers  ; 
finally  Avery  himself  appeared.  The  other  parties  eventually 
arrived  safely,  except  with  one  unfortunate  exception,  that  of 
Dunbar  and  Turner.  It  consisted  of  twenty  in  all.  None  of 
them  reappeared,  so  they  must  have  been  killed  and  taken. 
We  know  from  a  contemporary  writer  that  ten  prisoners  were 
brought  to  the  Indian  village,  where  they  were  burned  and 
tortured  ;  and  this  in  the  year  that  Quebec  was  taken.  * 

Amherst  had  immediately  acted  upon  the  request  of  Rogers 
in  sending  the  supplies  he  asked  for.  The  conduct  of  lieu- 
tenant Stephen,  despatched  to  fulfil  this  duty,  was  so  infamous 
as  to  be  scarcely  credible.  He  reached  the  place  indicated, 
and  after  remaining  there  forty-eight  hours  and  no  one 
appearing,  he  took  upon  himself  to  come  away,  and  bring 
back  the  provisions.  The  fellow  was  cashiered.  It  is  rarely 
so  disgraceful  an  act  has  to  be  recorded.  As  the  first  parties 
of  R(^ers  approached,  they  saw  the  fires  burning  ;  as  they 
came  to  where  the  encampment  had  been,  it  was  found  to  be 
deserted.  The  horror  of  the  situation  can  be  conceived.  The 
men  had  undergone  the  greatest  labour  to  reach  this  spot 
They  were  worn  out  with  fatigue,  and  for  days  had  had  scarcely 
sufficient  food  to  keep  life  together.  There  was  little  game 
to  be  found  in  the  place,  and  scarcely  anything  eatable  to  be 
obtained  but  some  roots,  and  these  only  few  in  number. 
Finding  the  fires  burning,  Refers  fired  guns  to  bring  Stephen 
back.  These  guns  Stephen  heard,  and  believing  that  it  was 
the  enemy  approaching,  would  not  return.  Rogers,  with 
Ogden  and  one  of  the  Indian  boys,  made  a  raft  with  great 
labour  and  descended  the  Connecticut  in  search  of  assistance. 
The  second  day  they  reached  White  river  falls,  over  which 
the  raft  was  nearly  carried  ;  they  all  managed,  however,  to 
land.     Being  too  weak  to  cut  down  trees,  they  burned  them 

*  "et  en  emmenereni  to  prisoniecs  a  leur  village  oil  quelques  uns  malgr^  les 
cSbils  que  les  Canadiens  purcnt  faire  poor  les  sauver  devinrcnt  les  viclimes  de  la 
Tureur  des  remmes  sanvages."  Evenemenls  de  la  guerre,  elc,  p.  71.  Hist.  Soc. 


342  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l759 

down,  and  by  fire  reduced  the  sticks  to  the  proper  length  for 
the  construction  of  a  raft  This  work  occupied  them  until  the 
third  day.  They  followed  down  the  stream  to  Wattock- 
quilchey  falls.  A  withe  was  made  of  hazel  bushes  ;  Ogden 
held  it  while  the  raft  went  down  the  falls,  which  extended 
over  fifty  feet.  When  in  quiet  water  below,  Rogers  swam  in 
and  paddled  the  raft  to  land :  had  he  failed,  death  was  the 
only  alternative.  The  next  morning  they  floated  down  the 
stream,  and  meeting  some  men  cutting  wood,  provisions  were 
obtained.  In  two  days  relief  reached  the  spot  where  the 
starving  men  had  remained ;  ten  days  after  Refers  had 
started  to  descend  the  stream. 

Refers  subsequently  re^scended  with  other  canoes  and 
provisions,  to  bring  back  as  many  of  his  party  as  he  could 
assemble.  It  would  appear  that  some  died  of  exhaustion,  but 
no  details  are  given.  Rogers  records  his  loss  in  the  expedi- 
tion as  three  officers  and  forty-six  sergeants  and  privates. 
That  is  to  say,  but  little  short  of  one-third  of  the  force  with 
which  he  made  the  attack  on  the  5th  of  October. 

On  arriving  at  No.  4,  Rogers  despatched  captain  Ogden,  of 
Schuyler's  regiment,  to  Amherst  He  arrived  on  the  7th  of 
November.  In  the  afternoon  an  Indian  came  in,  stating  that 
he  had  left  sixteen  of  Rogers'  party  at  Otter  creek.  Amherst 
immediately  despatched  an  officer's  party  to  their  help.  He 
returned  with  ten  rangers  and  a  German  woman,  who  had 
been  taken  at  the  German  flats,  "  loaded  with  wampum  and 
trinkets."  Amherst  unmistakably  expressed  his  satisfaction 
that "  this  nest  of  barbarians  was  now  at  an  end."  Rogers 
and  the  men  with  him  proceeded  by  the  road  from  No.  4  to 
Crown  Point.* 

As  Gage  considered  the  responsibilities  of  descending  the 

*  There  is  a  nanativc  of  Kc^ets  tying  in  ambush  for  his  pursuers  Rt  n  height 
commanding  the  river  where  the  town  of  Sherbrooke  stands,  in  which  his  pan;  it 
represented  as  delibenlely  liiing  on  the  advancing  Indian  canoes,  killing  Dearly 
every  man,  and  that  an  accompanying  land  parly,  on  hearing  the  firing,  coming 
to  their  tribe's  assistance,  meet  the  same  fate.  The  affair  is  not  mentioned  by 
Rogers  bimKtf  in  the  full  detail  given  by  bim  of  Ibis  event,  nor  is  it  alluded  to  in 
contemporary  documents. 


I7S9]  DELAYS   IN   THE   CAMPAIGN.  343 

Saint  Lawrence  to  La  Galette,  in  accordance  with  his  instruc- 
tions, he  became  impressed  with  the  difficulties  he  had  to 
overcome.  He  wrote  to  this  effect  to  Amherst.  Gage's  after 
career  does  not  suggest  his  fitness  for  a  position  which  required 
capacity,  readiness  of  resource,  and  moral  courage.  In  the 
second  rank  of  nrten  he  holds  a  respectable  reputation  ;  he  had 
courage,  personal  honour,  and  ability  to  act  in  ordinary  occa- 
sions. Doubtless,  the  expedition  would  have  exacted  much 
exertion  and  forethought,  and  it  is  a  question  for  argument  if 
it  really  was  practicable.  Gage  formed  the  contrary  view, 
and  so  represented  the  case  to  Amherst.*  Pitt  towards  the 
end  of  the  year  expressed  his  disappointment  that  the  attempt 
had  not  been  made.  His  letter  to  Amherst  on  the  subject  is 
on  the  verge  of  censure  of  Gage,  for  he  asked  further  explana- 
tions to  be  sent  to  him.f 

As  the  autumn  was  passing  away,  Amherst  ceased  to  enter- 
tain any  hope  of  continuing  his  advance  up  lake  Champlain, 
The  construction  of  vessels  he  was  building  went  on  too 
slowly  for  his  impatience;  the  saw-mill  at  Ticonderoga  was 
constantly  breaking  down,  and  from  time  to  time  there  was  a 
deficiency  of  material.  It  became  plain  to  htm  that  the 
campaign  could  not  be  concluded  before  winter,  and  he  had 
to  accept  the  unpleasant  conviction  that  it  must  be  prolonged 

"  mh  Sepleraber,  1869.  [Can.  Arch.,  A.  &  W.  I.,  91.2,  p.  557.]  Gage 
wrote  that  to  undertake  the  expedition  he  requited  ttiree  times  the  numlKr  of  men 
he  bad  available,  and  that  he  could  not  furnish  La  Galelte  vilh  artillery  and  pro- 
visions without  leaving  Niagara  ill -provided.  He  was  himself  in  fear  of  running 
short  of  provisions,  and  thought  (hat  he  might  have  to  reduce  the  garrison  of 

t  Pitt  to  Amherst,  nth  December,  1759.  [N.  V.  Doc.,  VII.,  p.  41S.]  "  As 
joa  have  not  transmitted  a  copy  of  Brigadier  General  Gage's  letter  (o  you,  of  the 
nth  September,  ]rou  ate  desired  10  send  one  by  the  tttsi  opportunity.  In  the 
meantime,  ai  to  the  many  difhculties  &  impossibilities  which  you  mention,  in 
your  letter  of  the  2ind  October,  (hat  (he  Brigadier  found  (here  would  be  in  erect- 
ile a  Pos[  M  La  Galette  before  winter,  I  will  only  observe  that  (he  Brigadier's 
retolution  to  give  over  the  thoughts  of  tha(  attempt  was  (aken  on  the  1  (th  of 
September,  a  full  month  before  you  yourself  judged  it  not  (00  late  to  adempt  it, 
with  your  whole  army,  a  more  difficult  and  dangerous  navigation  on  the  Lake 
Champlain,  in  which  attempt  you  persevered  so  many  days,  and  did  not  return 
with  the  Troops  (o  Crown  Point  till  Uie  2ist  of  OMober." 


344  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l759 

to  the  following  year.  The  provincials  were  bound  only  to 
serve  until  the  ist  of  November;  in  this  matter  he  did  all 
that  was  possible.  He  applied  to  the  legislature  for  an 
extension  of  their  enlistment  He  collected  provisions  in 
order  that,  with  the  completion  of  the  brig,  she  should  be 
placed  on  service.  He  constructed  a  raft  eighty-four  feet  by 
twenty  feet,  to  carry  six  20-prs.,  so  that  the  He  aux  Noix 
intrenchments  could  be  vigorously  assailed.  Towards  the  end 
of  September  he  had  news  of  Wolfe  up  to  the  4th  of  August, 
relating  the  progress  of  the  siege.  Later  he  was  joined  by 
Hutchins  and  Stobo,  who  had  left  Quebec  with  news  up  to 
the  7th  of  September,  They  were,  however,  without  any 
letters  from  Wolfe.  The  vessel  in  which  they  had  sailed  came 
safely  to  within  thirty  miles  of  Halifax,  when  they  were 
attacked  by  a  privateer  from  Miramichi  with  four  swivels, 
which  already  had  taken  four  other  vessels.  Their  despatches 
were  accordingly  thrown  overboard.  The  two  men  had  been 
placed  on  board  a  boat,  with  one  day's  provisions,  and  had 
made  their  way  to  Halifax,  and  thence  to  Boston.  Amherst 
accordingly  remained  without  knowledge  of  Wolfe's  purpose. 
By  the  loth  of  October  the  vessels  were  finished.  The 
"  Duke  of  Cumberland  "  was  a  brigantine  of  six  6-prs.,  twelve 
4-prs.  and  twenty  swivels,  with  a  crew  of  70  seamen  and  60 
marines.  The  "  Boscawen  "  was  armed  with  four  6-prs,,  twelve 
4-prs.,  twenty-two  swivels,  60  seamen  and  50  marines.  The 
vessels  started,  with  the  troops  following  in  bateaux.  During 
the  night  some  of  the  bateaux  lost  the  track,  and  in  the 
morning  the  boats  containing  the  Royal  highland  regiment 
found  themselves  among  the  enemy's  sloops  at  les  ties  aux 
qtiatre  vents.  The  vessels  opened  fire  upon  them,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  taking  one  boat  containing  a  lieutenant  and  twenty 
men.  Major  Keed,  the  officer  in  command,  with  the  boats 
that  escaped,  returned  to  Crown  Point  The  remaining 
bateaux  and  small  craft  kept  company  with  the  sloops,  and,  as 
bad  weather  was  experienced,  they  took  refuge  in  a  bay.  At 
daybreak  the  French  schooners  came  in  sight  The  two 
British  vessels  gave  chase,  with  the  intention  of  bringing  them 


'759]  APPROACH   OF  WINTER.  345 

to  action.  They  drove  the  French  ships  into  a  bay  on  the 
western  shore  ;  as  by  this  time  it  was  dark,  they  anchored  at 
its  mouth,  and  next  day  sent  in  boats  in  search  of  the  enemy. 
Two  of  the  French  vessels  had  been  sunk  in  five  fathoms  of 
water  and  one  ran  aground  ;  the  crews  had  escaped.  Stormy 
weather  followed,  during  which  it  was  not  possible  for  boats 
to  navigate  the  lake.  The  nights  turned  cold,  the  lake 
partially  freezing,  A  continuance  of  this  weather  made  it 
impossible  for  any  attempt  to  be  made  with  the  force  at 
Amherst's  command  ;  accordingly  on  the  2 1  st  of  October  the 
troops  returned  to  Crown  Point.  On  the  i8th  Amherst  heard 
■of  the  surrender  of  Quebec  through  a  letter  from  Whitmore. 

Although  Amherst  was  master  of  lake  Champlain  and  there 
was  nothing  to  interfere  with  his  operations,  the  season  was  so 
far  advanced  that  nothing  could  be  attempted  against  ile  aux 
Noix.  In  winter,  however,  the  French  could  rebuild  their 
vessels  and  the  struggle  must  recommence  in  spring.  As 
nothing  further  could  be  attempted  Amherst  prepared  to  place 
the  troops  in  winter  quarters.  The  sick  were  forwarded  to 
fort  Edward  :  additional  men  were  detailed  to  complete  the 
road  to  No,  4 ;  the  Indians  attached  to  the  expedition 
returned  to  Albany  ;  the  sloops  with  the  seamen  sailed  to  the 
bay  to  attempt  to  raise  the  sunken  French  sloops,  and  they 
succeeded  in  bringing  them  to  Crown  Point 

The  1st  of  November  arrived,  the  men  had  no  winter 
clothing,  so  they  were  served  with  an  additional  ration  of  rum 
to  meet  the  emergency.  Some  of  the  New  Jersey  and 
Massachusetts  troops  became  "  unhinged  "  and  showed  their 
desire  to  leave  the  camp.  At  the  first  appearance  of  this 
feeling  five  pickets  of  regulars  were  placed  under  arms,  who,  as  ' 
Amherst  puts  it,  "soon  settled  that  matter."  A  large  part  of 
colonel  VVillard's  regiment  did  desert  and  return  home. 

Preparations  were  now  made  for  the  discharge  of  the  troops 
not  composing  the  garrisons  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point. 
The  lOth  of  November  was  the  birthday  of  George  II.  and  a 
salute*  was  fired  in  honour  of  the  occasion.     The  men  were 

*  ll  was  tb«  first  occasion  that  a  salute  was  fictd  on  lake  Champlain  in  honour 


346  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['759 

regaled  with  rum  and  spruce  beer,  the  latter  considered  a 
specific  for  scurvy. 

At  this  date  we  first  hear  of  major  Skene,  who  applied  for 
the  tract  of  land  which  he  obtained,  and  eighteen  years  later 
exercised  so  unfortunate  an  influence  on  the  mind  of  Bour- 
goyne.  He  was  an  applicant  for  the  patent  of  a  tract  of  land 
extending  from  South  bay  on  lake  Champlain  towards  fort 
Edward.  The  desire  of  obtaining  land  was  indeed  now 
becoming  to  be  general,  and  a  memorial  was  sent  in  by  the 
colonels  of  the  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  regiments  offer- 
ing to  settle  townships  on  the  east  of  lake  Champlain  along 
*  the  newly-opened  road  to  No.  4  (Charletown).* 

The  provincial  regiments  commenced  to  return  homewards. 
The  Rhode  island  regiment  left  by  the  new  road  on  the  12th 
of  November.  The  Connecticut  followed  on  the  succeeding 
days.  The  New  Jersey  troops  passed  by  the  way  of  fort 
George.  The  weather  had  now  become  severe  ;  there  was  a 
hard  frost  at  night,  and  the  first  days  of  winter  were  present. 
Fitch's  regiment  marched  on  the  25th.  The  garrison  of 
Crown  Point  was  now  constituted  of  the  27th  Inniskillens 
and  two  hundred  rangers.  On  the  25th  Amherst  arrived  at 
T icon deroga,  when  the  remaining  regiments  returned  home. 
Lyman's  and  Willard's  followed  the  road  to  No.  4.  Six 
companies  of  late  Forbes',  the  17th,  were  established  at 
Ticonderoga.  The  garrison  of  fort  George  consisted  of  one 
company  of  the  same  regiment.  Gage  was  cantoned  with 
the  troops  under  his  command  in  the  neighbourhood  of 

On  December  the  2nd  Amherst  arrived  at  Albany  and  the 

of  a  British  monarch.  The  last  occasion  on  soulhern  ]ake  Champlain  was  ihe  4lh 
of  June,  1774,  the  birthday  of  Ceoi^e  HI.,  at  Ticonderoga,  only  fifteen  years- 
later  :  the  foil,  with  its  forty  troops,  the  following  May,  having  been  taken 
possession  of  by  that  tricky  individual,  Ethan  Allan,  with  three  hundred  men. 
On  nonhem  lake  Champlain  we  have  still  the  happiness  of  showing  our  deTotion 
to  British  institutions  in  the  honour  we  pay  to  the  birthday  of  Her  Majesty. 

*  The  signers  of  the  memorial  were  :  Tim  Ruggles ;  Nathan  Whiting ;  David 
Woostet ;  E.  Fitch  ;  Abyah  Willard,  of  MasiachuMtIt  bay  and  colony  of  Coo- 
Dccticut.     lOth  Novr.,  1759.     [A.  &  W.  I.,  91,1,  p.  63] 


»759]  CLOSE   OF  THE  CAMPAIGN.  347 

troops  destined  for  New  York  were  placed  in  sloops  to  descend 
the  Hudson ;  but  the  wind  remained  contrary  and  it  was 
severely  cold.  So  extreme  was  the  temperature,  that  a  man 
of  the  Royals  and  a  negro  were  frozen  to  death,  and  three 
discharged  rangers,  attempting  to  descend  the  river,  were 
caught  in  the  ice  and  suffered  the  same  fate.  The  regiments 
were  accordingly  disembarked  and  marched  down  the  west 
side  of  the  river  until  open  water  was  found  and  they  could 
proceed  by  schooner.  On  the  5th  of  December  Amherst 
crossed  the  river  from  Albany,  as  he  expresses  it,  to  proceed 
on  foot  to  New  York,  leaving  Gage  in  command.  He  wrote 
from  New  York  to  Pitt,  thanking  the  king  for  the  favour 
shewn  him.  "  I  must  beg,"  he  writes,  "  you  will  put  me  at  the 
king's  feet  with  my  most  humble  acknowledgments."  * 

A  few  days  after  Amherst  arrived  at  New  York  Monckton, 
still  suffering  from  his  wound,  reached  that  city. 

It  is  proper  to  place  on  record  that  during  the  season  a  road 
was  opened  from  Oswego  to  Stanwix  and  from  Stanwix  to 
Herkimer.  Amherst  also  took  possession  of  a  large  tract  of 
land  round  the  several  forts,  placing  boundary  stones  to 
establish  what  was  to  be  considered  as  garrison  property, 
defining  in  this  respect  the  rights  of  the  crown, 

*  This  exijreision  may  have  been  in  vogue  in  ihoae  days,  but  it  is  larely  lo  be 
met  with.  Hitherto  Burgoyne  has  been  looked  upon  as  the  first  to  use  it. 
Amherst,  hovrever,  preceded  him  by  upwards  of  seventeen  years.  It  is  a  transla- 
tion of  the  German  phtase,  "Ich  lege  mich  zu  des  Ktfnigs  Fiissen,"  doubtless 
familiar  10  Amherst  through  his  service  in  Germany.  This  expression  is  so  con- 
tiary  to  the  genius  and  character  of  the  English  language  and  to  the  British  tone  of 
thought,  that  it  nerer  obtained  admission  among  our  colloquialisms. 




I  have  stated  in  a  previous  chapter*  that  in  August  de  L^vis 
was  sent  from  Quebec  to  assume  the  command  at  Montreal 
and  direct  the  defence  of  lake  Champlain  and  the  upper  Saint 
Lawrence.  He  arrived  on  the  14th  of  August ;  his  first  care 
was  given  to  gather  the  harvest,  then  ripe  for  the  sicklef 
This  duty  carried  out,  with  the  chevalier  de  Longueui!,  he 
ascended  the  river  to  examine  its  defensible  points.  At  the 
Cedars,  he  observed  that  the  passage  of  the  enemy  might  be 
opposed,  by  the  church  being  fortified  and  by  batteries  advan- 
tageously constructed.  He  examined  the  Long  Sault  to  the 
ile  au  Chat,  coming  down  on  the  southern  side.  On  the  19th 
he  reached  ile  Galops,  where  de  la  Corne  was  established. 
Passing  to  La  Presentation  he  landed  there  and  at  Point  au 
Baril,  and  continued  his  journey  to  Frontenac.  Finding  twelve 
guns,  some  bullets  and  a  quantity  of  iron,  which  had  not  been 
removed  by  Bradstreet,  he  placed  the  whole  in  his  canoes  and 
carried  them  away.  He  returned  down  the  river,  and,  on  reach- 
ing de  la  Corne's  post,  he  directed  him  to  fortify  a  small  island 
nearer  to  Ogdensburg,  in  the  southern  channel.  At  this  day  it 
is  known  as  Chimney  island  ;  at  the  period  when  fortified  it 
received  the  name  of  fort  L^vis. 

De  L^vis  considered  that  the  artillery  from  this  island  would 
command  both  sides  of  the  river  and  would  furnish  protection 
to  any  shipping  below  it,  Picquet  was  at  La  Presentation  and 
as  he  was  always  striving  for  effect  he  arranged  for  de  Levis 
to  be  received  at  a  council  of  Indian  women.  Nothing  of 
significance  took  place  ;  the  proceeding  resolved  itself  into  a 
matter  of  compliment  to  de  L^vis.  There  was  a  leading 
female  orator,  who  informed  de  L^vis  that  they  had  admitted 

■  A  me,  p.  j6o. 
t  Ante,  p.  26S. 


'759]  DE  LfiVIS  IN  COMMAND.  349 

him  to  their  tribe  and  had  given  him  the  name  of  a  former 
great  Onondaga  chief,  Orakouintone,  the  hanging  sun.  De 
L^is  had  his  fears  that  some  further  obligations  would  be 
entailed  upon  him,  for  they  brought  before  him  the  prettiest 
young  squaws,  the  most  carefully  adorned  with  vermilion. 
An  Indian  wife  was  not  to  de  Levis'  taste,  so  thanking  them 
for  the  honour  they  had  shewn  him,  he  promised  from  that 
moment  to  think  of  them  as  his  brothers  and  sisters,  and  in 
their  honour  he  gave  the  name  of  Orakouintone  to  the  island. 

De  L^vis  remained  examining  the  district  until  the  3rd  of 
September,  recognizing  the  importance  of  the  position  of  the 
islands  as  the  means  of  opposing  the  descent  of  the  river. 
The  new  works  were  traced  out  by  D^sandroins,  while  Picquet 
with  great  ceremony  performed  mass,  and  blessed  the  new 
fort  in  the  presence  of  his  Indians  and  de  la  Corne's  force. 
He  had  an  eye  for  eiTect,  and  he  readily  availed  himself  of 
any  opportunity  by  which  he  could  gratify  his  taste. 

De  L^vis  arrived  at  Montreal  on  the  sth  of  September. 
After  making  arrangements  for  the  winter  supplies  to  be  sent 
to  de  la  Corne,  he  visited  ile  aux  Noix  and  Chambly.  He 
was  satisfied  with  the  care  which  had  been  taken  by  de  Bour- 
lamaque,  and  after  an  inspection  of  the  fortifications  he 
returned  to  Montreal,  where  he  arrived  on  the  nth,  to  hear 
within  forty-eight  hours  of  the  defeat  at  Quebec.  I  have 
described  de  Levis'  conduct  when  these  unfortunate  circum- 
stances first  became  known  to  him.*  They  entirely  changed 
his  position  in  the  colony;  by  the  death  of  Montcalm, he  was 
now  in  chief  command,  and  he  assumed  the  duties  of  that 
rank.  It  was  necessary  to  determine  the  quarters  to  be 
assigned  to  the  troops.  The  great  body  of  the  army  was 
maintained  at  Point  aux  Trembles  with  an  outpost  of  four 
hundred  men,  placed  at  the  upper  bridge  of  the  river  at  cap 
Rouge.  De  Bougainville  remained  at  Saint  Augustin.  Four 
days  later  there  was  a  further  retreat.  The  army  was  posted 
at  Jacques  Cartier,  de  Bougainville  was  removed  to  Point  aux 
Trembles,   and   the   detachment   from  cap  Rouge   to  Saint 

*  Aote,  p.  2934 


350  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l759 

Augustin.  Two  regiments  were  stationed  at  Dechambeau  to 
prevent  any  landing  being  made  there.  The  difficulty  con- 
tinued of  obtaining  provisions.  The  troops  lived  on  from  day 
to  day,  and  it  sometimes  appeared  as  if  it  would  be  necessary 
to  disband  the  force  from  the  want  of  provisions.  No  effort 
was  spared  to  obtain  food.  It  was  Ukewise  deemed  essential 
to  send  an  account  of  the  situation  of  the  colony  to  France, 
and  appeal  for  help.  Le  Mercier  was  selected  as  the  bearer 
of  the  despatch.  He  was  to  take  a  passage  on  one  of  the 
ships  of  the  commissary.  Ten  of  these  vessels  in  company 
descended  the  river,  and  on  the  22nd  of  November  came  in 
sight  of  Quebec,  There  was  no  naval  force  to  oppose  them, 
the  last  of  the  British  fleet  had  left  on  the  26th  of  October, 
and  the  only  opposition  would  be  from  the  guns  of  the  place. 
As  the  wind  fell  they  retired  higher  up  the  river.  On  the 
following  day  some  rough  weather  was  experienced,  when  five 
of  the  ten  ships  were  driven  ashore.  Captain  Miller,  of  the 
■"Racehorse,"  without  orders  from  Murray,  manned  his  boats 
with  the  design  of  burning  these  vessels.  Finding  one  of  the 
vessels  aground  on  the  south  shore,  he  went  on  board,  and 
passing  into  the  cabin,  lighted  a  fire.  Some  loose  powder 
scattered  about  was  ignited,  causing  the  vessel  to  explode. 
Himself,  the  lieutenant,  and  forty-four  men  were  killed  ;  two 
only  escaped,  some  sailors  left  in  the  "Racehorse"  boats 
were  also  made  prisoners.  A  small  schooner  had  been  sta- 
tioned above  Quebec  for  the  purpose  of  making  signals  of  the 
movements  of  the  French.  Emboldened  by  Miller's  disaster, 
captain  Canon,  the  officer  in  command  of  the  French  ships, 
with  his  boats  attacked  and  took  her.  The  loss  of  these  sea- 
men was  much  felt  by  the  British,  as  they  included  many 
ship-carpenters.  The  affair  is  recorded  by  Murray  as  the 
useless  sacrifice  of  life.  Five  of  the  French  vessels  sailed 
past  the  guns  of  Quebec  uninjured,  and  with  one  exception, 
which  ran  aground,  were  able  to  reach  France  ;  five  of  those 
making  the  attempt  were  lost  west  of  the  city  in  the  storm, 
having  been  driven  ashore     Four  vessels,  two  of  which  were 



frigates,  remained  in  the  upper  part  6(  the  river  and  wintered 
at  Sorel. 

De  Levis'  desire  was  to  place  a  number  of  Indians  near 
Lorette,  from  whence  they  would  issue  on  all  occasions  to 
harass  the  garrison  and  to  prevent  the  supply  of  wood  being 
obtained.  The  design  was  impracticable  from  the  want  of 
food  to  give  them.  His  attention  was  therefore  directed  to  ' 
the  possibility  of  attacking  the  Quebec  garrison  during 
winter,  and  he  began  his  preparations,  so  that  the  troops  would 
be  ready  to  take  the  field  when  opportunity  offered  for  the 
movement.  As  it  would  be  difficult  to  defend  the  province 
should  a  powerful  British  fleet  in  spring  take  possession  of 
Quebec,  his  hope  lay  in  the  early  arrival  of  a  French  naval 
force  capable  of  driving  the  British  ships  from  the  Saint 
Lawrence.  Should  no  such  assistance  be  sent,  de  L^vis  con- 
sidered that  the  defence  should  be  obstinately  maintained,  ■ 
every  aid  being  called  into  requisition  to  prolong  it.  His 
hope  was  to  be  able  to  hold  the  colony  under  French  rule,  to 
however  limited  an  extent ;  but  if  every  effort  proved  unavail- 
ing and  the  French  were  forced  to  succumb,  he  had  resolved 
to  retreat  to  Louisiana.  In  these  desperate  circumstances  it 
appeared  feasible  to  de  L^vis  to  attack  the  British  garrison. 
The  practicability  of  such  an  expedition  was  discussed  during 
the  winter  months  in  Montreal ;  many  projects  of  attack  were 
anxiously  considered,  and  so  much  was  said  upon  the  subject 
that  its  success  was  looked  upon  as  certain.  There  was  one 
plan  which  promised  the  result  hoped  for,  but  it  was  attended 
with  a  risk  so  great,  that  it  might  make  the  most  dauntless 
nature  hesitate  to  adopt  it.  It  was  possible,  under  certain 
conditions,  to  surprise  Quebec  in  the  depth  of  winter  by  a 
forced  march,  to  escalade  the  walls,  to  carry  the  works  at  the 
bayonet  point,  and  obtain  a  lodgment  in  the  town.  It  was  a  . 
project  peculiarly  to  demand  the  consideration  of  the  character 
of  the  troops  to  be  attacked.  The  British  garrison  was 
composed  of  young  men  who  had  been  engaged  in  warfare 
for  two  years,  sustained  by  the  recollection  of  their  triumphs 
at  Louisboui^  and  at  the  conquered  fortress  they  were  holding. 


3S2  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [^759 

The  French  had  learned  at  Ticonderoga  their  power  of 
endurance,  and  they  had  seen  on  that  day  how  little  they 
could  count  upon  a  panic,  however  unlocked  for  their  own 
attack.  Moreover,  many  asked,  was  it  possible  to  come  before 
Quebec  with  a  large  force  unobserved  ;  and  success  to  a 
great  extent  depended  on  the  surprise  being  complete.  The 
position  of  the  town  itself  added  to  the  uncertainty :  for  it 
.could  be  attacked  on  one  side  only,  from  the  plains  of 
Abraham.  The  probability  is  that,  had  such  an  attempt  been 
made,  half  the  assailants  would  have  been  killed,  and  the 
remainder  would  have  been  beaten  off  ignominiously. 

After  mature  consideration  de  L^vis  resolved  to  defer  any 
movement  until  the  opening  of  the  navigation.  In  the 
meantime  scaling  ladders  were  prepared  and  the  requirements 
of  the  expedition  generally  considered,  the  principal  of  which 
was  the  collection  of  provisions.  The  inhabitants  of  Montreal, 
although  suffering  from  the  general  distress  of  the  colony,  had 
not  been  directly  injured  by  the  war,  as  was  the  case  in  the 
district  of  Quebec  and  to  some  extent  at  Three  Rivers.  They 
were  applied  to,  to  bring  all  they  could  furnish,  and  de  Levis 
was  enabled  to  perfect  his  arrangements.  He  carefully  con- 
sidered his  plan  of  organization  and  took  all  possible  means 
to  assure  a  fortunate  result. 

Everything  that  happened  at  Quebec  was  reported  to 
Montreal.  The  troubles  and  privations  which  the  garrison 
suffered,  the  continued  sickness  of  the  troops,  and  the  conse- 
quent reduced  number  for  defence,  were  all  well  known  ;  and 
there  was  the  predisposition  to  consider  matters  worse  than 
they  were.  Even  in  November  it  was  believed  that  the  troops 
in  Quebec  would  suffer  much  during  the  winter  from  being 
ill-lodged  and  imperfectly  provided  with  firewood,  and  much 
weight  was  attached  to  the  sickness  which  prevailed.  De 
L^vis  considered  therefore  that  with  a  powerful  force  he  could 
in  a  few  days  master  the  slender  resistance  which  would  be 
offered,  and  he  resolved,  as  soon  as  the  river  was  sufficiently 

*  Major  Grant's  memoranduin  on  his  leave  on  the  IJlh  of  November.  Cm, 
Arch.,  A.  &  W.  I.,  92.1,  p.  144.  s 


1759]  M-  OE  PONTBRIAND.  3S3 

free  of  ice  for  the  boats  to  descend,  the  attempt  should  be 
made.  Between  the  loth  and  15th  of  April  the  river  became 
open,  and  steps  were  taken  to  load  the  vessels  with  stores  and 
guns  and  prepare  the  two  frigates  which  were  to  accompany 
the  expedition.  The  numt/er  of  troops  which  de  L^vis  had 
gathered  together  was  about  7,000,  of  this  number  5,000  were 
Canadian  militia.  They  had,  however,  been  incorporated 
with  the  other  troops,  and  formed  part  of  the  regular  batta- 
lions. It  was  the  strength  of  the  force  selected  early  in  April 
to  constitute  the  expedition,  but  it  was  anticipated  that  they 
would  be  joined  by  a  considerable  number  of  the  militia  of 
Three  Rivers  and  of  Quebec,  who,  as  the  advance  became 
known,  would  immediately  attach  themselves  to  de  Levis' 
force.  Even  those  who  had  no  arms  could  act  as  pioneers 
and  were  capable  of  rendering  great  service.  Every  attempt 
was  made  to  awaken  the  national  susceptibilities  of  the 
native  Canadian,  one  of  the  most  powerful  of  which  was  the 
devotion  to  his  religious  faith,  and  dread  of  interference  with 
its  profession. 

The  bishop  of  Quebec  at  that  date  was  M.  de  Pontbriand,  of 
an  ancient  Bretagne  family  ;  he  had  been  appointed  in  1741. 
At  the  commencement  of  July.  1759,  when  the  siege  began,  he 
retired  to  Charlesbourg.  After  the  defeat  of  the  French,  on 
the  close  of  September,  he  proceeded  to  Montreal  where  he 
died  on  the  8th  of  June,  1760,  at  the  comparatively  early  age 
of  fifty-one.  In  the  first  years  of  the  war  he  had  issued  his 
Mandements  for  a  Te  Detim  to  be  sung  on  every  French  triumph, 
and  had  directed  public  prayers  to  be  offered  for  the  temporal 
and  spiritual  wants  of  the  inhabitants.  The  expatriation  of 
the  Acadians  furnished  the  occasion  of  a  powerful  religious 
exhortation,  and  he  called  upon  the  Canadians  to  oppose  the 
ambitious  projects  of  their  neighbours.  He  described  any 
promises  made  by  the  British  as  in  no  way  to  be  relied  on; 
soon  they  would  have  the  grief  to  see  introduced  into  the 
diocese  where  faith  had  always  been  so  pure,  the  detestable 
errors  of  Luther  and  Calvin.  They  were  engaged  in  the 
contest,  not  only  to  keep  possession  of  their  property,  but  to 


354  THE  HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  [l759 

preserve  their  vast  country  from  heresy,  and  the  monstrous 
iniquity  which  heresy  at  each  moment  was  bringing  forth. 
Belle  Riviere,  fort  Bull,  the  defeat  of  the  British  at  Oswego, 
the  successes  at  lake  Sacrament,  all  called  forth  a  Te  Denm. 
The  desolation  carried  into  the  provinces  of  Virginia  and 
Pennsylvania  received  special  mention,  and  processions  and 
prayers  for  success  were  ordered  from  the  faithful.  Even  the 
impotent  attempt  of  de  Rigaud  received  praise,  as  having  led 
to  a  change  in  the  vast  project  of  the  enemies.  The  destruc- 
tion of  fort  William  Henry  was  especially  lauded  and  the  sub- 
sequent massacre  by  the  Indians  explained  away.  The  French 
nation,  M.  de  Pontbriand  declared,  held  in  horror  even  the 
appearance  of  perfidy,  and  placed  its  chief  glory  in  its  fidelity 
to  the  simplest  promise.  One  more  Te  Deum  was  to  be  sung 
for  the  success  of  Montcalm,  of  the  8th  of  July,  1758,  at 
Ticonderoga,  when  the  enemy  was  put  to  flight  with  the  loss 
of  4,000  men,  "  while  we  did  not  lose  two  hundred,  and  while 
thus  thanking  the  God  of  battles,  let  us  pray  for  those  who  are 
dead  since  the  commencement  of  the  campaign."  " 

it  was  the  last  song  of  thanksgiving  the  churches  of  Canada 
were  to  chant  for  victory.  From  that  date  the  processions 
were  ordered  to  sing  the  penitential  psalm  of  "Miserere  met 
Deus."  Deus  refzigitiin  was  to  be  recited  in  the  mass ;  and 
when  the  blessing  of  the  holy  sacrament  was  made,  Domine 
non  secundum  was  to  be  recited.t  Special  instructions  were 
addressed  to  the  cur^s  as  to  their  conduct  if  the  enemy  should 
reach  their  parishes.     They  were  told  that  they  were  not  to 

*  Mandemenls  des  Kveques,  p.  tiS. 

"t  "  Miserere  mei  Deus  secundum  magnam  misericoTdiam  luam."    Psalm  L.,  I. 

"  E>eus  nosier  refugiuin  el  virtus."  The  first  words  of  a  well  known  orison  in 
the  Roman  missal. 

"  Non  secundum  peccata  facias  nobis.  Neque  secundum  iniquitates  nostras 
retribuaa  nobis." 

The  first  psalm  fomis  part  of  the  Roman  Breviai;  or  canonical  office. 

The  latter  versicle,  preserved  in  our  church  service  as  "  Deal  not  with  us 
According  to  our  sins,  Neither  reward  us  according  to  our  iniquities,"  is  liturgical. 
It  is  one  ol  the  invocations  following  the  Roman  litanies  of  the  saints  [Litanise 
Majores],  which  are  chanted  on  the  feast  of  Saint  Mark,  the  Rogation  days,  and 
the  opening  and  closing  of  the  "fort;  hours  adoration,"  &c. 




take  part  in  the  contest,  to  remain  unarmed  as  the  almoner 
on  the  field  of  battle.  If  the  enemy  obtained  possession  of 
the  locality,  the  o/r/ might  take  a  conditional  oath  of  fidelity, 
and  could  promise  that  he  would  do  nothing  directly  or  in- 
directly against  the  conquerors.  Religious  service  could  be 
conducted  by  the  British  force  in  the  church  at  the  hour  they 
would  select,  and  he  could  afterwards  perform  the  mass  for 
his  own  parishioners.  The  airi  should  avoid  in  preaching 
and  in  conversation  everything  that  could  irritate  the  author- 
ities. M.  de  Pontbriand  considered  even  the  contingency  of  a 
marriage  between  an  English  protestant  and  a  catholic  :  in 
such  a  case,  the  car/  was  to  avoid  in  every  possible  way  taking 
part  in  it.  If  forced  to  be  present,  he  should  only  attend  as  a 
witness,  and  pronounce  no  one  of  the  words  prescribed  by  the 
church.  He  was  positively  ordered  to  refuse  absolution  to 
the  Roman  catholic  who  was  a  principal  in  the  ceremony. 
On  his  arrival  in  Montreal,  M.  de  Pontbriand  prescribed  the 
ceremonies  for  Montcalm  and  the  dead  who  had  fallen  before 
Quebec,  and  on  the  17th  of  April,  before  the  departure  of  de 
L^vis  on  his  expedition,  prayers  were  again  ordered ;  and  those 
offering  them  were  told,  that  their  piety  during  the  winter 
should  lead  them  confidently  to  trust  in  the  protection  of 
heaven,  for  the  success  of  the  coming  campaign. 




Murray's  duties  in  the  command  which  he  assumed  at 
Quebec,  from  the  first  hour,  were  arduous  and  exacting.  The 
strength  of  the  garrison  itself  had  been  regulated  by  the 
quantity  of  supplies,  which  could  be  left  for  its  maintenance, 
during  the  winter,  until  the  arrival  of  the  ships  in  spring.  Few 
provisions  could  be  obtained  in  the  neighbourhood.  The 
question  resolved  itself  into  the  consideration,  not  of  the 
number  of  men  required  to  maintain  the  place,  but  the  num- 
ber which  could  be  fed.  Another  important  circumstance  was, 
that  the  men  were  insufficiently  clothed  for  the  rigours  of  the 
season,  and  there  was  no  possibility  of  supplying  this  want, 
from  which  inevitably  they  must  suffer.  A  limited  quantity 
of  cord-wood  for  fuel  had  only  been  obtained,  and  the  ac- 
commodation for  the  troops  was  imperfect  and  unsatisfactory. 
Mgr.  de  Pontbriand  has  left  a  description  of  the  city  after  the 
bombardment*  It  was  written  at  Montreal  after  the  surrender, 
a  few  months  before  his  death.  One  hundred  and  eighty 
houses  had  been  burned,  and  most  of  the  others  had  suffered 
from  the  shot.  The  vaults  into  which  the  inhabitants  had 
placed  their  property,  had  been  pillaged  during  the  siega 
The  cathedral  had  been  entirely  burned.  The  only  place  of 
the  seminary  habitable  was  the  kitchen.  This  institution  had 
suffered  outside  the  city  by  the  destruction  of  its  property  ; 
four  farms  and  three  mills  of  importance  had  been  destroyed 
and  devastated.  The  church  of  the  lower  town  had  been 
demolished.  The  chapels  of  the  recollets,  the  Jesuits,  and  the 
seminary  had  undergone  the  same  fate.  The  only  spot  where 
worship  could  be  decently  conducted  was  in  the  Ursuline 
chapel.  The  three  nunneries,  the  ursulines,  the  hospital 
nuns  and  the  Hfltel-Dieu,  had  greatly  suffered.     The  bishop's 

•  "  Descriplion  imparfaite  de  la  mif^c  au  Canada." 


1759]  SCARCITY  OF  FIREWOOD.  357 

palace  was  entirely  destroyed.  The  buildings  of  the  Jesuits 
and  recollcts  received  much  injury,  but  they  were  capable  of 
being  placed  in  sufficient  repair  to  furbish  quarters  for  the 
troops.  The  priests  and  the  members  of  the  orders  for  the 
most  part  had  left  the  city  ;  a  great  number  of  the  inhabitants 
abandoned  the  place,  but  a  certain  portion  of  them  lingered 
behind.  They  were  those  who  had  no  other  homes,  and  who 
preferred  to  remain  under  whatever  privation  they  might 
endure,  to  the  risk  of  seeking  an  uncertain,  precarious  living 
elsewhere.  It  is  to  be  feared  that  many  of  them  suffered  from 
poverty,  and  the  difficulty  of  supplying  their  daily  wants. 

By  the  end  of  September,  such  of  the  French  garrison  as 
had  surrendered  prisoners  of  war  were  embarked  on  the  trans- 
ports for  England.  An  oath  of  allegiance  was  tendered  to  the 
militia  included  in  the  surrender ;  those  accepting  it,  on  giving 
up  their  arms,  were  permitted  to  leave  for  their  farms.  A 
guard,  however,  was  placed  at  the  gates,  and  nothing  allowed 
to  be  taken  out  of  the  town  which  could  be  of  use  to  the 
garrison.  Men  were  set  to  cut  cord-wood.  The  provisions, 
ammunition,  supplies,  and  stores,  with  much  labour,  were 
carried  to  the  upper  town  and  placed  in  security.  All  the 
sleighs  were  taken  by  the  garrison,  fears  having  been  early 
felt  on  the  subject  of  firewood.  By  the  end  of  October  the 
fleet  had  sailed  away,  the  only  two  vessels  remaining  being  the 
sloops  of  war  "  Porcupine "  and  "  Racehorse."  Sixty-one 
hogsheads  of  wine  had  been  found  in  the  King's  stores,  and 
they  were  distributed  among  the  officers  of  the  garrison.  The 
November  cold  was  becoming  trying  ;  the  hospital  nuns, 
in  consequence,  applied  for  wood  as  they  could  not  obtain  it 
In  the  emergency  the  neighbouring  parishes  were  ordered  to 
furnish  fifty  cords  each,  for  which  Murray  agreed  to  pay.  At 
this  early  date,  Murray,  fearing  that  he  might  be  attacked,  sent 
two  hundred  men  to  take  possession  of,  and  fortify  Saint  Foy 
church.  Similarly,he  placed  a  party  at  Lorette,  so  no  approach 
towards  the  city  could  be  made  without  discovery.  Some 
attempts  at  marauding  were  commenced  and  cattle  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  gates  were  carried  off".    It  was  difficult  to 


358  THE   HISTORY  OF  CANADA.  ['759 

tell  whether  it  was  the  work  of  Indians  or  an  irregular  force 
sent  to  harass  the  garrison.  Accordingly,  Murray  published 
a  manifesto  warning  the  inhabitants  against  undertaking  such 
enterprises.  He  also  modified  the  regulations  affecting  parties 
leaving  the  town  ;  they  were  permitted  to  take  out  anything 
they  desired  except  provisions,  leather,, soap  and  candles, 
which  were  be^nning  to  be  scarce.  He  established  likewise  a 
civil  jurisdiction,  and  colonel  Young  was  appointed  chief  judge. 

The  garrison  began  to  relax  in  discipline  ;  there  was 
much  drunkenness  and  theft,  joined  to  desertion.  To  meet 
the  latter  crime,  Amherst  offered  five  guineas  to  anyone 
taking  a  deserter,  or  who  would  furnish  information  concerning 
parties  who  incited  to  the  crime.  Drunkenness  became  so 
prevalent,  that  Murray  withdrew  the  licenses  he  had  given  to 
some  taverns,  and  any  man  made  a  prisoner  in  that  condition 
was  ordered  to  receive  twenty  lashes  every  morning  until  he 
gave  information  where  he  had  obtained  the  liquor.  One 
soldier  was  hanged  for  theft ;  also  a  Canadian  for  inciting 
soldiers  to  desert,  a  soldier  being  detected  in  his  house  having 
taken  off"  his  uniform.  One  deserter  was  reprieved  on  giving 
the  information  that  a  priest  had  induced  him  to  leave  his 
regiment ;  while  one  Baudoin,  a  priest,  was  banished  for 
taking  advantage  of  his  position  in  the  hospital,  to  attempt 
to  make  converts. 

As  early  as  the  end  of  November,  Murray  heard  that  it 
was  the  intention  of  the  French  about  Christmas,  to  make  an 
attempt  to  recover  Quebec.  He  accordingly  constructed  a 
series  of  block-houses  to  protect  the  fortifications.  The 
extreme  rigours  of  winter  did  not  encourage  the  belief  that  a 
regular  siege  would  be  undertaken  ;  it  was  foreseen  that  if  the 
attempt  were  made,  it  would  be  in  the  form  of  a  coup  de  main. 
In  order  to  prevent  the  assembly  of  a  large  force  on  the  south- 
em  shore,  Murray  detached  two  hundred  men,  who  established 
themselves  at  Point  L^vis ;  at  the  same  time  he  called  upon 
the  inhabitants  to  take  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  act  in  accordance 
with  the  conditions  of  the  proclamation  he  had  published,  not 
to  take  part  in  any  movement,  and  the  assurance  was  added 


1/59]  ORDINANCES.  359 

that  by  so  acting  they  would  be  maintained  in  the  possession 
of  their  property,  and  the  enjoyment  of  their  civil  rights. 

The  supply  of  wood  remaining  insufficient,  every  effort  was 
made  to  obtain  it.  The  cold  was  now  severely  feU  by*  the 
imperfectly  clad  troops  ;  and  as  marching  became  difficult  on 
the  frozen  roads, "  creepers  "  •  were  served  out.  Sentries  were 
relieved  every  hour  instead  of  every  two  hours,  as  was  the 
custom.  Several  of  the  men  were  frost-bitten,  and  the  utmost 
care  was  taken  to  guard  against  this  casualty.  Snow-shoes 
were  obtained,  and  the  men  regularly  exercised  with  them,  so 
as  to  be  able  to  take  the  field,  and  move  easily  and  with  regu- 
larity over  the  untrodden,  deep  snow.  Murray's  chief  anxiety 
was  regarding  cord-wood,  so  the  regiments  were  instructed 
themselves  to  obtain  it,  the  men  being  allowed  extra  pay  when 
engaged  in  cutting  it  and  bringing  it  to  town  :  while  attend- 
the  sleighs  many  were  frost-bitten.  Murray  relates  that  from 
the  17th  to  the  24th  of  December,  153  of  the  garrison  were 
frost-bitten,  and  that  the  whole  party  of  captain  Leslie  of 
200  men,  sent  to  the  south  shore,  except  two,  was  similarly 

Murray  endeavoured  to  regulate  the  markets,  and  to  estab- 
lish the  price  of  grain,  the  supply  and  price  of  butchers'  meat 
and  of  bread,  and  exerted  himself  to  establish  a  system  of 
good  government,  the  predominant  principles  of  which  were 
justice  and  honesty.  By  proclamation  he  established  a 
schedule  of  value  of  the  current  coin,  French  and  English. 
The  consequence  was,  that  by  the  end  of  the  year  the  Cana- 
dians had  accepted  his  rule,  and  had  returned  to  their  occu- 

*  This  expression  may  require  exptanalion.  The  winler  "creeper  "  k  a  small 
iron  frame  wi[h  shatpened  points  placed  beneath  the  boot  and  strapped  to  it,  so 
that  in  walking  the  weight  of  the  body  presses  the  points  into  the  ice,  and  the 
wearer  obtains  a  perfeclly  firm  hold,  and  avoids  all  risk  of  slipping.  On  the 
approach  of  winler,  horses  are  similarly  cared  for  :  the  two  fore  shoes  are  turned 
up  by  a  strong  iron  spike,  (he  "  calk  "  of  about  an  inch  long  inserted  into  the  toe 
of  the  shoe,  so  that  it  obtains  a  secure  B"P  on  the  ice.  The  hind  shoe  is 
untouched.  Those  who  use  ihe  saddle  in  winter  cover  (he  stirrup  with  tallow,  to 
keep  il  from  rost,  and  lap  the  stirrup  with  thick  cloth  ;  the  ball  of  the  fool  can 
with  this  arrangement  keep  its  place  in  Ihe  stirrup,  which,  with  the  frost  on  the 
icon,  would  otherwise  be  difAcutt. 


360  THE   HISTORY  OF   CANADA.  [I760 

pations.  From  cap  Rouge  on  the  north,  and  from  the 
Chaudiere  on  the  south  shore,  the  inhabitants  eastward  had 
taken  the  oath  of  fidelity  and  surrendered  their  arms.  The 
ordinances  issued  at  Quebec  were  generally  obeyed,  and  the 
parishes  near  the  city  assisted  in  furnishing  wood,  while 
bullocks,  hay,  straw  and  oats  were  brought  to  market.  It  is 
at  this  date  we  first  meet  the  term  Upper  Canada,  Murray 
describing  the  district  of  Montreal  by  that  name. 

The  reports  continuing  to  reach  Murray