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,' ■/■,,; ,-
HISTORY OF CANADA.
WILLIAM KINGSFORD, LL.D., F.R.S. ICanadaI
VOL. IV.
[ I 756-1 763.]
TORONTO. DOMINION OF CANADA :
ROWSELL & HUTCHISON.
LO-VDON ;
TRUENER Si CO., LUDGATE HILL.
[/f// Hghli r/strvc^.]
DiqitizeabyG00»^IC
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PREFACE TO THE FOURTH VOLUME.
The present volume brings to a conclusion the history of
French rule in Canada. An opinion may prevail in some quar-
ters, that occasionally its detail has been elaborately related, and
that undue importance has been given to incidents, which might
have been more summarily presented. As I was actuated by the
conviction, that it was unwise to pass over any event which had
any social or political relation to the early years of the history of
Canada, I have striven to embrace within my narrative all that
may be said legitimately to belong to it. I do not here refer to
the dramatic interest attached more or less to the several inci-
dents, for the feeling thus appealed to must ever be a relative
matter, and what may strike one mind as entertaining, may to
another appear dry and jejune. I was myself impressed by the
thought, that the subject had to be considered from the higher
view of the application of the past to our present condition. Any
honestly written impartial narrative must throw light on the
subject of which it treats ; and a proper appreciation of what
has taken place from the transfer of Quebec to the French in 1632
by Charles I., to the capitulation of Montreal in 1760, cannot fail
to aid in leading to a just consideration of any claim, which may
be put forward to-day, whatever its character and by whomsoever
it may be advanced.
One essential principle presented itself to my mind in the
preparation of this work : that in order to make it plain and intel-
ligible, it was indispensable that the events which took place
synchronously in Great Britain, France and the then southern
British provinces, should be understood. I have accordingly
briefly introduced the narrative of such events, and in doing so I
deemed it incumbent upon me, to consider the principal actors who
have appeared from time to time in Europe and America, upon the
political stage. The four volumes which have appeared may be
regarded as an introduction to the history of British rule in
Canada, which itself may be divided into three periods. The first
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period includes the years succeeding the conquest, to 1791, when
the Canada act divided the province into Upper and Lower Canada.
This act continued in operation for the subsequent iialf- century,
during which the two provinces remained independently constituted
with separate legislatures, until the i ith of February, 1841, when
they were formed into the one province of Canada. Thus, this
portion of our history extends over eighty years. It includes the
remarkable events of the quarrel with the revolted British colonies,
and the war which led to the independence of the present United
States: the war of 1811-14 with that republic; the rebellions in
Upper and Lower Canada, and the development of constitutional
government in the province.
The first of these events is so closely connected with Canada,
that it calls for a special narrative of what took place in connection
with the province. Moreover it was the direct cause of the settle-
ment of Upper Canada by a British population ; a fact which
must be kept in view in the^istory of Ontario for the following
seventy years. It created a dominant feeling in the minds of the
first settlers and their children ; of those who suffered to sustain
the United Empire, "the U, E. loyalists," as their descendants
proudly call themselves. These men sacrificed all they had in this
world, and left behind them many of the associations which make
life dear, to carve out of the woods a hard, toilsome existence, that
they might live and die under the British flag ; and they were not
unhappy, for they acted up to their convictions, and from their
sense of duty; and they retained in the greatest trial and privation,
the proud feeling of unswerving self-respect.
The second period is constituted in the quarter of a century,
during which the province of Canada, embracing the present
provinces of Ontario and Quebec existed as a unity until 1867,
when confederation of the whole of the British North American
provinces took place: at which date the third period commences
when British America became known as the Dominion of Canada.
I trust, if circumstances permit, to continue the history of
British rule in Canada to the 11th of February, 1S41, the date
within half a century of the present time, when the union of the
two provinces was consummated. Most of the enmities, political
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and social, of that day, have passed away with the men who figured
in them. The task of describing the concluding years is not
without difficulty, for some of the younger actors at that date
still survive, and retain at least the family and party recollections
which were engendered by the struggle. If I succeed in carrying
out my purpose, I will endeavour to avoid in any way awakening
this ancient feeling of discord. I have no desire to revive old
feuds, and I must ever bear in mind that I am "walking upon
ashes under which the fire is not extinguished."
I hope it will not be considered that " 1 protest too much," if I
add that I have endeavoured to fulfil the promise made in the
early pages of this work, to be fair and honest. So far as I know
myself, I have had no theory to advocate, no purpose to attain.
I have endeavoured to render a serviae to the dominion by the
completion of a record which it is my hope may prove acceptable
in all quarters. This intention at least may be remembered in my
epitaph.
I will add that I have neglected no source of information. In
addition to the many known authorities, I have consulted the MSS.
at my disposal in the parliamentary library, and the copies of the
imperial records in the Archives so admirably collected by the
ability and untiring industry of Mr. Brymner. I do not know one
source of information I have failed to consult. Whatever the
defect in my own use of these authorities, I cannot accuse myself
of want of industry, or of an absence of earnestness in my labours.
In conclusion, I will venture humbly to quote the words of Grote,
in the preface to his immortal history of Greece. It is "only
within the last . . . years that I have been able to devote to
the work that continuous and exclusive labour, without which,
though much may be done to illustrate detached points, no entire
or complicated subject can ever be set forth in a manner worthy to
meet the public eye."
I repeat my deeply felt thanks to those friends, who have so
unselfishly and generously aided me in my undertaking.
W. K.
Ottawa, Canada,
8/A October, 1890.
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CONTENTS OF THE FOURTH VOLUME.
BOOK XII.-CHAPTER 1.
MoDtcslm relums to Montreal
The Iroquois' depuUlion
Meels de Vaudreuil
New York aulhorilies and the Six
Nations
Letters of sir William Johnson
Indian discouragement ■
Johnson retains tribes in British
Edmund Aikin meets Johnson
Result of Indian deliberations
Atuck of French oulposts aban-
Major Robert Rogers .
The rangers
^ Montcalm and de Vaudreuil
~* Their unsalisfactor; cektions
Rcgere' scouting party north of
Ticonden^l .
Rogers' retreat
His skirmish with the French
Risers praised for gallantry .
R^ud de yaudreuil's expedition
His attack of William Henry
Major Eyre ....
Alarm given to the garrison
Le Mercier demands surrender
The demand refused
French aliaclc
Retreat of the French .
Eyre's gallant defence .
Relieved by colonel Monroe .
Destruction of British vessels
> Montcalm b Montreal .
Opposed to marriage of the young
Encourages marriages by men in
the ranks ....
High play in Canada .
Dearness of provisions ,
Weak condition of the British
garrisons ....
CHAPTER II.
{"757-]
Lord Loudoun ...
Treasonable letters to the due de
Mitepoii
The letters sent to Dublin
Geoi^ Croghan, the supposed
Loudoun recommends attack of
Quebec ....
William Shirley .
His meeting with Loudoun .
Dithcully with the provincial offi-
Winslow's good sense .
Shirley's neglect of Oswego .
Impoilance of Oswego
Loudoun's feeling as to its loss
AtUck of fort Granville on th
Loudoun on the fall of Oswego
Provisions illegally eiported to the
Provinces refuse quarters for the
British troops
Troops assemble at New York for
attack of Quebec .
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CONTENTS.
Loudoun sails from New Yotk
Webb left in command
Dinwiddie raises embargo
Loudoun arrives at Halifax .
The "cabbage plaming expedi'
Loudoun's good sense .
The episode of lord Charles Hay .
The large force at Louisbourg
Attack on Louisbourg abandoned .
Holbourne sails to the Totlress
Fleet caught in > huiricane .
Loss of the "Tilbury"
Dispersion of the British fleet
CHAPTER III.
['757- 1
De Machautt, minister of marine .
D'Argenson, secretary of war
Their dii.missal ....
The Jesuit parly in France in the
ascendant ....
The church objects to be included
Colonel Meserve ....
Colonel Young sent with reinforce-
CH AFTER IV.
['757.]
De Uvis sent to Carillon . 48
Marin arrives with western Indians 49
Expedition against fori Edw:
Montcalm arrives at Ticonderoga .
Skirmishes ....
De Corbiire ascends lake George 50
Colonel Parker's advance
His defeat and loss
The French force march by w<
side of lake' .
De L^vis in command .
The remaining force ascends lake
Arrival before the fori .
De Livis establishes himself to the
«./«<
Arrogance of the clergy moderated 40
DiHerence of view as to foreign
policy ....
Alliance with Maria Theresa
Damien's attempt on the king's life
The king's piqui d'ifingit
Tlie dauphin summoned
Madame de Pompadour in di^rac
Recovery of the king .
De Paulmy, secretary of war
Attack of William Henry resolvei
The garrison of William IIem7
Colonel Monroe in command
Difficulties of Webb's position
south .
Montcalm sends
Montcalm's letter .
Monroe's answer .
The fort de^iibed
Strength of the garrison
Webb unjustly blamed for 1
lieving fort
Without strength to aid it
De L^vis between Webb and fort
Webb applies to provincial gover
« for m
Advises Monroe I
nake best
Montcalm obtains letter
Number of French troops
Character of the Indians present .
Their conduct during the siege
Difficulty in managing them .
liatterles opened .
Montcalm receives red ribbon
Deplorable condition of besieged .
53
(ibyG00»^IC
CONTENTS.
PACE.
CHAPTER Vr.
Articles of capitulalior .
63
63
['7S4-I7S7-)
Scarcity of food in Canada .
63
Pitt's ministry
Pre»enls E="ison being inarched
Death of Pelham .
prisoners of war to Montreal
63
Political complications .
64
Foi, first lord Holland
Death of the Prince of Wales
blame ....
65
Newcastle's influence .
The British prepared lo march ou
Secret service money .
of the intrenchment
6S
Sir Thomas Robinson .
Attack of the Indians .
66
Fox deserts Pitt .
66
Discredit of Newcastle's adroinis
Indians attack column .
67
tralion ....
67
Admiral Byng .
The priioners taken by Ihem re
LossofMinorta . .
deemed
68
Resignation of Newcastle .
Parties sent out to protect fugitive.
68
RichacdCrenville, first lordTemple
Indians return home .
69
George II
De Bellollre ....
69
The duke of Cumberland
70
Causes of Pitt's dismissal
Depression in the British province
71
The country greatly excited .
Formation of Pitt's ministry .
CHAPTER V.
[1757-1758.1
Scarcity of food in Canada .
The greatest England has ever seen
74
CHAPTER Vir.
Situation of the French
74
[1757- '758-1
Rations of troops reduced .
75
Pitt's new ministry .
The regiment of Beam
7S
Early reverses
Women demand bread
76
Convention of Clostem Severn
Refuse 10 eat horseflesh
76
The French overrun Hesse .
liorse-flesh served out to the troop-
77
Duke de Richelieu
De Uvis' Srmness
77
Duke of Cumberland .
His address to the troops
78
Pill's magnanimity
HU««a™«W; . .
79
Dread of an invasion in England
Montcalm's letter lo de Moras
79
Feeling in the country .
He detcribea his position
So
Expedition to France .
Increase in prices in Canada
St
-First menlion of Wolfe's name
Trial of de Vergor and de Villera
S2
Attack directed against Rochefon
Both exonerated .
Sz
Failure of the operations
Civil officers desire lo leave Canad
83
Mord.tunl tried by court-martial
84
Condition of the army .
The war of outposts
S4
The national spirit re-awakened
R<^r'« defeat
85
Operations in America determined
HU escape ....
85
on ....
86
Louisbourg to ije attacked
De Liiii to attack Oswego .
86
. Appointment of Wolfe - -
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'; Junes Wolfe
,His Mnh
j His diligence ><
' His affaire lU caur wilh Clu
In command of the icHh
Visits France
Lord Temple's Table concerning
Wolfe ....
Temple, first lord Grenville .
His impeiiincnce to George H.
His intrigues
His siory to be rejected
The barTMks on fire . . i
Attack persevered in . . i
Leforer takes ' ' le Prudent " and
The whole French fleet destroyed
(note] I
j Desperate condition of ihe foriress i
I Capitulation proposed . . I
I Terms refused . . I
Finally accepted . . I
British lake possession of the fort'
News received in England
Fortifications demolished
Safety of Itrilish- American p
inces <lne to the mother c<
Mde. de Dmcour .
CHAPTER VHI.
II7S8.]
Louisbourg .
The fortress and its garrison
The British force
Danger in landing
Captain Ferguson
Bosca wen's determinalion
Kennington cove .
Bad weather
Landing attempted
Heavy fire of the French
Landing effected .
The French picket repulsed
The British take up position
The marquis De^oultes
Wolfe opens bis batteries
Ships sunk in the harliour
Sortie of ihe French
British lines advance
L'Arelhuse, captain de Vauclain
De la Houliire oiganizes a sortie
Burning of "le Cilebre," " I'Ei
Ireprenant" and " te Capri-
BOOK Xin.— CHAPTER I.
['758-1759-]
After the conquest . i.
Thoughts of [iroceeding lo Quebec I.
Lord Rollo sent to He Saint Jean
(Prince Edward island) .
' The population .
Major Balling at Sydney
Major Morris at Cape Sable
Monckion at Saint John
Ascends Saint John River
Major Scott sent to the Petilcodiac
Hauen ascends river Saint Jt^n
Wolfe ordered to Gasp£
\ Wolfe returns lo England .
Barrington's letter lo Wolfe .
Wolfe's i^ly
The provincial troops
General Abercrombie
His character
His want of artillery
La prtite i^m
Order repudiating capitulation of
William Henry .
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CHAPTER ir.
[1758.1
Abercronibie descends lake George |i
Montcalm at TiconderogJ, ■ . ti
The defences .11
Landing of Abercrambie ■ |i
The advance of Abercrombie's
Death of lord Hone . n
Hit death without influence on the
Howe not sent to control Aber-
crombie . v
'^ Montcalm's force . .11
Failvre of attack from want of
The intrenchmcnt of a^>i . . t
Bivoaac of British force night
before attack . . I
Report that de L^vis was expected I
Mr. Clerk, engineer, recommends
French disposition for defence
Britith attack resolved upon .
Storming parlies repulsed
Galluiirj of the attack
Retreat withoni confusion
British retire 10 saw mills
Bivouac there the night of the Sth
joir ....
British retreat, ascending the take
British losses
Wisdom of the retreat .
Incident daring action .
Few iiores only left behind by
News of disaster in England .
CHAPTER III.
['758.]
No advantage gained from repulse 177
Behaviour provincial troops . . 177
One colonel Harl .178
His miscDiHluct .... 17S
R^ets' expedition to Wood's
His iight near fort Anne
Losses on both sides .
Generals on both sides perplexed
Amherst reaches Boston
Arrives at fort Geoi^e .
Bradslreet proposes the attack of
Calaraqai
Ori^nization of his force
Proceeds on the expedition .
Takes Cataraqui .
The commandant Payan de Nojan
Importance of fort Frontenac
Relief despatched from Montreal
Major Duplessis ■
Chevalier Benoit sent to Pron.
Ilradstreet's information concei
ing the Indians
French attempts at conciliation
De Rigaud's mission .
'' Difference in treatment of Indians
by French and English
British troops go •"•'• —;-•"
Abercrombie recalled .
French troops go into »
CHAPTER IV.
1'758]
Fort Duquesne
Devastntion of Pennsylvania 1
Maryland
Hrigndier John Forbes .
Difficulties with the provini
legislatures .
Bouquet second in command
Question of route 10 fort Duquc
Geoi^e Washington
Diflicullies of route
Raestown ....
Road cut to Cumberland
-abyG00»^lc
Troops commence to asstmbte . 196
Washington opjiosetl to matcb
through Pennsylvania
CompatiKon of routes .
Washington's views
Indians.troublesoineand unreliable 199
Work on tlie Kaeslown road
Forbes at Sliippcnsbuig
Fires^iii/r/culorlallorLouisbourg :
The same for taking of Niagira
Advancing force troubled by In-
Arrives before fort Duquesi
His altem|]led attack .
His defeat .
His losses .
Reaches foil Duquesne to \
abandoned .
Walls blown up .
British lake possession of ground .
Sile called Piltsbur^ .
De Ligneris retreats to Venango .
Mercer placed in charge of fort
Forbes' broken health .
Hisdealh ....
His genius and patriotism
CHAPTER VI.
[1 759-1
isidered unassailable by
^ C&nada looked upon as under the
protection of the Virgin .
Thee.
ilofwar
Advises discontinuance of advance
Forbes delennines to proceed
The advance continued
Defeated force arrives at Loyal
Hannan . . . ■ 205
Washington ordered to Raestown 205
de Ligneris of presence of
Hiitish force .... 206
Sends expedition against Loyal
Hannan ...
The Fiench carry off horses .
De Ligneris' sense of bis danger
The Indian treaty at Ea!,ton
Forbes' service in effecting it
The Indians on the Ohio abandon
the French alliance
Washington arrives at Loyal Han-
Forbes at Raestown
Suffering from dysentery, ci
on hurdle
\o faltering in liis purpose .
Keli
No danger anticipated al
Montcalm at Montreal .
Pouchot seni to Point flU Ba
At Niagara ■
Defence of Lake Champlain
De llougainville arrives frotn
Fiance .
Accompanied by 1
nforcements
tilings bievets of promotion .
Attention bcsloweil on Quebec
Troops ))osled for its defence
Ue Livis arrives .
Council of war
UeVaudre
s of
Louisbourg
Duquesne reach
London
Wolfe offers his services . i
Is off,re<i command of enpedition 2
Hisst:iff a
Difticully with rrgird to Carleton 3
Brigadier Monckton .2
George Townshend a
Townshend's letter to his irife . 3
brigadier James Murray . 2
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CONTENTS.
xiii
CHAPTER VII.
British losies . . . .
25s
[1759-1
Death of captain Ochterlony .
iSS
Admiral Saunders
229
CHAPTER VIIT.
Appoinled admiml
Sails
130
23'
[1759]
Darell sent la ihe Sninl Lnwrence
Projeeled entteuclimetit nt He aux
Undsat tleaiix Coudres
232
Coudres
256
Some young officers taken pris-
Exiie<lition to destroy French ships
256
ODcrs ....
233
De Eougainuille .
257
Boals examine channel
234
Murray's attempt at Pointe aux
Wolfe's forte at LouisImiut^
23S
Trembles
257
136
Murray attacks Uecha.iibeau
257
Fleet sails liani Loutsbourg
33»
Saint Anloine and Ssint Croix
The British toast on sailing .
ns
burned ....
258
The fleet teaches Anticosli .
i39
French prisoners at Quebec .
258
"Old Killick" -
241
De Vaudreuil adilresses letter 10
The troops knd at ihe island o
Wolfe ....
25S
Orleans
241
Barry's reply
259
The scene of action
242
Surrender of Niag.im known a
Failure of the fire ships
243
Quebec
259
243
St, Luc de la Corne
260
Point LtSvis allacked .
244
De Levis leaves Quebec fo
The French Indians
^45
M.mlreal . . -
260
Wolfe lakes possession of ground
Abenak is bring in prisoners .
360
»45
Vessels ascend above Quebec
260
Acquainted with upper ford
245
Provisions brought by old men
Indian attack
246
women and children
260
Deserters from the Hrilish camp
146
Attack of the bay of St. Paul
261
Charesi reconnoitres Point Levis
247
Attack of south shore .
261
Fruitless Canadian attack of Iha
Saint Joachim burned .
262
post ... .
248
L'Ange Gardien and Chalea
248
Iticher burne.1
262
British ships sail above city .
248
Wolfe's sickness .
263
Poiote aux Trembles attack eii b
Meeting of three brigadiers .
263
Carlelon
249
Determination to carry on opera
British parties bring in prisoners
250
lions above the town ,
.64
Failure of the fire-raft .
250
Fortification of tie aui Coudres
264
French prisoners sent back .
250
Difficulty of landing troops .
265
Indians in amlxish under de
Movement of ships
j6s
Repemigny attack British
. 366
force ....
J5I
British abandon camp at Mon
V Wolfe's proclamation .
251
morency
. 266
Attack on French lines at Mon
morency
2J2
Rouge ....
. 267
The attack repulsed
253
Scarcity of provisions .
. 268
-awGoOi^lc
CONTENTS.
Non co-operalion of Amherst
269
Hears that town has surrendered
29s
Wolfe again ill .
270
Want of provisions at Quebec
295
Troops placed on board fransport
270
De Levis retreats to Jacques Carlie
296
Wolfe's lasl despatch .
Jji
Lord ColviUe in "Norlhumber
Wolfe's lasi order
271
land " sent to Halifax in com
The landing at the anse au Foulo
171
mand ....
297
DeVergor ....
273
Saunders returns to England with
Strength of the BHtish force
i74
fleet ....
298
French provision boats expected
*7S
Murray placed in command .
29S
De liougainville fll Cap Rouge
175
Scarcity of money at Quebec
29S
The landing effected
176
News in London .
299
The line formed . . ,
277
^ Wolfe's memory .
300
^77
Snunder's high character
302
The French force .
178
Wolfe's monument . .
304
Reasons for Montcalm's attack
280
Terms of capilulation of Qticbec
30s
; Wolle-s tactics . . .
282
■ Feeling of the Uritish troops
283
The action of the 13th of Sep
BOOK X1V,-CHAFTEK
tember ....
283
[1759]
\ Wolfe wounded .
283
Amherst's preparations
3"
■Wolfe's death . .
284
Lake Champlain to be attacked
3"
CHAPTER IX.
Osviego ....
British force in North America
312
312
[I7S91
La pfliti giKire
313
Monckton wounded
28;
Rogers' scouts
313
Townshend in eommanii
28s
The Penusylvanian legisialHre
313
Montcalm and de Seneiergue
Claims payment uf monty due
314
wounded .
285
PrideauiiselectedtocominBnde;(pe
Montcalm's death
2S6
dition against Niagara ,
3'S
French4osses
287
The Sin Nation Indians
315
The capitulation .
287
Situation on the Ohio .
3'6
De Rameuiy
287
Prideaux leaves Schenectady
3'6
His orders from de Vaudreuil
288
Frederick Haldim.iud .
317
His position at Qtteliec
289
His character
3'8
Memoir of citizens .
289
l>eft in command at Oswego
319
Council of war .
289
Attacked by Saiut Luc de la Corn
3I9
Stores at Beauport plundered
290
Attack repulsed .
320
De Ramezay's surrender
291
Pouchot in command at Niagara
32»
Terms of capitulation .
292
Strength of Niagara gnrrison
322
The cily occupied by the British
293
Arrival of British force
3"
De Uvis hears of Montcalm'
Joncaire de Chabert .
323
death ....
293
Prideaux invests the place
323
Proceeds lo Jacques Canier .
293
Meeting of Indians . .
313
Attempts to relieve Quebec .
294
Death of Prideaux
3M
Troops arrive at I'ointe au
Arrival of garrisons from the Ohi
Trembles . . .
295
forts ....
3*5
-awGoOi^lc
surprised on the march by Johnson 335
Their dereat 325
Attrmpteil surprise of British lines 326
The conncil of war . . 326
Surrender of N Ligara ■ . 316
Terms of surrender . . .3*7
Haldimand summoned by Johnson 317
He appeals lo Amhersl . 317
Gage sent in command . 328
Effect of loss of Niagara . 328
Fort Rouillc at Toronto bumed . 329
CHAPTER IT.
['7591
Amhersl negotiate<: loans
Bills issued by New York and
Troops arrive al head of lak<
Strength of British force
Expedition starts .
Descends lake George .
landing made at Ticonderoga
Finds inlrenchmenis abandoned
Activity of Indians
Fort Carillon attacked
Colonel Townsliend killed .
Force sent on to Crown Point
Crown Point abandoned
Gage urged to descend (he Saint
Champlain a British lake
Road opened towards the e
No. 4 . -
Crown Point to be restored . . 336
Captain Kennedy sent to Wolfe . 336
The Ahenakis
They take Kennedy and his party
prisoners
Risers sent to chastise Abenakis . 338
His boats taken . . .338
His painful march
Anrives al village .
Deslrofs it with great skughl
Provisions sent by Amherst 1
mouth of Amonoosuc
Taken by one Stephen .
His infamous conduct .
Rogers without food
Descends Connecticut .
Arrives at Crown Point
Gage's eiptanations
Lateness of the season ■
Arrival ofllulchins and Stolio -.. ;
Vessels completed on lake Cham-
pim ....
Attack of the French vessels
fitormy weather makes advance
Troops go into ufinler quarte
Major Skene
Amherst arrives at Albany .
CHAPTER III.
De Levis ascends the Sainl Law-
. 348
Arrives at La Presentation
Insensibility lo Indian female
Orders island lo 1>e forlilied .
Returns lo Montreal
Disposition of French troops
l,e Mercier sent lo France .
Vessels arrive before Quebec
Caplain Miller of the "Racehorse'
Loss of Brilish seamen
De Levis'allempt to harass garrisoi
Proposed attack of British garrison 35
Movement deferred until spring
be Levis' projects
Mgr. de Ponibriand
3S*
His
ia«<^im
The last French '
' Te Deum " for
3S3
■ 353
-abyG00»^lc
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV.
[1759-1760,]
Marray at Quebec
Condition of ihe city .
French priKmeri seni to France
Fleet sails away .
Scarcity Tor firewood
Discipline relaxed
Marray hears of iiitendeil attack
Places force at Point I .^vis .
Men suffer from frost bile
Murray's ortli nances
Hears of arrival of French force s
Point L^vis .
Sickness of the garrison
Warn of money
The assistance given by fjeet befor
leaving ....
Murray's difficulties
Aluck of French outposts .
Means taken to resist attack
British vessels repaireil
Cap Rouge fortified
Canadian inhabilants ordered U
leave Ihe cily
Fable of the gunner on the ice
Murray marches five regiments tn
Saint Foy
Unable to form camp on the plain:
of Abraham .
De Uvis embarks his force .
Lands at Pointe aux Trembles
Advance to Saint Foy .
Murray hears of arrival
Trying period of year .
Murray marciies out ofQuebee
Battle ofthezSih of April .
Strength of the British force
The killed and wounded
The French force
The siege commenced .
Murray sends "Racehorse" ti
Halifax.
Colville leaves Halifai
Murray's letter to Amherst .
Explains his tactics . 371
fAGE. Seven days of siege .371
. 356 Arrival of Ihe " Lowestoft " . 373
. 356 Arrival of Colville's ships . 373
357 French vessels attacked . 374
3S7 De Vauclain in "I'Atalante" . 374
357 The French camp abandoned . 375
35** De Levis' retreat . .375
35^ I,o5s of the " Lowestoft" . 376
35^ Correspondence between Amherst
358 and de l.^vis . 376
359 Campaign considered . 377
359 De Uvis' losses . .378
360
361 CHAPTER V,
=" t.7«.J
362 Indian attacks, lake Champlain . 379
363 Amputation of one hundred toe- . 380
363 The Penn^yivanian legislature . 3S0
363 Amherst prepares his advance . 381
364 Heats from Murray by Monlresor 3S1
364 Desertion of the provincial troops 381
Rogere'
365 Noix
365 Planof Ihecampaign - . 383
Amherst at Oswego
365 Strength of the British fort.
Embarkation .... 384
366 Pouchot at fort Livi
366 Amherst's attack .
366 Pouchot's surrender
366 Terms imposed
366 Indians not allowed reprisals
367 Governor of New York notified
368 that the Mohawk was safe
36S from Indian attack
369 Amherst prepares to descend the
369 Saint Lawrence .
360 His dread of the rapids
-abvG00»^lc
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER Vr.
11760.1
Mnrray leaves Quebec
Issues pr[>clainaliDn
Lord Rolto disarm* populatioi
De Levis at Berlhier
Hurray lands at Sorel, burns the
place
Arrives at Contrecoeur .
Haviland'x advance from laki
Cham plain
Death of de Langy
De Bougainville in command
British force lands on east side
Passes round fori .
Attacks shipping .
Surrender of lie aux Noix
Canadian militia desert
Saint John's abnndoi>ed
Sairender of Chambiy .
t>o Levis appeals 10 Indians
Hears of Amherst's advance
Moves troops to Montreal
CHAPTER VII.
[1760]
Council of war
Memoir read by Bigot .
Capitulation determined upon
Negotiations for capitulation
De Levis sends messenger to
Amherst
Amherst's reply .
E>e L^vis asks for resistance
prolonged
French colours destroyed
The word of honour given of the
French officers they did not
Burton appointed governer o
Three Rivers
Elliott sent to the Resligouche
His ship wrecked on Sable islam
Gage appointed governor of Mont
tsllejes
; and Thr
Arrives at Quebec
Census furnished to AmhersI
Amherst returns to New York
Commodore Byron's naval opera-
tions, bay of Chaleurs, in
l-'r
Articles of capitulation. Montreal,
vtrbatioi. French text . 417-
CIIAPTER VIII.
1.760.1
War continued in Europe
Death of George n. .
His character
Her present majesty's influen
iciety .
Constitutional government of
George II. .
His death a loss to the empire
V Canada surrendered to Great
Problem of government
Le " r^ne militaire " .
Misrepresentations concerning it
Jacques Viger
Judge Dominique Mondelel .
Dr. Labrie ....
Kurlon governor of Three Rivers
Legal procedure .
Gage governor of Montreal .
Disarming Canadian militia .
Murray at Quebec
Ordinances ....
Th.
Articles of capitulation
French regiments lay down arms
AiientiODE paid to de Vaudreuil
Departure of French troops
Ri^feis sent to Detroit ■
EitaUishmeni of British garrisons 409 . French Canadians before conquest 44]
409 Early legal proceedings French
-abvG00»^lc
XVlll
CONTENXa
'^ Gentry only could read and write . 444
Honesty of Amherst's go*ernment 444
Local ion of courts district of
Montreal
Special court for city .
Two e»eculions Only reported
Canadians put on mourning for
George IT.
Address to Gage ciliiens
Montreal
Treaty of peace . - - . 446
Gage leaves Montreal .
Captains of militia present him
o Mor
real
Location of courts Three Rivers ■
Ilaldimand's report of French
Value New York money
The king's approval of Amherst's
Influence on the haiilatils
CHAPTER IX.
[1761-1763.1
Lord Egremoni's census [1760]
■ 45^
Montreal population
■ 452
Three Rivers "
- 453
Quebec - , .
■ 453
Tabulated total of population
' 454
The fur trade
■ 455
Indian posts.
- 455
Gage's r^ulatlons
.456
TfUsdeBsuU
457
Regulations regarding .
457
British jusiir« to the Indian .
458
The card money .
-458
Calumny that British officials
unfairly obtained it
45S
459
Burton's proclamation .
459
Card rnoney out of use in 1760
459
Its con^deration included in treaty
Final settlement regarding it
Certificates given lo French Cana-
French Canadian feeling as to
religion 461
Necessity felt of obtaining native
bom ecclesiastics
Moilern feeling regarding religion . 461
Roman catholic church during
interregnum .... 461
M. Montgolfier
Mgr. Briand chosen bishop . . 465
Population of Quebec in
Merchants assist them ■
Soldiers give one day's provisions
in month for support of needy 464
Asserted departures from Canada ■ 464
The fact disputed .... 465
Consideration sliewn lo Canadians 466
CHAPTER X.
I1760-1761.]
Events preceding treaty of peace . 467
Administration George II. .
George III
His personal character .
Formed by princess dowager
Augusta of Saxe Golha
Her arrival in Eoj^l.-ind
John Stuart, earl of liute . . 4;
First meeting with the prince of
Wales ....
Lord Bute an amateur actor .
Accepted lover of princess royal
Bute's character .
Caricatures of the day .
The monarch's constitutional posi-
George the third's acce
Pitt's objection to language king's
Bute's policy to discontinue war
(ibyG00»^IC
CONTENTS.
His intrigues with lord HoUemess 477
Attacks upon Tilt
Bribery bI ihe elections
L^ge dismissed
Dlflerences in the ministiy
Holdetncis' ivsipiaiioD
Bute secretBrjr of state .
Ministerial changes
Pitt desires to grant
rights to Newronndland
Pitt's conduct as to the peace
De Choiseul desirous of peace
Negoltalors ....
Offer of de Choiseul
The conquest of Belle-Isle .
Its effect upon France .
Vessels of war offered the French
Activity in sea poits
Terms from London moderated
French demands .
Silhouette . , . ,
Charles III. of Spain .
The " family compact "
Its conditions
K.DOWD in London
De Bussy's memoir on the part
Pill's leply ....
Negotiations broken off
Pilt desirous of declaring war
Pitt's resignation ■
Lord Carteret, earl Granville
CHAPTER XI.
[1762-1763-1
His interview with George III.
Bute's support of political wtilen
Pensions granted by him I» Bit
of letters
Hogarth ....
War declared against Spain .
IJute desirous of abandoning
The duke of Bedford's t
His intrigues with princ
479 The French attack of Newfound
479 land
Arrival of lord Colville with fleet
Colonel Amherst attacks by land
Escape of French fleet .
Surren<ier of French troops .
London
ting money
News of the atta.
Bute accu^ of
from French
Dr. Mu^rave
Terms of peace
Bute willing to cede Havanneh
without equivalent
Treaty carried through parli
1'he means adopted
Close of French rule .
Jacques Carlier no place i
history of Canada .
Population at conquest .
Population in 1881
French Canadians have incorpo-
rated all foreign elements
Influences operating upon them
Present position of French Cana-
The harmony of the future
Treaty of Utiecht, clauses relating
to Canada and Newfoundland 505
-abvG00»^lc
-abiGoOi^lc
MAPS.
', Attack of Montcalm, i
1. Fort Wri.uAi
«7S7- P-5S
a. LOUISBOUBG, SiKGEOF 1758. p.
3. Map skkwing Arrhckombie'
1758. p i6z.
4. Skeleton Map, shkwing 1
THK KcvBit Saint Lawker
Champlaik. p. 1E3.
5. Map shewing Rout
Forbes, from Hedford, Pknnsyia'an
Ohio, 1758. p. 196.
6. Skblrton Map shrwikg the Ohio F<
7. Quebec. 1759. p. 243.
f Lake Ontario and
TO Fort DiiijuBf
-abyG00»^lc
-abiGoOi^lc
BOOK XII.
From the Close of 1756, to the Conquest of
LouJSBouRG: 1758.
-abyG00»^lc
-abiGoOi^lc
THE HISTORY OF CANADA
FROM THE EARLIEST DATE OF FRENCH RULE.
CHAPTER I.
Montcalm returned to Montreal from Oswego, having
performed the most brilliant military exploit then known in
the history of Canada, while the destruction of the English
settlement was equally of the highest political importance.
The Anglo-American had been driven from his footing on
lake Ontario, for its waters to become in fact, as in name,
entirely French ; dominated to the east and west by the two
forts of Frontenac and Niagara. If there had been incom-
pleteness in Montcalm's success, it had been made more
certain by the fears of colonel Webb and the unfortunate
demolition of the forts at the carrying-place between the
Mohawk and the streams tributary to lake Ontario. This
abandonment of territory was an acknowledgment of power-
lessness and defeat not to be misrepresented, and its
consequence was that the Iroquois faltered in their belief that
British protection could hereafter safeguard them.
In accordance with the sentiment that it was expedient to
take steps for their own protection, a deputation descended
the Saint Lawrence to Montreal. It consisted of forty men,
with sixty women and children, of the Onondagas and
Cayugas. The Senecas and Oneidas had engaged to follow
them, therefore on their arrival a request was made that their
reception should be deferred for three days, until the 30th of
November." When they met de Vaudreuil, he assured them
of his protection, and ceremoniously introducing Montcalm,
• N.Y. Doc.X., p. 556.
-abvGoO»^lc
2 THE HISTORV OF CANADA. [1756
he referred to those present who had seen the victorious
general at the ruins of Chouaguen. The orator replied, that
it was they who had first given to the English news of the
capture and of the impossibility of resisting the French. The
ambassadors of the Senecas and Oncidas arrived on the 6th
of December ; at this date the number of the Six Nations,
including women and children, amounted to one hundred and
eighty, and the reception of the whole body took place in the
parlour of the seminary of Saint Sulpice.
A conference, with the representatives of the tribes beyond
Detroit, was likewise being held during this period. Montcalm
described the event as remarkable from the number present
and the subjects discussed, especially from the conduct of the
Iroquois. It appeared to him to be a promise of assured
neutrality on their part. There was even the anticipation,
that although the tribes as such could not be expected to take
an avowed part against the British, there was ground for
belief that many of the younger men would actively side with
the French.*
A similar course was followed by the New York authorities ;
but while the Six Nations seemed to recognize the impossibility
of entirely changing the old relations with Albany, they were
careful in making it understood, that they could no longer b=
regarded as the allies they had hitherto been. They would
give no definite promise of support, and claimed the right to
remain neutral. Belief in the power of the British colonies
to withstand the attack of the French, had been so violently
shaken, that there was no longer sympathy with their cause,
or hope of their success. We have only to read the letters
of sir William Johnson,f to perceive the depression which
the defeat of Braddock, and the " unhappy news of the loss "
of Oswego had created in the Indian mind. He sets forth
that the possession "of a navigation on lake Ontario was not
only a curb to the power of the French that way, but esteemed
■ Que. Doc., IV., p. 90. Monlcalm au Minislre, 14 aviil, 1757.
+ N. Y. Doc, VII., p. 1*7- loih September, 1756. VII., p. 171. loth
Nov., 1756.
-abyG00»^lc
175*5] INDIAN SENTIMENT.' 3
by the Six Nations whenever they Joined our arms as a secure
cover to them and their habitations against the resentment of
the French," • • • which left them to act in full security."
The demolition of the fortress, the seizure of the ships upon
the lake, and the humiliating spectacle of the garrison em-
barked as prisoners for Montreal, had destroyed all sense of
reliance in British protection.* There had been also cause of
dissatisfaction in the grants of land which had lately been
made, and which were bitterly conaplained of by the Indians, as
an infringement of their rights and a seizure of their property.
it was the commencement of a system which was persevered
in until the revolutionary "war; the active interference of the
home government to control the alienation of Indian land, so
that the tribes should be protected from spoliation, was one of
the grievances brought forward by the provincials interested
in the traffic, in justification of their dissatisfaction and revolt.
Nothing had more discouraged the Indians than Webb's >
abandonment of the forts at the upper Mohawk. It had been
carried out in one of those trying situations in which the great
qualities of an undaunted nature are called forth, to face with
calm determination, whatever duty may demand : but Webb
had only shewn his want of faith in the force at his dis-
posal. The ability of sir William Johnson retained the tribes
as far as it was possible in the English interest ; but he was
made to feel that their zeal was passing away, that they could
not be depended upon, and that only those who were liberally
paid would march by the side of the Britishf
• " But by our losing Oswego, which I nay call the Barrier of the 6 Nations,
■od thereby the possession of that part of the Country, tbey were laid open to t))«
ResenlmeiitS of the French, who might tx any time Ihey were inclined to it,
wilb ^cillity (itf) fall upon their Towns, and cut Ihem and their families to pieces,
especially iho«e of the upper Nations." Sir William Johnson to Lords of Trade,
loth Sept., 1756. N.Y. Doc., VII.. p. 118.
t A meeting of the OnomJagas, Oneidas, aiid Tuscaroras look place at
Gemun Flats on the 3rd Sept., 1756, The orator addressed the interpreter
present : " We are oow met and must now tell you in the name of all ihe 6
Nations thai we are quite surprized 10 find ourselves deceived in our opinion of
(he English, we look Ihem to be a more stead; People, but we see that this
Defeat at Osw^o discourages them entirely, and jou seem as it were to give up
-abyG00»^lc
4 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l?56
So unsatisfactory were the relations with the Indians
throughout the entire provinces, that Mr. Edmund Atkin,
" superintendent of the Indian Department in Virginia, North
and South Carolina and in Georgia," arrived in Albany in
November to discuss with Johnson "upon what footing and
after what manner" trade with them could be carried on.*
He found the Six Nations "weakened and depressed." Atkin
proposed an alliance in the British interest of all the tribes ;
he accompanied Johnson to his home at the Mohawk, and
remained with him a week. Johnson was unable to obtain
an answer to his question what assistance the Mohawks would
render in the next campaign. The deputies present desired to
delay a reply until a meeting had been held at Onondaga, after
the return of the deputation from Montreal. The Six Nations,
however, shewed a favourable feeling towards union with the
southern tribes, and agreed to the establishment of signs and
tokens, by which friends could be distinguished from foes.
One result of the meeting was the establishment of perfectly
good feeling between Johnson and Atkin.
The result of these deliberations was, that the upper
nations, the Senecas, Cayugas and Onondagas declared them-
selves in favour of neutrality. The Tuscaroras and Oneidas
took no part in the discussion ; but it was evident they could
not be depended upon.-f- The Mohawks alone remained firm
in their attachment to British interest. Thus the immediate
consequences of the fall of Oswego were by no means of a
character to assuage the depression that it had induced.
What increased this feeling was, the pervading sentiment that
there was no one in the first rank, capable of acting with
judgment and decision ; what efforts were made were unwise,
and proved the cause of subsequent disaster.
all hopes. [ itiis was said upon accauDt of Gen'. VVebb's destroying all the Forts,
abandonine the carrfing Place and marching back to the Gennan Flalts."]
N.Y. Doc, VII., p. 193.
■ N.Y. Doc, VII., p. 209.
+ SirWilliam Johnson to Lords of Trade, 25th June, 1757. N.Y. Doc, VII.,
p. 217. On the Mnd of Noyember, 1756, Loudoun wrote, " We have at present
no Indian*, but a handful of Mohawks and a few straggling Indians from different
Uibes." [Can. Arch., Series A. & W.L, 85.1, p. 6.]
-abvG00»^lc
1756] ROBERT ROGERS. 5
All thought of attacking the French outposts of Ticonderoga
and Crown Point had to be abandoned. Those places had
indeed become established garrisons, maintained by a large
force, and could only be attacked with any hope of success by
a numerously constituted and well appointed expedition. As
winter approached the French removed the greater part of
the force from Ticonderoga. The difficulty of furnishing
supplies was great, and for a time their operations were
confined to guarding against attack, and in watching the
movements of the British at the south of the lake. In these
attempts the French Indians shewed great activity, and were
constantly prowling in the neighbourhood of the southern
fort in the hope of seizing prisoners.
The British shewed the same enterprise in their attempt to
penetrate the enemy's designs. The duty was one of danger,
and loss was experienced on both sides. In each case the
adversary's fort was closely approached, so that an estimate
could be formed of any probable hostile movement, and
prisoners could be seized and carried away with a view to
obtain reliable information.
Prominent in the scouts on the British side was captain
Robert Rogers. At the end of the war he published a journal
of his operations. His hair-breadth escapes can still be read,
and with belief, for his narrative in the most remarkable
instances is corroborated by French reports* Rogers relates
that he was brought up in a frontier town of New England,
and that his manner of life led to a knowledge of both the
British and French frontier settlements. In 1755 he was in
command of a company of New Hampshire troops, his duty
in the first instance being the escort of provisions. In March,
1756, he received an order to form a company of rangers of
sixty men, and in June and July a second company was raised.
They were specially equipped, and constantly engaged in the
attempt to obtain intelligence. Rogers possessed courage
* "Journals of Major Robert Refers, containing an accounl of the several
Excursions he made under the Generals who commanded upon the ct
North America during the lale war, etc., etc. London, 1765."
-awGoOi^lc
6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1756
which never quailed in the hour of danger. He cheerfully
undertook expeditions, the hardships and risk of which he
perfectly knew, as much from a love of adventure as from the
consequence of his position. He brought to his duties cool-
ness and soundness of Judgment and an unfailing self-reliance
which never deserted him. He passed safely through all these
perils, suffering only from a wound and an attack of small-pox.
If Montcalm looked for recognition of his services from
de Vaudreuil, he only experienced disappointment. He did
not long remain in Montreal ; on the loth of September he
arrived at the camp at Carillon with the regiments of Guiennc
and B6arn, and 100 men of de la Sarre. On his arrival, he
learned that two days previously two young officers had been
scalped.* His first step was to send out a strong party of
Indians and Canadians; their appearance prevented the occu-
pation of some of the islands by a British detachment. On
the 27th of October Montcalm, with the main body of the
force, left for Montreal: de L^vis remained until the 15th of
November, when he likewise marched off with the rear guard.
The stone fort of Carillon was then so far finished that it
could receive a garrison of 350 mcti, and it was considered
capable of resisting any force which could be brought against
it in winter. The original intention had been that de Levis
should proceed to Quebec, but, owing to the lateness of the
season, he remained in Montreal ; and de Bourlamaque was
placed in command there.
The correspondence of that date shews the unsatisfactory
relations between de Vaudreuil and Montcalm. The governor
general complained of Montcalm and the French officers
generally, on account of their bad treatment of the Canadian
troops.+ He claimed that the victory at Oswego was wholly
due to the gallantry of the latter, and he did not fail to point
out that the artillery was entirely Canadian. One cause of
* TwQ lieuienants of the regiment " de U Keine," de Biville and de Torjac.
Thcj had been kilted when hunting in contravention of the positive orders of de
Levis, Letter of MonicaEm, 26th Sept., 1756. Que. Doc., IV., p. 74.
t I3lh October, 1756. De Vaudreuil to de Macfaaull, minister of Marine.
Duisieui, p. 279.
(ibyG00»^IC
1757] KOGERS' EXPEDITION. 7
his censure was that the French officers objected to carry on
la petite guerre, and were only willing to enter upon what de
Vaudreuil called defensive warfare. He dwelt upon their
insolence and exactions ; indeed scarcely any report more
depreciatory could be made.
Oil his side, Moiltcalm complained * that de Ldvis and
himself in duplicate received orders, which could not be
carried out, so that in case of failure the blame could be
thrown upon them, De Vaudreuil, however, always made the
best representation he was able. In writing to the minister
early in the yearf although unable to report that he had
gained any positive advantage on lake Champlain, he repre-
sented that he had kept 1900 men in check ; and that the
scalps, which had been brought him, established the serious
losses suffered by the enemy.
In the middle of January a scouting party of some strength
was organized in the British garrison of fort Edward, to feel
the country towards Crown Point, Rogers was placed in
command, and the force was marched to William Henry.
After making the necessary preparations, they descended
lake George on the ice, as far as " the narrows," Some of
the party being footsore, were sent back ; the number then
remaining, including officers, was seventy-four, among whom
were two volunteer officers from the 44th regiment. On the
1 8th they marched twelve miles; on the following day they
descended the lake three miles further, and turning to the
shore, followed a north-west course to avoid Ticonderoga ;
finally they came within three miles of lake Champlain, midway
between Crown Point and Ticonderoga. On the 2ist they
reached lake Champlain, where they saw a sleigh on the ice
proceeding towards Ticonderoga. Rogers detached his h'eu-
tenant, Stark, to cross a point extending from the shore to
reach the ice, and stop it. No sooner had Stark left when
Rogers saw that three sleighs were following. It was too late
to countermand the order, so the attempt was made to take
• Qae. Doc., IV., p. 79.
+ I3ih Jimuarr, 1757. Que. Doc., IV., p. 81.
-abyG00»^lc
8 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1757
possession of the whole number. The first sleigh, however,
escaped to Ticonderc^a, to carry news of the presence of the
British scouts, north of the French garrison. From the
prisoners Rogers learned that the fort at Carillon contained
350 regular troops, and that they had lately been reinforced
by 200 Canadians and several Indians, destined to be engaged
in harassing the English garrison, and that more Indians were
expected.
Rogers felt the danger of his situation : it was plain to him
that he must expect an immediate attack by a large force, and
his only safety lay in a retreat before he could be intercepted ;
in reachingground where there was no chance of being assailed.
He went back to his camp, where the men dried their arms,
which were wet, and started on their way homeward. They
had scarcely marched half a mile, and were crossing a valley of
fifteen rods breadth, when at close range they received a volley
from a large force in ambush, which proved most telling.
Kennedy, one of the officers, and one of the volunteers, were
killed ; several of the party were wounded, some placed /tors de
combat. The discharge was returned. Rogers' men retreated
to the elevation which they were descending, and here they
formed and fought desperately. The force by which they
were surrounded amounted, according to Refers' estimate, to
two hundred and fifty men, and had the few rangers been
charged by the bayonet not one could have escaped.
There is no reason to think that Rogers over estimated the
number. De Lusignan was then in command at Ticonderoga ;
on hearing the news he immediately detached one hundred
men of his force, with "some Indians and Canadians." They
were placed under the command of captains de Basserade and
de Lagrandville* De Basserade was dangerously wounded
early in the fight. The contest lasted for several hours, until
nightfall, when the French withdrew, carrying with them their
wounded. The English effected their retreat to lake George.
Of the 74 who went into action only 54 gained the lake, of
* " II delacha loa hommes . . avcc qudques Ssuvages et CanadJenj.
Moalcntm, a4ih April, 1757. Que. Dw;., IV., p. 91.
Diqitiz?abyG00»^lc
1757] THE SKIRMISH. 9
this number 48 only were effective. Six were wounded, 14
were left dead on the field, including two of the officers,
Kennedy and Spekeman, and the two volunteers from the 44th,
Baker and Gardner. Six were taken prisoners.
They were perfectly exhausted on reaching lake George.
Stark, a lieutenant, afterwards known in the revolutionary war,
started in advance to fort William Henry, so that sleighs
might be sent forward for the wounded men. Finally the
whole retreating party reached the fort in safety. It is
astonishing that the French from Carillon did not follow them.
There may have been some attempt of the kind, but it is not
recorded.
Montcalm, in reporting the affair, does not conceal the
strength of Rogers' force ; he places it at seventy-seven ; the
correct number being seventy-four. He describes the surviv-
ors, however, as all perishing from cold, except three who
reached William Henry. The losses of the French he sets
forth as nine killed and eighteen wounded, of whom some
died from their wounds,"
There have been few skirmishes, fought under such odds,
where more determined gallantry was shewn, and in which the
danger was escaped by courage and determination. On all
sides Rogers was highly praised. Abercrombie's nephew
James, aide-de-camp to his uncle, specially wrote him to say
how all were pleased with the conduct of himself and his men,
and, while regretting the losses which had been experienced,
pithily adds that it is " impossible to play at bowls without
meeting with rubs." +
• The account of the afFait, N. V. Doc., X., p. 570, pives the French dead at
eleven, the wounded al twenty- seven.
t There is a passage in Rogers' journal which shows how constantly the spirit
of red-tape has prevailed, to aid the indifTerence felt loivards the honest claims for
service perrormed, which threaten (o be lioublesome (o the official heads at head-
ijuaners. Artec ihe affair of the 21st of January, when Rogers had received great
ihanks for his services, and the companies of rangers bad been increased, Rogers
lays: "I again wrote to his lordship [lord Loudoun] eameally soliciting bis
friendly interposition and assistance to obtain from the government here an order
for payment of what was due to me and my men for our respective services during
the winter of 1755 ; but if thai could not be oblained, that he would be pleased to
-awGoOi^lc
10 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1757
Whether frym the desire of achieving a success, which in
the public mind would be a counterpoise to the triumph of
Montcalm, or whether de Vaudreuil desired to shew his faith
in la petite guerre, which the French generals would not enter-
tain, an expedition was organized against fort Wilham Henry
in the depth of winter, the season being one of unusual
severity. It was placed under the command of Rigaud de
Vaudreuil, governor of Three Rivers, the governor general's
brother, so that any honour which might be gained should
appertain to the Canadian branch of the army, in contradis-
tinction to the regular troops of France. When the project
became known, Montcalm offered to take command, asking
for 800 men.^ De L^vis and de Bourlamaque also volunteered
to lead it. De L^vis in writing to France expressed his belief
that he could not have done better, and that the expedition
had all the success that could be expected,f
Unusual care was bestowed on the organization of the
column. It consisted of 1400 men, composed of 50 grenadiers,
and 200 volunteers from the regular troops, under the com-
mand of M. de Poulharies ; with 250 colonial troops ; 600
Canadians and 300 Indians. The second in command was
M. de Longueuil. %
The object in view was, if possible, to surprise and escalade
the fort. In the event of such an attempt not being feasible,
the vessels and bateaux constructed for the carriage of troops
and men to attack Ticonderoga were to be burned. The
expedition left Montreal in four divisions ; the first marching
out on the 20th, the last on the 25th of February. In the closing
direct me wIiaC method tu lake Tor the recovery thereof. Whereto his lordship
replied, that u their services were anlecedent to his command here, it was not io
his power lo reward them. General Amherst, oti a like appliealion, gav« me
much Ihe same answer," The consequence was ihat Risers was engaged in law
suits, and had 10 pay ;£'8j8 3s. 3d., for which he never received one penny, p $1.
• Que. Doc., IV., F-9I.
+ N.V. Doc., X., p. 547.
X These figures are taken from a leUer of Monicalm lo the minister, 24th
,\pril, 1757. Que. Doc, IV., p. 91. Awriter, N.Y. Doe., X., p. 544, mentioiu
the number at 1500.
-abvG00»^lc
1757] FORT WILLIAM HENRY. II
months of autumn Montcalm had caused the construction of
a road from Laprairie to Saint John's, 14 miles; the Richelieu
accordingly was easily reached. The ascent of lake Cham-
plain was made to fort Carillon, a distance of 130 miles, the
march having been made on snowshoes. The season was
one of such severity as to cause mention in letters of the period
of the intense cold. The advance must have been leisurely
made, for it was not until the isth of March that the column
left Carillon, to arrive within a league and a half of fort
William Henry on the 17th instant.
The French account states captain de Poulharies was
detached to observe the position of the fort, and that it was
evident to him that there was no probability of a surprise :
he formed the opinion that the march of the French column
had become known.
The garrison was under the command of major Eyre, who
had relieved Winslow on the nth of November, when the
provincial forces returned to their homes. It consisted of the
44th regiment and some rangers.* Eyre maybe rememticred
as having efficiently directed the artillery at Dieskau's attack,
and had personally pointed the gun which did such execution
against the advance of the French regulars. The preceding
year he had been promoted to the majority of the 44th, and it
was he who had constructed the fort. He had 274 regulars
and 72 rangers fit for duty ; 128 men, mostly suffering from
scurvy, were on the sick list. The total number in the fort was
therefore 474 ; the defence falling on the 346 men who were
effective.
The first alarm was given to the garrison on Saturday, the
19th, about one in the morning, by the noise of axes, which
appeared to be about three miles from the fort ; at the same
time a light was seen on the east side of the lake, extending
• We have a full narrative of the defence in the despatches of major Eyre to
lord Loudoun [A. & W. I. ; America and West Indiei, vol. 85, part I., pp.
215-239) in the Canadian archives. These volumes are transcripts from the imperial
colonial documents. I follow the dates ^ven by major Eyre, his account being
written a few days after the attack on the l6lh of March.
-abvG00»^lc
12 THE HISTOKV OF CANADA. ['757
some way down. Precautions were taken against any attempt
at a surprise ; about two hours later the march of the troops
approaching upon the ice was heard. It was a bodj' of men
under captain Dumas, sent forward to reconnoitre, and to avail
itself of any opportunity which offered for attack. From the
fire directed against it, both from artillery and small arms, the
detachment was forced to retire. An unsuccessful attempt
was made to set fire to some of the bateaux. At break of day
the French withdrew. Eyre sent out scouts to obtain informa-
tion, they picked up some scaling ladders and faggots prepared
for burning the vessels. If there had been an intention to
storm the fort no attempt was made to carry it out.
De Rigaud in his report tells us that on the 19th he invested
the fort, and sent a party of Indians on the road to fort
Edward to cut ofTthe communication, so that no relief could
be sent. On the following day, Sunday, the 20th, Le Mercier,
the chief of the Canadian artillery, was sent to summon the
fort. Accompanied by a small party waving a red flag he
advanced on the ice. He was met by cfti officer and led
blindfolded into the fort. Le Mercier's demand was that a
peaceful surrender should be made. The terms he offered
were that the troops should march out with the honours of
war, the ofllicers being permitted to carry off" their most valu-
able effects.* The refusal of these terms, he added, might be
attended with "circumstances very fatal and calamitous to the
garrison," should " the assault they were preparing to put in
execution " succeed. . . . Considering what sort of people
composed part of their army . . . however much they
' The words of Le Mercier deserve attention in relation to what look place
after the capitulation of tliis fort to Montcalm in August. Eyre reports the
su^eslion of Le Mercier " that some things might only be left by the officers to
please and gratify the Indians, and that they (the garrison) need not be under any
apprehensions of Mischief from [he Savages, for that they had a sufficient number
of regulars to protect Ihe garrison against any sort of violence (hat might be offered
10 them, and (hey should be conducted lo any place ihey desired" [Can. Arch., A.&
W.I., S5.1, p. il6] These remarks, in my humble judgment, also throw light on
the murders reported to have been committed by the Indians after the capilulatioit
of Oswego.
-abiGoOi^lc
1757] DE ricaud's attack. 13
might be inclined to levity and compassion, the cruelties of the
savage could not be altogether prevented."
Neither the offer of favourable terms of surrender, nor the
threat of unflinchingly abandoning the garrison to the merci-
less cruelty of the Indian weighed with the true and good
soldier who was in command. Eyre's reply was his determina-
tion to defend his post. The fort had no great strength, as
was proved in Montcalm's attack, and there were less than 350
defenders ; but for the threat to be carried out, even with the
preponderating numbers of the attacking force, it was neces-
sary that the attempt should be made by a resolute body of
men. Its strength, however, was such that if the storming
parties had been gallantly led, and proper determination shewn,
the assault, with some loss, must have proved overpowering.
From the weakness of the garrison the sorties were unimport-
ant, and they were principally made with the view of the pro-
tection of property. Le Mercier's demand suggested the
possibility of an assault in all directions, and it kept the garrison
on the alert. The appearance of the enemy was looked for by
night, and at the period the darkness was so great that nothing
could be seen ; consequently wherever the least noise was
heard, shells and the fire of small arms were directed towards it
On the night of the 20th the French force advanced. It
may have been only a feint, but if the attack was seriously
designed, they were received so warmly that it was abandoned ;
the expedition ended in setting fire to two store houses con-
taining large supplies of provisions, to the " provincial " store
and all the rangers' huts. On the 21st snow began to fall
somewhat thickly ; a thaw succeeded, so the hulls of the vessels
became moist from melted snow, and little was attempted on the
part of the French. On the night of the 23rd they were more
fortunate. While the defenders were expecting at all points
to be assailed, and were directing their unceasing watchfulness
to the protection of the fort, the French scouts stealthily
advanced, and placed dry faggots against the hulls of the
vessels. They were soon seen to burst into flames. It was
not possible to make any attempt to save them. The confla-
-abvGoO»^lc
14 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
gratton included an old building which served as an hospital,
and a wooden structure in the neighbourhood of the fort, by
the flames of which the fort itself was threatened. But in
face of the enemy's fire the roofs were cut away, so the danger
was removed. The fire burned the whole night. A sharp
fusillade was kept up from the defenders to impede the
operations, but with little effect.
The French account records the destruction of four brigan-
tines, one constructed to carry six guns ; two long boats of
fifty oars, three hundred and fifty transport bateaux, much
building timber, and a large supply of firewood. The report
of Eyre states that the whale boats and scows escaped.
As the fort could not be escaladed, and all the damage had
been done which was possible, moreover, according to two
prisoners who were taken, their provisions being almost con-
sumed, and their stock of powder exhausted, the French force
retreated. On the following morning the long line of their
march was seen descending the lake.
Eyre's gallant defence has not received the consideration
to which it is entitled. It is in all respects noteworthy, and
stands out in strong contrast to the weakness and irresolution
shown at Oswego, where, after Mercer's death, not a show of
resistance was made. There are few more gallant acts to
record than this defence by a handful of men against a force
nearly five-fold its number, supplied with every requisite to
storm the fort, which only possessed imperfect defence. The
threatened assault continued from the night of the 19th to
the night of the 24th of March. It is plain that only the
resolute attitude of Eyre deterred de Rigaud from an attempt
to storm the place. The besieged had only seven wounded,
but those six days of gloomy expectation must have taxed
the strength and the endurance of the small garrison, and the
defenders must have gladly seen the retreating ranks of the
French in the distance.
It may be safely said that this successful resistance encour-
aged an exaggerated idea of the strength of the place. It was
but a few months later that Montcalm destroyed this illusion.
-abvGoO»^lc
1757] MAJOR EYRE. 1$
The failure of de Rigaud must have suggested to him that the
fort could only be taken by cannon ; that it had to be beaten
down and made untenable: a fact which ought to have been
appreciated on the British side and should have been provided
against.
Owing to the number of sick who were suffering from
scurvy, it was resolved to relieve the garrison. On the 29th
of March following, Eyre with his gallant band marched out,*
and colonel Monroe, with five companies of the 3Sth, occupied
the fort. When spring came it was discovered that some bodies
of the French had been thrust into a hole in the ice : one
corpse was found stuffed into a pile of cord wood ; likewise
the body of an Indian was exposed r it was covered with snow
and, strange to say, had been scalped by the French force.
Although the expedition in reality proved little more than
a. reconnaissance \n force,one advantage was gained: the precise
situation and character of fort William Henry became known,
and its capacity for defence estimated. The destruction of the
sloops and bateaux was also of some account as it would delay
the operations of the British provinces in early spring. Owing
to the want of provisions no aggressive movement could be
made from Canada until the arrival of the ships from France.
In any circumstance, owing to the difference in climate, an
expedition from Albany could take the field three weeks
earlier than any departure from Montreal. Thus the destruc-
tion of the vessels enabled the habitants to return to their
farms and put their crops in theground.f Montcalm, however,
' We first hear of Eyre as chief engineer and quarter-master general in New
York in March, 1750 [N. Y. Doe., VI., p. 553]. As has been related, he was
quarter-master general at Dieshau's attack [lb., VI., p. 1000.] In 1756 he built
■ Tori at Oswego &lls [VII., p. 184]. He was wounded in Abercrombie's attack
of Ticonderc^ on the 8th of July, 1758 [X., p. 729]. He aubsequenlly became
colonel of the 5Sth. As colonel of the 44th he formed part of Amherst's force in
1759 on Lake Champlain) and in 1760 he accompanied the force which descended
from Oivrego to the attack of Montreal. In 1764 he was unfortunately drowned
on his voyage to Ireland. [Knox.] Vol. II., p. 406,
+ In Montcalm's letter to the minister, of the 34th of April, [N,Y. doc. X., p.
549] he relates that men of the detachment returned snow blind. He writes [as
tnoslated] "Caiudians, Indians, and our men, to the number of fourteen score, had
-abvG00»^lc
l6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
did not accept this view, for while admitting that no expedition
could start from Canada until June, and that the delay had
been caused to the English by the burning of the vessels, he
considered that it would prove " not so much as M. de
Vaudreuil thinks."*
During the winter in Montreal, Montcalm felt himself called
upon to intervene in a direction which has caused many a
commanding officer anxiety, and will doubtless continue to be
a source of trouble so long as garrisons exist : the inclination
of many young officers to enter into imprudent marriages.
In his letter to the minister + he represents this tendency to
form " bad marriages . . which were not any more advan-
tageous for the political interest of the colony than to the
King." He continues i " M. de Vaudreuil appeared to me to
favour them ; he is encompassed by relatives of mean extrac-
tion." Montcalm wrote a memoir on the subject, which he
gave to de Vaudreuil, " who appeared to coincide with these
views." Two marriages were only allowed by Montcalm ; one
that of a captain of the regiment of Languedoc, whose father
approved of the match ; the second that of a captain of the
same regiment.the objection apparently disappearing before the
circumstance of "the bride being a girl of respectability, very-
well connected in the colony, having a handsome fortune." {
to be In) by their comrades, but &t the end o! twice twenty-foar hours, sight is re-
stored with simple icmedies." The letter also appears Que. Doc., pp. S9-93. There
are serious discrepancies between the two published letters, although claiming to
represent the same document.
• N.y. Doc, X., p. 551.
t 24th April, I7S7- N.Y. Doc., X., p. 550. '
t It is worthy of attention that about the same period [31st December, 1754,
Wright, p. 2S5] Wolfe was expressing the same opinion. Writing home, he says:
" I always encourage our young people to frequent balls and assemblies. It
softens their manners and makes them civil ; and commonly I go along with ihem
lo see how ihey conduct themselves. I am only afraid they shall fall in love and
marry. Whenever I perceive the symptoms, or any body else makes the discovery,
we fall upon the delinquent without roeri^ till he grows out of conceit with hia
new passion. By this method we have broke through many an amorous alliance,
and dissolved many ties of eternal love and affection. . . Two or three of the
most simple and insensible in other respects have triumphed over my endeavours,
but are seated upon the stool of repentance for the rest of their days."
-abvG00»^lc
1757] HEAVY PLAY. 1/
If Montcalm saw objections in the marriages of officers,
he felt that he could do nothing better for the interest of the
colony and the kingdom than to encourage the soldiers in
obtaining wives. The consequence was that, while in 1755-6
there were only seven such marriages, in 1756-7 there were
eighty. He recommended that a gratuity should be given to
soldiers willing to remain and settle in Canada, on the ground
that they would make excellent colonists, and could easily be
brought in the field during the period of war, whereas on their
return to France the diminution of pay, with the increase of
discipline, would be insupportable.*
One cause of anxiety with Montcalm was the love of play,
which was affecting officers of all ranks. Seeing its mis-
chievous tendency, he proposed to de Vaudreuil to prohibit
games of chance ; on the principle enforced by the rules of
a modern, well conducted club. We learn from Montcalm
that there was no play either at Montreal or Quebec until de
Vaudreuil went to Quebec Montcalm brought the matter
directly to the notice of d'Argenson. " M. Bigot loves to
gamble," he wrote. " M. de Vaudreuil thought proper to per-
mit a bank at M. Bigot's. I said what I considered my duty,
but did not wish to forbid our officers playing at it ; 'twas
displeasing to M. de Vaudreuil and M. Bigot ; the good of the
service requires the contrary. Captain de Maron, of La Reine,
has lost twelve thousand livres, which have been paid, his
lieutenant-colonel having lent them to him. This partiality
in favor of M. Bigot's house would have caused gambling else-
where had I not placed the second captain of one of our
battalions under arrest I write to M. de Machault on the
subject of marriages ; it concerns the colony. I do not write
anything to him concerning gambling ; it would only serve to
destroy the friendship between M. de Vaudreuil, M. Bigot and
me. But I owe my minister an account of my conduct^
Provisions continued scarce and dear. Officers of small
means found it difficult to live on their allowance. % From the
.. "N.Y. Dot, X., p. 551. + lb., p. SSI- ^
* M. le roirquis de Monlcilin aora I'honneur de voni furtf des reprfsenlaliong
-awGoOi^lc
l8 THE UISTOEV OF CANADA. [1757
inability to obtain the necessary supplies four hundred men
only could be sent to fort Duquesne on the Ohio, although the
necessity of reinforcing the garrison was well understood, in
view of what was heard of the operations designed against it
There had been little attempt on the part of the British to
replace the vessels and bateaiu: destroyed at fort William
Henry, accordingly not only all fear of an expedition against
Ticonderoga and Crown Point had passed away, but aggress-
ive operations were determined upon. In June de Vaudreuil
was able to report that at fort William Henry there were only
three hundred men, many of whom were sick, and that at fort
Edward, on the Hudson, the garrison was of the same strength
as in winter, with three additional companies of regulars and
thirty-six militia. It was plain that no operation was designed
against lake Champlain and that the English forts possessed
but indifferent means of defence. It was known that the main
body of regulars and militia had been transferred to New York
to join an expedition against Louisbourg. All the force that
remained to protect the frontier was 800 regulars and 2,000
militia. The forts, as it were, invited attack, the garrisons
being weak in number and the forts incapable of resistance.
snr 1b siluation oil se irouvenl r^duits les subalterns des iroupes de terre. Comme
tout est au moins trois fois plus chei que quand etles sont ariivjes dans la colonic,
il n'est pas possible que les lieulenants puissent vivre avec leur paye, si vous
o'avez la bont£ d'y avoir ^ard en les faisanl augmenler. ou en leur faisant donner
le Tin el autres douceurs qu'ils out eu les premieres campagnes.
Permettez-moi d'avoir I'honneur de vous laire les mEmes representations pour
mol La place que j'occupe m'oblige de tenir un ^lat honnSle pour m'altirer la
consideration que je dois avoir. Je n'ai cependani pas & me reprocher d'avoir fait
aucune djpense mal i propos et je croirois mSme avoir mal servi le Roi, si je
n'avois pas re(u avec la d^cence que j'ai observje.
Ce qui n'a pas empfkh^ que je n'aie us^ d'une grande ^onomie. Je me trouve
cependani ceitc annee en arrijrre de dix mille livres des appointemenls que le Roi
me donne ; cela ne pent qu'augmenter, puis qu'il ne me resle plus rien des provi>
sions que j'avois apportfes de France.
Je vols supplie d'avoir la bonli d'observer que je n'ai pour fortune que lea
bienfaits du Roi, que je d^penserai avec plaisir il son service ; et tout ce que je
desire, du cdte de I'argent, est de ne rien devoir en pariant de ce pays ; il seroit
bien douloureux pour moi de laiaser plus de delles que je ne serai en iitX de payer.
M, Uc h&ni i M. de Paulmy, loth Oct., 1757. Letlres, pp. 177-178.
-abvG00»^lc
1757] OSWEGO. 19
It was information too important to be neglected, and in a
month preparations were made to profit by it, which were to
be crowned with complete success.
In n previous voiume [HI., p. 569] I meniioned the difficulty of wdghing (he
evidence with regard ta the massacres asserted to have been commitled by the
Indians on the taking of Oswego. Subsequent investigation establishes that ihey
did take place, and were unrepressed by de Rigaud and a portion of the French
force. With the Canadian troops the proceeding was only in accord with the
policy which had been followed for a cenlury ; the destruction of every inhabitant
on disputed territory, or permission granted lo the Indians to carry away prisoner!
to serve as slaves until redeemed. To the majority of the French officers the
proceeding was in every way repellent. Nevertheless, it was enforced by the
governor-general de Vaudreuil. Before his day it had become a recognized
principle in carrying on war, to use Le Mercier's expression to Eyre, that the
Indians should be " gmilied." They formed so important an adjunct 10 any
French expedilionary force, that il was important 10 conciliate Ihem to the fullest
The officer named de la Tour, reported as being murdered in the hospital,
belonged to the artillery, and by a cannon shot had lost bis lefs [Can. Arch.,
A. & W. I., S3.7, p. 235]. The fact is mentioned in "a statement of six
deserters, etc." zist August, 1756. It is proper to state that on the 3id of
Ocloher Loudoun wrote to Henry Fon [lb., pp. 246-273] that he did not give
credence to any massacres at Oswego ; but this opinion he subsequently changed.
One Beuiil.thena prisonerat Quebec, writing to governor Morris of Pennsylvania,
also records the death of 'one liculenant of the artLlerie.' He adds; "The
vrhole number of the garrison killed very inconsiderable, not exceeding fourteen
Se^eanis and Privates. Some were since murdered by the Indians and their own
drunken misconduct."] lb., 83.2, p. 514. LieuL .colonel Littlehales also wrote 10
Loudoun [lb., S3.Z, p. 51S] : " Ader the capitulation, some of them having got
in liquor fell into wrangling with the Indians, and several of them were killed ;
(be number was uncertain." These letters were written by prisoners hoping to
be exchanged, and in order to be forwarded had to be read by the French
nulhorities.
In a letter from Loudoun to Iloldemess, commenced at sea on the i8th of
Al^ust, and Snished at New York on the 17th of October, the news having been
brought by a despatch boat of the taking of William Henry, Loudoun speaks of
the massacres by the Indians, as ' The inhuman and villainous breach of the Capit-
ulation." He then proceeds to speak of the taking of Oswego as being followed
by (be murder of several of the soldiers in ihe fort, and the whole of the sick in the
hospital [lb., 85.2, p. 35B.]
The fact is officially substantiated (hat in the face of a large French force afker
the capitulation of Oswego these Indian massacres took place.
-awGoOi^lc
THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['756
CHAPTER II.
Lord Loudoun arrived in New York in July, 1756^ He
remained in America until March, 1758.* Franklin has
stated in his autobiographyf- that Loudoun was recalled
owing to the fact that Pitt never heard from him and could
not learn what he was doing. Such was by no means the
cause why Loudoun was ordered to return to England : there
has seldom been so voluminous a writer of dispatches or a
more patient and careful correspondent J with a minister.
The fault of Loudoun's character was, that he was deficient
in resources, and that he looked upon as insuperable the
difficulties which could have been overcome by boldness, tact,
and judgment. His letters shew that by nature he was
desponding, and that he was impressed by the gloomy side of
any event, foreboding failure where a more sanguine tempera-
ment would have looked for success. He was without the
* Ante vol. III., p. 55S. He arrived on the 23rd. Webb and Aberctotnbie
had preceded himon (he 7lh of Jiine. [Can. Arch., vol.Sj.I.p, II, A, & W. I.]
+ [Vol, I., p, 219, Ed. 1844.] " When in England I understood that Mr.
Pin, aflerwards lord Chalham, gave it as one reason for removing Ihe general,
and sending generals Amherst and Wolfe, t/ial the minister tuver htard of him,
and coiild net kti<7W what he was doing" (n'l^J, This slalement is another proof
of the unreliabilit]' of Franklin's narrative. In this case he is doubly incorrecl,
for Loudoun was replaced by Abercrombie, and not by Amherst. In his complaint
of his detention at New York when about sailing for England, be also misiepre-
senls the cause when attributing it lo Loudoun's irresolution. There was a
general embargo on all vessels [I^ndon Magazine, 1757, p. 256] so that intelli-
gence of [he proposed cMpedition should not be carried to the enemy. No one
could have chafed more from the want of news of Holbourne's fleet than Loudoun
himself. It was the want of knowledge concerning the naval force, with which he
had 10 co-operate, which paralyzed him. The fact at the time Franklin, from his
political position, must have known. It is charitable to suppose that Franklin's
memory failed him when writing at the age of eighty-one. The embargo was
removed on the departure of Loudoun.
I The letters of Loudoun are 10 be found in volumes Can. Arch., S3-86,
A. & W, I., seven in number ; some of the years consisting of two parts.
-abiGoOi^lc
I7S6] FILIUS GALIC^. 21
elastic moral courage which rebounds from " fortune's blows "
with renewed strength, and in no way possessed the states-
manship which discovers the means to an end. Consequently
he failed to form a just opinion of the condition of the British
provinces, and his whole career was one of failure. He was
conscientious in the performance of his duties, was painstaking
and industrious. There is no accusation against him of
corruption. Being surrounded by advisers of the same mental
calibre as himself, the defects of his character had full sway.
An event happened as Loudoun was leaving England which
to this day remains unexplained. It was not publicly made
known, consequently no allusion is found to it, even by modem
writers. At the time it caused serious anxiety in London, and
active efforts were quietly made to discover the writer. Early
in March, 1756, some letters received by vessels which had
sailed from New York, for some cause attracted the attention
of the authorities, and they were opened. They were found to
contain communications addressed to the due de Mirepoix,
signed " Filius Galicie," with a request that the answer was to
be left at a coffee-house in New York, directed to " Mr. Pierre
Fidel until asked for." The writer stated that he was French
by birth, and secretly a Roman catholic ; he offered his ser-
vices to aid in enlisting men to join the French, among the
Germans and the Irish catholics in Pennsylvania. He speaks
of himself as occupying a high position, and makes allusion to
his aide-de-camp, as if a general officer. In the first letters
he affirms that three officers were acting with him, subsequently
that ten had accepted his views. With great professions of
devotion to the interests of the king of France, he asked that
money should be sent him to carry out his plans. A small
sum was by no means embraced, for he undertook to assure to
the French the territory west of Vii^inia and Pennsylvania,
asserting that he was in a position of trust and importance,
and had the power to fulfil his engagements. He wrote" that
• This correspondence is contained in Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., vol. 81,
marked "Secret and Miscellaneous." The letter alluded lo is dated the ist of
March, 1756, and is 10 be found on pp. 48-53.
-abvG00»^lc
22 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1756
he had levied 10,000 men, nominally for the service of the
firitish, on whom he could depend ; that at his bidding they
would all take the other side ; he trusted to raise the number
to 15,000 " I am not now," he continues, "under the least
concern in case any of my letters to yr. gr. [your grace] should
be inspected that it could be a prejudice to me, for I am from
my behaviour among ye English here, in that Vc^e among
them that I should not in ye Least be suspected ... I
could deny them." He dwelt upon the fact that the Irish
Roman catholics were dissatisfied ; and many of the Germans
of the Roman catholic faith would by preference serve the
king of France ; as for the heretics he lived among, they
minded no other religion than that of getting money, and they
were indifferent as to the government they lived under if they
could retain their property.
What was of importance was the correct and even able
narrative given of public affairs ; it was plain that it could only
have been written by one well informed, and a keen observer.
Some steps taken by Shirley which had not been reported in
England were described ; on inquiry the statement was found
to be correct. Two of the letters were enclosed to a Mr.
Gamble, of Londonderry, by one signing himself "James
Allen," asking that they might be forwarded to France ; an
ordinary reason for writing them being assigned. Gamble's
suspicions must have been awakened for he opened the first
letter, and through his brother in Dublin, sent it to the duke
of Devonshire, then lord-lieutenant, and by the latter it was
submitted to lord Halifax.
Although the writer represented that he was of French
descent, there was no trace of any French idiom in his language,
and from some peculiarity of expression the belief was enter-
tained that he was an Irishman. Even if the object was alone
to obtain money, and the power of fulfilling his disloyal
promises was limited, the offer of his service as a spy and a
partizan still remained, and the presence of a person possessing
ability exercising this infamous calling, in a position where
information could be obtained and where no suspicion was
(ibyG00»^IC
I7S6] GEORGE CROGHAN. 2$
felt, was fraught with danger. Inquiry must early have estab-
lished that the account given by the writer of his position and
influence was not only exaggerated but unwarrantable.
There was no such person as he claimed to be. On the other
hand he had misrepresented the sentiments of the population,
which for his own purpose he described as disloyal. As the
letters are read at this date it is not difficult to conclude that
they were written to obtain money for the writer's benefit :
a systematic fraud. At the time this opinion could not be so
easily formed. It was plain that no one could have communi-
cated the information, startling from its correctness, without
holding some prominent office. One curious circumstance is
that no attempt was made to send the letters through Canada.
It suggests that the writer knew no one he could trust, and that
he felt the danger of so acting. His cunning enabled him to
defy detection. In spite of the caution with which the inquiry
was made, no proof was obtained to establish his identity. No
person of the name of "James Allen" was known in
Philadelphia : but strong suspicions were entertained as to the
authorship. Fox wrote to the duke of Devonshire. " One
captain George Croghan, an intriguing, disaffected person and
Indian trader was very much suspected."* Thus the matter
ended. In 1756 Crt^han was employed by the province of
Pennsylvania in raising men for the protection of the western
frontier. In July he threw up his commission ; the reason
has been given that he was dissatisfied with the treatment he
received. It is not improbable that the suspicions entertained
with regard to him were in some way made apparent. For
several months the intercepted communication caused per-
plexity in London, and to the officers charged in investigating
their character. Loudoun, Webb and sir Charles Hardy
received instructions on the subject ; and however cautiously
their inquiries were made it is probable that they could not
be kept entirely secret. It must, however, have been soon
apparent that no such disaffection existed, as described, and
* Can. Arch., Series A. & W. 1., 81, p. 54,
-abvG00»^lc
24 THE HISTORY OF CANADA.. [l7S6
' /
that the writer, except in his individual character, was power-
less for evil.*
Loudoun ej.rly formed the conviction that it was not pos-
sible to resist the sudden inroads into British territory of
Canadian and Indian parties. In his view the true policy was
to assail Quebec with an irresistible force, as its loss would
paralyze the whole province. It was the coufte fecoWirtnended
in his despatches, and it obtained support in London. In
consequence the troops were kept inVreadiness to be moved to
New York for embarkation on the arrival of the fleet. The
garrisons of forts Edward and William Henry were reduced in
strength, and there were no reinforcements in the field avail-
able to sustain them. The fort at lake George was therefore
at the mercy of a powerful expedition from Ticonderoga, and
the extent to which the frontier had been left was only too
well known in Montreal.f
Loudoun had succeeded Shirley in command, and in his
reports to the home government he cast the blame of the bad
condition of the province on his predecessor. Shirley is one
of those characters, concerning which there has been difference
of opinion ; but the fact is incontrovertible that he undertook
executive duties for which he was unfit, and disordei*was the
consequence of his leadership. The success of the expedition
against Louisbourg has obtained for him great consideration ;
but in the narrative of that event the prominent part taken
by the British navy is generally put out of view, and success
always covers many faults. Fortunately on that occasion,
* Cn^lian, onairiving from Ireland, sell led on the Susquehanna, and eventually
became an Indian trader in ihe neighborhood of the wesiem part of lake lirie. I
have alluded to his presence in ihe Ohio, at the period of de C^loron's expedition.
{Vol. Ill,, p. 447.] On leaving the service of Pennsylvania he joined ait William
Johnson on the Mohawk, and worked under hi; orders. Eventually he was
appointed by Johnson deputy agent in charge of the Ohio and Pennsylvania Indians.
Cri^han lived until 1 783. In the revolutionary war he seems, in the lirsl instance,
to have adhered to the royalist cause ; subsequently he appears as a supporter of
ihc revolutionary party.
+ The French minister as early as the 28th of February notified de Vaudreuil
of the proposed attack against Louisbourg, The letter was acknowledged fron
Canada on the 12th of July. N.Y, Doc., X., p. 584.
-abvG00»^lc
1756] WILLIAM SHIRLEY. 2$
Shirley had the co-operation of a man of judgment and sense,
admiral Warren, The honours he gained, unhappily for
himself, led him to accept obligations which he imperfectly
comprehended, and therefore inefficiently fulfilled. What
preser\-es his name in respect, is the enlarged view he took of
the situation in which the provinces were placed, and the states-
manlike measures he proposed. In this respect he rose high
above most of his contemporaries. Had he confined himself
to the enunciation of a policy, and left to others all executive
responsibility, few names would be held in higher estimation.
To Shirley's mora) fearlessness was added high physical
courage, and he was ambitious of possessing the reputation of
a military leader. The mishaps of Shirley in this respect are
attributable to his want of knowledge of the art of war ; the
absence of all prevision on his part ; his weakness of combi-
nation ; his neglect of ordinary precaution ; his ignorance in
Jetting things take their course, when the remedy was simple
and attainable. Although much is disclosed to shew the want
of honesty during Shirley's government, he cannot be accused
of being personally implicated : but from his political position
he was thrown under the influence of men by whom the public
interest was sacrificed. Loudoun's statements on this point are
plain ; but Shirley himself remained poor, and the inference
must be drawn that he recognized these combinations, more
with the view of sustaining his popularity and position than
from greed.
Shirley's first interview with Loudoun is recorded by the
latter with the depression of tone habitual to him. Shirley
told him while handing over " a few papers of very little use,"
that he had communicated everything to general Abercrombie,
and Loudoun had nothing to do " but pull laurels." • There
was not a shilling in the paymaster's hands, and large sums
were owing. A few days after his arrival, Loudoun reported
that Oswego was defenceless. The men had had no pay for
eight months, and Abercrombie had to pledge his personal
credit to obtain money for supplies. There had been no
• Ciui. Areh., Series A. & W. I., 83.1. p. 11.
-abvG00»^lc
26 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l7S6
provision for the wants of the service : neither camp equipage
nor magazines, nor waggons to send forward the food. The
vehicles required had to be pressed in the middle of the
harvest. Everything was in confusion. The returns set forth
that there were 6,900 provincial troops in the field ; but the
belief was that their number did not exceed 4,000 fit for duty.
Some of the officers commanding these regiments desired to
undertake expeditions, the magnitude and danger of which
they in no way understood. " I think," added Loudoun,
"that 1 shall be able to prevent them doing anything very
rash, without their having it in their power to talk the language
of this country, that they could have taken all Canada if they
had not been prevented by the king's servants.'"
The provincial officers entertained the belief that the troops
they commanded had been raised for the specific purpose of
an expedition against Crown Point, and that they could not
be diverted to any other purpose. That French post was as
much a threat to New England as against New York.
Abercrombie early reported to Loudoun that the Massachu-
setts troops had received instructions not to march southwest
of Albany, or west of Schenectady. There had also grown up
a feeling of disinclination to co-operate with the king's troops.
In an interview with Winslow, the latter objected to any
junction: his regiment desired to serve alone; he, however,
asked to take the opinion of the principal officers. When
Shirley was spoken to on the subject, he had answered that
they would serve under him.f
A council of war had been held at Albany on the i6th of
July. Winslow showed his u.sual good sense, and expressed
himself personally desirous that the junction should be made,
but he apprehended, if attempted, that there would be almost
universal desertion. His own officers considered that they
were strong enough to reduce Crown Point. They looked for
reinforcements, which would not be sent if they acted with the
• Can. Arch.. Series A. & W. I.. 83.1, p. z6.
+ This word irirHuen in Abercrotnbie's letter to Loodoan [3rd .August, 1756.
A. & W. 1., 83.1, p. 3il in capital lellers. {tie) " HIM."
(ibyG00»^IC
. I7S6] MERCER'S LETTER. 2?
King's trOops. It was agreed that a meeting of the field
officers should be convened. The debate lasted five days, wheiii
it was determined that if the field officers would lose their
rank no junction should be made.
The same objections were entertained by the Rhode Island
troops. A notice was sent to the colonel that he was to serve
under Winslow ; indeed so strong was the feeling that the junc-
tion was not considered advisable, and the regulars remained
apart at fort Edward, Saratoga and Half Moon.
It is not possible to absolve Shirley from blame for his
neglect of Oswego. It is to him that the responsibility must
be affiliated, that the place was so ill supplied with provisions
during winter, that the troops suffered from sickness, and there
was in all quarters great discontent that no pay had been
given them. What was even more a matter of blame, the fort
was defenceless from its imperfect construction, and no efficient
steps had been taken to make it defensible. It was also of
paramount necessity that the British provinces should retain
naval supremacy on lake Ontario, for with this advantage no
landing could have been made by the French. In common
with all that was required, this self-evident duty had been
neglected and one of the vessels had been taken almost in
sight of Oswego.
A letter is extant to Shirley, from Mercer, who was killed at
the siege, written a few days previous to the attack. With
some despondency it sets forth the neglect of every precaution.
Pepperell's regiment had had no pay for eight months. The
price of labour in completing the fortifications had been
injudiciously reduced. The allowance of rum to the soldiers
had been stopped, for there was none to give them. The French
had agents constantly tempting the men to desert by promise
of great rewards : he himself was receiving " anonymous
threatenings to desert if regard is not paid to what they (the
troops) call their just complaints." From want of money it was
thought impracticable to carry on the public works longer than
the 17th. There was no authority to draw bills, except by the
verbal orders of Shirley's secretary, Mr. Alexander, and Lewis,
-abvGoO»^lc
28 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [I7S6
the paymaster, was afraid to act upon such instructions from
the fear of future embarrassments. Eleven men had just
deserted from the soth and fourteen from the 5 isL An Indian
had brought notice that the French were numerous at
Cataraqui, and that they designed an attack at the next new
moon ; moreover, that a French camp had been formed four
days' march to the eastward*
There could be no doubt in the minds of public men in
provincial life of the value of Oswego, if the future sovereignty
of the southern shores of lake Ontario was to be maintained
as British territory. If held of little account, why place a
garrison there? It was impossible not to have foreseen that
the establishment of this northern port would eventually lead
to hostilities, and that it could only be held by its strength
and the valour of its defenders : nevertheless, the place was
left imperfectly fortified, and during the winter insufficiently
provided, and with a garrison unpaid and discontented.
One of the charges against Shirley is, that a quantity of the
provisions sent to Oswego arrived in a valueless condition,
and that a portion became bad from exposure. The building,
in which the supplies should have been protected, was filled
with goods for trade with the Indians.f From want of proper
storage the provisions had been left exposed to the sun and
weather, and hence their deterioration to such an extent, that
a large quantity was left behind by the French, on their
departure, as unfit for use. The goods for the Indian trade,
according to Loudoun, were sent up by Shirley and his friends
at the king's expense. On three occasions fourteen, twelve
and eight bateatix were so employed, with smaller convoys at
other dates.
Whatever Loudoun's faults, he cannot be held responsible
for the loss of Oswego. Shortly after his arrival he gave
Webb the local rank of major general, so that he should be
supreme in his command. The attack on Oswego took
• Metcer lo Shirley, Can. Arch., A. & W. 1., 83.1, pp. 10I-6, and July, 22nd
July, 1756.
+ Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 83.1, p. 246.
-abyG00»^lc
I7S6] FORT GRANVILLE. 29
place the eighteenth day after his arrival in New York. He
described the loss of Oswego as " this very fatal event," and
he instructed Webb not to quit his post if it could possibly be
held. In his letters to England he spoke of the disaster as
" a lai^e Pill to swallow."
Accompanying the news of Oswego, came the intelligence
that a number of Indians under a French officer had attacked
fort Granville on the Junita in Pennsylvania, constructed at a
point commanding the navigation. A lieutenant and twenty-
four men were in the fort ; the remainder of the garrison had
been ordered out to assist the settlers in getting in their
harvest. The lieutenant and some of the men were killed ;
the rest were carried off prisoners. After demolishing the
fort the assailants set up a French flag, which they left there.
So great was the depression in this district of Pennsylvania,
that the country was abandoned by the inhabitants who had
settled there, from the feeling that the government was unable
to protect them.
Judging that there was no chance of success, Loudoun
directed Winslow not to advance against Crown Point, and
this exercise of control does not appear to have caused dis-
satisfaction. De L^vis records in his journal, how constantly
he sent out parties to occupy the attention of the William
Henry garrison, in order that a large force should be con-
sidered necessary to its defence, and that no reinforcements
should be sent to Oswego. He takes credit for the success of
his efforts, but a knowledge, of the condition of affairs at
Albany, shews that no such design was entertained.
After the news of the fall of Oswego was confirmed
Loudoun addressed a circular to all the provinces as far as
Georgia. He called for their assistance in completing their
quota of men, and asked that instructions should be given to
these levies to act in connection with the king's troops, In-
July, New Hampshire had refused this request, or, as it was
euphemistically voted, " this Paragraph to Lye for the present
under consideration," He now told the legislatures " that the
colonies would have the whole Indian power on their back,"
-abvGoO»^lc
30 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l756
and he called upon them to put their frontier in safety, and
that all he could undertake was to defend the country. At this
date he looked forward to an invasion of the British territory
by lake Champlain, and his circular was not worded so as to
restore confidence, or awaken course. In his letters to the
home government he dwelt on the difficuhies of his position,
and he saw little in the attitude of the provinces which he could
satisfactorily report It is not improbable, that the expression
of this opinion suggested to Chatham his unfitness for
command. By his own admission he could awaken no
enthusiasm, and could scarcely hope for even decent co-opera-
tion. To use his own words, he experienced not only "a
general backwardness in every colony, but even almost in
every individual on this continent to aid in carrying on the
public service, and every expense raised as high as possible to
the crown."*
It is evident from the frequent mention of the fact, that
food and provisions were exported to the French from the
British provinces. The provincial assemblies were called
upon to forbid this proceeding. Loudoun wrote to England
that he had strong reasons for belief that the trade was car-
ried on. One Wheelwright, of Boston, is named as actively
participating in it, and the Dutch of New York are particu-
larly mentioned as furnishing provisions : as the trade was
profitable many were engaged in it.
It is a strange record to make that the provinces in the
first instance declined to find quarters for the imperial troops,
sent by the mother-country to fight in their defence. Shirley
in his day had found for them the meanest of accommodation.
He placed the troops with double rows of beds in such
buildings as he could obtain ; an arrangement carried out at
the expense of the comfort and health of the soldier. Officers
•were allowed what was called "slaaf gelt," a small sum as
lodging money, utterly insufficient to meet the expense.
Loudoun was at this time engaged in recruiting for the four
• Loudoun to Fox, 3rd Oct, 1756. [Can. Arch., Series A .& W. I., 83.1,
p. 84,1
-abvG00»^l-C
I7S6] QUARTERS FOR TROOPS. 31
battalions of the " Royal Americans,"* He heard that the
intention was to establish the troops in some block-houses
and temporary barracks, insufficient in themselves, and that
no preparations were to be made for the recruits he was
enlisting. No provision was to be made for the reception
of officers. He strongly protested against these arrangements,
pointing out the difference between peace and war ; he con-
tended that it was incumbent upon the citizens to furnish fit
quarters for the troops. He was the more firm in his demands
as the remaining provinces were waiting to see the result of
the pretensions of New York. Should the province succeed
in avoiding the obligation, Loudoun might expect on all sides
the same refusal to receive the regiments, without some
special payment. Loudoun prevailed, but not without diffi-
culty ; the troops were found quarters and the officers decently
provided for,
Loudoun's representations of the policy of attacking Quebec
so far obtained support in London that he was informed that
a force of 8,000 men was to be embarked, with a strong fleet
to co-operate. He was ordered, with the troops he could
dispose of in the British provinces, to rendezvous at Halifax.
As late as the 25th of April no plan of operations had been
communicated to him. The troops were assembled at New
York for the purpose of being embarked. The arrival at
Louisbourg of a French fleet was known, and it was feared
that, without a convoy sufficiently strong to encounter it, the
transports would run the risk of being attacked by a superior
force. An embargo was placed upon the shipping to prevent
the intelligence of the sailing of the expedition being carried
to the enemy. It was this order which caused the delay of
which Franklin complains in his autobiography, and which
he misrepresents as being attributable to the irresolution of
Loudoun.
A fleet had been manned in England under admiral
Holboume, consisting of fifteen ships of the line and some
frigates, with fifty transports containing 6,200 troops, com-
* The present impeiial regiment, the 60th, "The King'i Rajii RiHe Corps."
-abvG00»^lc
32 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1757
manded by general Hopson, who constituted the land force
taking part in the expedition. Owing to want of proper effort,
and several delays having arisen, the ships did not leave
England until the Jth of May, Sir Charles Hardy was in
command of the vessels at New York, having lately resigned
the governorship of that province to return to his naval duties-
Early in May Loudoun received orders to embark, and to
sail for Halifax, where the object of the expedition would be
made known. There had been many desertions from the ships
of war in order to join privateers, owing to the large amount of
money made by following that career. Several vessels were
therefore wanting in strength. Loudoun caused the town to
be surrounded by his troops, and as the cordon advanced the
deserters were arrested, and placed on shipboard. The fear,
however, remained of sailing with an insufficient convoy.
Loudoun reported the danger of his position at the end of
May,* adding, in his gloomy way : " If they meet us there is
an end of the troops that go from thence." Nothing was to
be heard of Holbourne's ships, and he was paralyzed by their
n on - a ppearance.
After some hesitation Loudoun determined to sail, and
run the risk of the attack by which he felt that he was
threatened. The troops were embarked on the 5th of
June, and were to be escorted by the few vessels of sir Charles
Hardy. Had the French but known of the'departure of the
transports and their weakness against attack by vessels in
force, they might have annihilated the expedition, or have
made prisoners of the whole. All the precaution that was
possible was taken ; vessels were sent out to cruise to learn if
there was any sign of the French fleet, and on the report that
no enemy's flag was visible the vessels sailed on the 20th to
cross to Halifax.
Webb was left in command. On leaving New York
Loudoun had written that he hoped Crown Point and
Ticonderoga might be taken : a view of the situation which
shows how Loudoun failed to comprehend the extent of the
" Loudoun 10 Pitt, 30ih May, 1757. Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 8S-I, p. iSo.
(ibyG00»^IC
1757] CABBAGE PLANTING EXPEDITION. 33
French force which Webb would have had opposed to him,
and how ignorant he was of the consummate ability of the
generals at their head. One matter justly caused him vexation :
Loudoun was governor of Virginia, the executive duties of the
office being performed by Dinwiddie, as lieutenant-governor.
The latter, without authority, raised the embargo which had
been enforced along the sea-board,while it was being continued
at New York. The step was mortifying to Loudoun, as it
placed him in a false position, for it appeared as if he was
favouring his own government at the expense of the remaining
provinces. The jealousy of the provincial was always easily
excited, and men were never wanting, who, for purposes of
their own, were ready to appeal to this sensitiveness. It does
not appear that any unpleasant consequences resulted.
Indeed, the events of the succeeding fortnight were all power-
ful to command attention, for on the 8th of July Montcalm
commenced his advance on fort William Henry.
The French fleet, not knowing the prize which was escapin^g
them, remained quietly at anchor at Louisbourg, themselves
looking for the attack which spies in London had positively
reported would be made. Loudoun arrived safely in Halifax
on the 30th of June. On the 9th of July Holboume with his
ships were in front of Halifax, but so thick and continuous was
the fog, that it took five days to enter port, although sir
Charles Hardy sent out thirteen sloops of war with pilots to
assist the incoming ships.
Much historical ridicule has been thrown upon Loudoun
for the " impotent conclusion " of the year's operations.
Writers speak of these operations as the "cabbage-planting
expedition;" but really this lampoon has preserved the
recollection of the prudence and foresight shown by Loudoun.
It must be remembered that he only remained in Halifax
forty-seven days, for he sailed away on the 16th of August.
In this time, in order to obtain fresh vegetables for the troops
as a preventive to the scoui^e of scurvy so often experienced,
and to keep the troops in health, he employed them in plant-
ing pot herbs and cabbages. It was, at least, a healthy
-abyGoO»^lc
34 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['757
employment of the time of the troops, and it was hoped would
be a set-off against the tendency to drinking then so common
with soldiers on service. The men's health, indeed, suffered
from the bad rum they obtained by means of the peddling,
unlicensed rabble which follow every corps d'armh, pests
against which it is scarcely possible to guard. Owing to the
sickness which affected the troops from this cause, an order
was given to secure all the liquor in the place, and to lock it up
in the king's stores. This occupation of planting vegetables,
with field days and drilling, occupied the time of the men.
It was during this period that the episode in which lord
Charles Hay figured took place. Hay had seen some service,
and chafing under the inactivity, he made himself promi-
nent by his insubordination, publicly attacking Loudoun's
generalship, stating that the public money was wasted in
cabbage planting and sham fights.* Loudoun, in reporting
the fact, asked that Hay might be instructed to remain at
New York until further orders. On a second occasion he
stated that " he had been forced to rougher measures."
Finally, on Forbes, the adjutant-general, reporting that Hay,
on being refused leave, had stated he would take it, Loudoun
placed him under arrestf
* Can. AtcK., Series A. & W. I., S5.3, Loudoun (o Holdeniefit, 5lh and 6th
August, pp. 341, 343, and Fforbes, p- 344.
+ Lord Charles Hajr was the third son of the marquis of Tweeddale, and was
present with ihc guards al Fontenof, in 1745. He is generalljr accredited as
b:ing the utierer of the speech calling upon the French guards to fire fint. When
placed under arrest for his contumacy he was third in command (O Loudoun and
Hopson. He was sent to England to be brought before a court-martial. The
court did not assemble until Febniarj, 1760, lord Charles died the first of May
following, before the sentence was promulgated. Boswell quotes Johnson as
saying, " I wrote something for lord Charles, and I thought that he had nothing
to fear from a court-martial. 1 suffered a great loss when be died, he was b
mighty pleasing man in conversation, and a reading man. [Croker's Boswell,
in., p. 375.] Croker adds that he consulted the minutes of the coalt-martial, but
be could find nothing he could attribute to Johnson. Langton gives the more
probable account. Owing to Langton's frequent praise of Johnson, Hay requested
to be introduced to him. The; met several limes ; on one occasion lord Charlei
read the MS. he had prepared, upon which Johnson said, "it was a good soldierly
defence." Jobnson, however, pointed out that it was in vain to contend with
(ibyG00»^IC
1757] ADMIRAL HOLBOURNE. 35
Intelligence had reached Halifax of the presence of a large
force at Louisbourg. In the first instance its strength had
been understated ; but the capture of a vessel disclosed the
fact that fifteen ships of the line and three frigates were in the
harbour, and that 6,000 troops, 3,000 militia and 1,300 Indians
were present A council of war was held on the 5th of
August, and it was resolved " to lay aside all thoughts of
attacking Louisboiirg." Loudoun accordingly embarked a
portion of his troops for New York on the i6th of August,
leaving the ist battalion Royal Americans, the 27th, 28th, 43rd
and 46th regiments to defend Nova Scotia, the force of which
had previously consisted of three regiments. He proceeded
to New York with the 17th, 22nd, 42nd, 44th, 48th and 55th
regiments, and the 2nd and 4th battalions of the Royal
Americans, with the rangers.
Holbourne sailed the same day as Loudoun, and parted
company with him to arrive off Louisbourg, Learning that
the French fleet had received an accession of strength, he
deemed it unwise to risk a battle, and returned to Halifax.
Having been joined by two ships of the line, one of 70 and
one of 60 guns, on the I Ith of September he again sailed to
Louisbourg, in the hope that the French would come out to
attack him. The challenge was not accepted, the duty of the
French admiral being to protect the fortress. While cruising
in the neighbourhood, about ten leagues to the south of the
fort, the fleet was caught in a hurricane of great violence,
which lasted for several hours. The vessels were carried
towards the coast, and had the wind continued in the same
direction the whole fleet must have been driven on the rocky
shore of Cape Breton. Eleven ships lost their masts ; many
had to throw their cannon overboard. The " Tilbury," with a
crew of 280 men, was wrecked, and many perished. On the
4th of October eight ships, greatly damaged, reached Halifax,
those who were in possesion of power ; if ihejr would offer him ihe rank of
lieuteiuuil-feDenl and > government it would be better (o de»il from urging his
complunu." [lb., IV., p. 355.] It accordiagljr may be inferred thit Hay himself
" d the inqnii7.
-abvG00»^lc
36 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. U7S7
while Others found refuge at New York. Some ships of war
were left for the protection of Nova Scotia, and the remainder
sailed for England. The French fleet remained at Louis-
bourg until the end of October, when it sailed homeward ;
leaving two ships of the line and one frigate for the defence
of the harbour.
The disastrous close of the expedition from which so much
had been expected caused general dissatisfaction and dis-
appointment. Contemporary writers in the mother country
did not fail to attribute the failure to the dreary government
under which England groaned.* The one theory of the
ministers in power was the advancement of their own political
fortunes, and the assurance of support from the obsequious
followers who unfalteringly sustained them. In a country
possessing free institutions, men obtain the government they
deserve. It is on the constituencies that the choice of their
rulers depends ; it is they who, for good or for evil confer the
executive authority, and it is their prerogative to banish an
incompetent minister into obscurity. If through corruption,
or motives of interest, or indifference, or indolence, they fail
to act wisely in exercising this privilege, they must pay the
penalty of their neglect of public duty, by suffering the
calamities of misrule. The truth nevertheless remains that
when the government falls into bad hands, there always lies
the remedy in the expression of opinion by honest men to
* " In this manner ended the eipediijon ici Louisbokirg, more unfortunate to
the mKion than the preceding designs on Rochefort ; less disgiaccrul 10 ihe
commandeis, but equally the occasion of ridicule and tnumph to our enemies ;
indeed, the unhappj' consequences of the poliiical disputes at home, the inslabilily
of the administration, and the frcqucnl revolutions in our councils, were sirongljr
nunirested by that languor infused into all our militaty operations, and general
onsleadiness in out pursuits ; faclion in the mother-country produced divisions
and mLsconducI in the colonies ; no ambition to signalize themselves appeared
among the oflicen, from the uncertainly whether their services were lo be
rewarded or condemned ; their attachment (o parlicuUr persons weakened the
love they ought to have entertained for their country in general, and destroyed
that spiril of enterprise, that linnness and resolution, which constitutes (he com-
mander, and without which, the best capacity, joined to the most uncorruptible
inl^rity, can effect nothing." SmoUelt, chap. XXVIl., 20.
(ibyG00»^IC
1757] KEPORT OF CAPTURE. 37
confer power on those from whom a faithful execution of the
public trust may be anticipated.
It was on his way to New York, on the i8th of August, by
a despatch boat, that Loudoun heard of the capture of fort
William Henry, accompanied by a demand that he should
take steps for the protection of Albany.
-abvGoO»^lc
THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l7S7
CHAPTER III.
On the evening of the 5th of January, 1757, an event took
place at Versailles which indirectly influenced the war in
Canada, for it led to the removal of de Machault, the minister
of marine, and of d'Argenson, secretary of state for war : the
ministers hitherto charged with conducting the operations of
the campaign. Their replacement at this time by inferior
men injuriously interfered with the despatch to Canada of the
reinforcements and the material of war so urgently required.
De Machault had originally owed his favour to the influence
of Madame de Pompadour. The Jesuit party were now again
supreme, including as supporters the new archbishop of Paris
de Beaumont, and bishop Boyer, whose duties included the
recommendation to benefices ; an office giving him great
power. • Both were strong supporters of the doctrines laid
down by the bull Unigenitus, and were firm advocates of the
supremacy of the church above the state. This party had
obtained thorough control of the mind of the dauphin :• they
looked upon his future accession as a certain assurance of its
unlimited ascendancy. Regarding Madame de Pompadour as
unfriendly to them, the higher clergy had attacked her by
refusing the sacraments equally to herself and the king.
The crisis was one of threatened national bankruptcy ; it
was in this emergency they determined to affirm the power of
the church that as a divine institution it should be freed from
the general taxation. De Machault, as minister of finance,
* Owing 10 the jealousy of the king, the dauphin was denied 1.II pariicipalion
in state affairs ; his naturally melancholy mind, unappealed to by duty and
occupation, found resource in the acceptance of the extreme ultramontane doctiines.
He is reporletl to have said, " Si je suis appeli au Irdne, el que I'^Iise me com-
mando d'en descendte j'en descendrai." He died the 30(h of December, 1765.
Three of his sons sat upon the throne of France, the unfortunate Louis XVI., the
Mcond son, LouU XVIIL, and Charles X.
-abyG00»^lc
I7S7] CLERICAL CLAIM TO EXEMPTIONS. 39
opposed all such exemption, he was unfriendly to the political
pretensions of the clergy. D'Argenson, on the other hand,
was an antagonist of the self-assertion of parliaments, and in
the disputes with the clergy he took the ecclesiastical side.
De Machault had shewn considerable ability in finding funds
to carry on the war ; after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle he saw
plainly that the condition of France would not admit any
reduction of her marine, and that a large expenditure was in-
dispensable for the repayment of the debt and the equipment
of the navy. Accordingly, he undertook the task of reforming
the system of taxation, by which the debt could be gradually
extinguished and provision made for the national necessities.
In 1749, he proposed the continuance of the dixihne, which had
been established in 1741, with the understanding that it was
to be suppressed at the peace. He desired to retain the tax
in the modified form of the twentieth part of all revenues,
without power of immunity by gifts or redemption, extending
over the whole population, including the incomes of the clergy.
An outcry was at once raised against the so-called sacrilege;
the clergy determined to resist the tax, on the ground that it
was their duty to obey God rather than man, and as a corol-
lary avoid all obligation to the state.
A revival of the assertion of the power of the church
followed : one form it took was the rigid enforcement of the
edict of Nantes, so that every opposing influence should be
strangled in its cradle. The direct consequence was the
persecution of the Protestants. The old infamous tyranny
was renewed wherever the provincial governors could be led
to take part in it. Children christened out of the church
were taken from their parents ; Protestants assembled for
worship were shot down or taken prisoners. In 1752,
B^nezet, a Protestant minister, was hanged at Montpetlier for
performing the ceremonies of his church. In 1754, Lafage, a
preacher, was seized in Lower Languedoc, and in twenty-four
hours hanged by authority of the intendant. The bishops
were called upon to instruct their clergy to refuse the
sacraments of the church to all who could not produce billets
-abvGoO»^lc
40 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l7S7
de confession* In modern times we cannot appreciate the
consequence of this assumption of power. In our generation
a cur^ in any civilized country refusing to perform the burial
service over a corpse, it would be carried to the first protestant
burial ground and be decently interred. At that date the
denial of the customary ceremony at the grave, was in itself
typical of disgrace, and shocked every social and religious
feeling. The proceeding gave immense power to the priest-
hood, for ecclesiastics of moderate views were forced by their
superiors to act with severity. The more capable of the laity
indignantly condemned the arrogance of the clei^y, whether
the dictate of a calculated prudence or springing from behef
in the policy of persecution, and eventually France became
awakened to its mischief: public feeling became so strong
that restraint was placed upon it. In 1755 Beyer died, de
Beaumont was exiled from Paris, and Pope Benoit XIV.
intervened to obtain peace. A compromise was made : the
biilets de confession were withdrawn, and the right of taxation
of the clergy was waved. + De Machault, however, was not
sacrificed, but he was removed from the finance to the marine,
in which office he shewed great ability and energy, his efforts
being successfully given to the creation of the French navy.
As the continental complications attained force the French
ministry became divided into two parties: one desirous
of forming a confederacy with Prussia, Sweden and Poland,
thus forming a powerful coalition against any union
* A certificale that confession has been made.
+ Numerous pamphlets appeared on both sides of the controversy, in which the
privileges and morals of the upper clergy were vigorously attacked, Voltaire
published anonymously " Vffix du sage el du peuplt" He contended that there
were not two powers in the state ; that the prince was absolute master of all regula-
tions affecting ecclesiastics in relation to public order. He advised the king to give
back 10 the "laws of nature the imprudent men and the imprudent women who
have made vows hurtful to society at an age when il is not permitted of any one to
dispose of property." and Imsled of the services of philosophy in destroying
superstition, always the enemy of princes. [Henry Martin, XV., p. 410,] On
one occasion complaint was mnde against a book, and its suppression obtained.
In the published notice of its condemnation the book was described as making the
clergy appear as the body the least useful to society.
-abvG00»^lc
1757] DAMlENa 41
between Russia and Austria. Such had been the ancient
policy of Richelieu, which constantly had opposed all increase
of the power of Austria. In opposition to these views there
were those who favoured an abandonment of the ancient
alliances in order to accept the offer of Maria Theresa and to
follow a policy in common with the empress. The latter had
really in view the partition of Prussia ; the inducement offered
to France to co-operate, being a cession of a portion of
Flanders, to widen the French eastern frontier, while Maria
Theresa would herself regain Silesia
It was impossible not to foresee that the latter alliance
would lead to war on the European continent, which would
embrace a wide area: while with Prussia on the side of France
the hostilities could be kept within narrow limits, and the efforts
of France could then be directed principally against the naval
supremacy of England. De Machault and d'Argenson were
alike in favour of the former. I must content myself in
stating that the conclusion of these negotiations was the
acceptance of the offer of Maria Theresa, based on the policy
■of threatening the Hanoverian dominions of George II., and
by awakening his fears of losing his electorate, deter him from
active opposition to the designs of France.
It was in the ferment of this dispute between the state and
the church that Damiens' attempt took place. The night was
dark ; imperfectly lighted by a few lanterns, the king was
about entering a carriage to proceed with the dauphin to the
Trianon. As he approached the doorstep he felt a blow in
the breast, and on raising his hand to the place found it cov-
ered with blood. Owing to Damiens being the only person
having his head covered, he was recognized as the assailant.
He was seized and searched. All that was found on him was
a prayer-book, thirty pieces of gold, and a two-bladed knife:
it was with the small blade that the wound had been inflicted.*
* It will ever remain ■ problem difficult to detctmine under what influence
Damiens scted. Writers of authority have described him as a man o( weak
intellect carried away b; mononisnia. His own explanation wat that he only
desired to give a warning to the king, and lead him to punish the archbishop, (be
-awGoOi^lc
42 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['757
The injury was slight : Voltaire called it a "pique d'^ingU"
The king, however, caused himself to be carried to bed, as if
dying ; it was subsequently explained that he believed the
knife was poisoned. He caused absoiution to be given to him
five or six times ; summoned the dauphin, directed him to
preside at the councils, and acted as if he had but a few hours
to live. As always happens in such cases, the favourite was
deserted, while the whole court crowded round the supposed
newly-ascended king. The clergy saw their opportunity, and
cause of >1I the trouble. Other wrilere trace (he attempt to the inspiration of the
Jesuits. In 1761 Mr. Hans Stanley was sent to France to cany on negotiations
for peace. When there he wrote confidential letters as to the condition of the
country. On the 9th of June, 1761, he wrote to Pitt: "Since the affair of
Damien) the king has never been easy in bis mind. If, when he b hunting, or on
any occasion he meets a person whom he is not used to see, he starts and is
extremely agitated. The Jesuits are charged by the vulgar as promoters of that
attempt. The Dauphin is esteemed much attached to that society, which does not
malte him beloved, as they are generally hated." [Lord Mahon's History of
England, vol. IV., p. 211.]
Damiens was twenty-two years of age, the son of a fartner in the north of
France, near Arras. He had received but little education owing to his father
having lieen unfoituaale. He commenced life at the Jesuit college at Arras as
cook ; he left that position to take a situation as a servant, and he is accused of
having been guilty of theft. He again obtained a sitaalion as cook in the Jesuit
college at Paris. A few weeks before the attempt he had again obtained a place
Damiens was subjected to cruel torture to obtain a confession from hiin. An
inslrun:ient which had been invented by the ponliiical inquisitors at Avignon was
Specially obtained to increase his sufferings. Damiens went through this horrible
ordeal with great forlitudc. To the last he denied that he had any accomplices
of any kind. He admitted, however, that lie had confessed his intention eight
days previously to a Jesuit father, and had received absolution.
At his trial, presided over by Maopeou, it was laid down that it was not
necessary 10 enter inio minor details. Damiens was simply found guilty. He
suffered death on the l8th of March on the Place de Grive, under conditions of
infamous and revolting cruelty. What was additionally disgraceful, women of the
hautt nebltiit and the wealthy baurgeeisit at great cost hired the windows from
which they could look on the butchery. Damiens, stripped naked, was bound
with iron chains to a stake ; his right hand, bound in sulphur, was held over a lire
until it was consumed to charcoal ; pieces from his body were pulled forth with
red-hot longs, and boiling oil and melted pilch and lead poured into his wounds.
Finally four horses were yoked to his arms and legs, and he was torn asunder 1
horrible suffering which he endured for three hours.
-abyG00»^lc
1757] MACHAULT'S dismissal. 4J
obtained an order that Madame de Pompadour should be
exiled from the court. It was conveyed to her by de
Machault. Madame de Pompadour contrived to delay her
departure. After some days passed in bed, the king rose, and,
as was his custom, found his way to the house of his mistress.
She saw herself re-established in power; favour she had never
lost.* One of her first efforts was to obtain the dismissal of
de Machault, who, she felt, had abandoned her in the hour of
peril. D'Argenson fell into disgrace, owing to a letter being
intercepted, in which he had made disrespectful allusions to
the king, and he had been prominent in his homage to the
dauphin. Advances of friendship were made to him on the
part of Madame de Pompadour ; they were repelled by him.
On the 2nd of February, 1757, he was exiled and replaced by
his nephew, the marquis de Paulmy, The removal of these
ministers at this particular period exercised an unfortunate
influence on the conduct of the war in America. Their
successors were without ability, and have long been forgotten.
The news of the change reached Canada in June, when de
Livis at once wrote to the new minister, M. de Paulmy, con-
gratulating him on his appointment-t
The proposed attack of fort William Henry was now
resolved upon : the hinderance had hitherto been the want of
provisions. The supplies sent from France for the colony
had failed to furnish what was required ; for even with
this assistance there were scarcely provisions for two months.
The imperfectly defended frontier of New York was known to
the French. The preparations for the expedition by Loudoun
could not be concealed, and on the arrival of the ships in spring,
at Quebec, its destination against Louisbourg became known
from the information obtained by spies in London.
* Mde. de Pompadoui died 15Tb or April, 1764 : her relations with the king
had lasted nineteen years. Her death in no way affected bis callous nalure,
t De Levis' last letter la d'Argenson was dated the I5tb o( April : his first
letter to de Paulmy the soih of June. The latter was the nepbew ord'Argenson,
to whom de Livis expressed his regret at the exile of bis uncle. "JenepeuK
qn'ftre tres fach^ de sa di^race." At the same time be enclosed a letter for
d'Ai^naon. [Leltres du Cbevalier de Levis, p. iii.]
-abvG00»^lc
44 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
The British commander could in no way have foreseen the
consequences of the withdrawal of the regular troops from the
upper Hudson, leaving behind as the only force the garrisons
of forts Edward and William Henry, with the few troops to
maintain communication with Albany, There were about
2,600 men at fort Edward, mostly provincials, called out for
service, without discipline, including 200 of the Royal
Americans, lately enlisted recruits. William Henry was
garrisoned by six companies of the 35th, under lieut-colonel
Monroe. The preparations which were being made by the
French did not augur quiet times for the British garrisons.
Early in July intelligence had been brought that troops were
being massed at Ticonderoga. It was indeed impossible to
conceal the movements on either side, the operations were
carried on in so narrow a limit, that the scouts could scarcely err
in obtaining tidings of what was doing. The advanced French
lines of Ticonderoga were only thirty miles distant by the lake
from the British fort. The lake was enclosed by a high range
of mountains on both sides to make attack impracticable by
any route but by water. The French, however, were con-
stantly sending parties up the narrow part of lake Champlain,
called by them the river Chicot, to threaten fort Edward.
They landed at the head of the small bay, and made their way
across to the road between the two forts ; there being but
twenty-four miles or so from their canoes to the Hudson. The
fact is important in judging the subsequent conduct of Webb.
Webb appears to have fully understood the difficulties of
his position. The French were always able in a few hours to
become masters of lake George, by means of the short portage
from lake Champlain, although a work of labour from its
height There had been little attempt to replace the British
vessels destroyed by de Rigaud in March, although some few
barges had been constructed. One of the first conditions of
the defence of the fort was that an attack by water could be
resisted. But the whole strength of the country had been
diverted to the naval expedition proceeding to Halifax.
There was every facility to complete a flotilla on lake George.
-abvGoO»^lc
1757] COLONEL MESERVE. 45
Loudoun mentions colonel Meserve, of the New Hampshire
troops, a ship-builder of great ability and energy,* who could,
if properly sustained, have furnished vessels in sufficient force
even to have been aggressive. But the opportunity was neg-
lected amid the preparations for what was considered the more
important enterprise.
As it was evident some movement was designed by the
French, Webb proceeded to fort William Henry to examine
into its defences. The troops which the fort could not accom-
modate had been established on the north-western side, in an
imperfectly protected camp, as the situation was considered
too exposedj they were removed to a rocky eminence on the
southeastern side, and the place was well intrenched. Colonel
Young was sent with a reinforcement of 200 of the Royal
Americans and 800 provincials, with two brass 12 prs. and two
6-prs. The detachment of artillery was under the command
of captain McCloud. The reinforcement leftWebbwith i,6oo
provincial troops to defend fort Edward and the entire frontier.f
* Loudoun speaks highly of Meserve. [Can. Aich., Series A. & W.I., 85.I,
pp- 7-8.] "The must useful person I have found among the provincials is a
colonel Meserve, vrho commands ihe regiment from New Hampshire. He is a
shipliuilder and is an active, sensible man, that has no scruples, but is ready to do
whatever you desire of him. He has built us n. bridge fiom fort Edward to the
island ; he has built us large flat boltom'd boats for passing rivers, and carrying
great loads ; he has greatly assisted in carrying on the fortifications ; and now at
last has got his people to engage by the piece, to finish some of the tnrracks and
to raise one whole face of the fort five feet much cheaper than we could have
done it. And by him I have got a large quantity of timber cut 10 be floated
down here, for making carriages for the cannon, which alinoEt all I have seen iik
this country, stand much in need of; and there is very little to be got and that
very dear ; by this means I shall have a very large slock provided at no other
e;<pense but the cutting and floating down, and in a little time have seasoned
wood, which is a thing not to be found in this country at present. Ashe has
received nothing for his labours and pains (for the colonel doe* not scruple (o
work with an axe, when he sees other people do not do it to his liking) I propose
to make him a present of a piece of plate of the value of twenty-live or thirty
pounds, which will make him happy, and, I hope, raise an emulation among the
others. This is the only gratuity I have proposed to give."
Meierve rendered equally good service at Lonlsbourg : during the siege he
unhappily fell a victim to the small-pox.
f Webb to Loudoun, Fort Edvard, 5th of August, 1757. [Can. Arch.,
Series A. 4 W. I., 85.3, p. 389.]
-abvG00»^lc
46 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [I7S7
In addition to the weakness of the force opposed to the
French, their own narrow stock of provisions enforced upon
them the necessity of at once taking the field. De Rigaud's
expedition in March had consumed a great quantity of the
supplies collected in early winter. What additional food
could be purchased from the habitants had been obtained ;
but even with what had been received from France the total
quantity would barely furnish subsistence to the troops to the
end of August ; * thus no time could be lost if the campaign
was to be undertaken.
The relations between Montcalm and de Vaudreuil were
greatly strained. In a letter to the minister of marinef
Montcalm described de Vaudreuil as one who had no character
of his own, and was surrounded by men who praised Montcalm
to him in order to excite his jealousy and foster Canadian
prejudice. There had been some feeling, owing to a serious
illness of the governor-general during the winter, when his
death appeared probable, and it had been a matter of doubt
whether Montcalm or de Rigaud would be called upon to
assume the government Bigot desired that Montcalm should
obtain precedence.
Independently of his lower rank M. de Rigaud, from his
" incapacity " commanded little public respect. Montcalm
described him as " this short sighted man, always led by the
first comer, and as one who would have embarrassed matters."
From the absence of any defined regulation Montcalm asked
that a sealed letter should be sent to Canada, so that in the
event of the governor's death he would assume authority.
Even when engaged in organizing the expedition against
William Henry, Montcalm asked for his recall at the earliest
possible moment. He was wasting his health, he wrote, to no
purpose, where he could not act in the King's service as he
desired, and where the governor was occupied in depreciating
■ N.Y. Doc., X., p. 631.
t nth July, 1757. N.V. Doc., X., p.576.
-abyG00»^lc
1757] MONTCALM. 47
the service performed by him and the land troops,* at the same
time making them responsible for any failure that might
happen .f
* De Vaudreail belonged to the marine Torce ; [Vide Ante. III., 551-3.] there
was occasionally jealousy between tbese two branches of the service.
t The heavy expenses to which Montcalm was subjected as general in com-
mand, with [he inadequacy of the allowance to meet them, weie a source of such
dissatisfaction that he wrote complaints on ibe subject to France. It will be seen
when the career of Wolfe has to be narrated, that although the general in com-
mand of the expedition at Quebec, he leceived no allowances commensurate with
his obligations : another of the strange coincidences in the career of the two
men. We cannot read without pain the representations made by Montcalm of
the necessity to which he was subjected of expending bis private fortune, to meet
his official expenses. 1( will be my duty to shew how the unworthy treatment of
Wolfe was continued after his death. There is no ground to suppose that the
children of Montcalm received greater consideration. Whatever may be dreaded
by those who oppose the extension of liberal institutions, it is certain (bat no such
meanness and wrong can be anticipated : it may be looked for that any indis-
cretion would lie on the side of excessive liberality. Monlcalm thus explains his
position as commander of the forces : " My pay is only twenty-five thoutand livies.
I have none of the perquisites of the governors or intendants of Canada ; I must
tupport a stafT; I do nothing beyond, neither do I anything beneath, my station.
I am obliged to give myself importance, single handed ; no person seeks to
g:ive me any here. They would fain try to deprive me of it, but they will not
succeed. M, de Machault admitted thai I was not adequately paid ; he promised
10 make it up to me and to attend 10 it. I did not come here to carry home
money, but should be sorry to make a hole here in the little patrimony of six
children.
I have, nevertheless, expended ten thousand francs beyond my allowance, and
shall continue, since (he expense I incur is necessary. I flatter myself you will
assist me to pay my debts." [As translated, N.V. Doc., X., p. 578.]
-abvG00»^lc
THE lUSTORV OF CANADA. [[757
CHAPTER IV.
On the arrival of supplies by the ships from France de
Bourlamaque was despatched to Carillon with the regiments,
Royal-Rousillon and B^arn, to commence the work necessary
to complete the portage. On the 3rd of July de L^vis left
Montreal for St John's, on the Richelieu, where the troops
were assembled. On the 7th he arrived at Carillon, with four
battalions, and took command of the frontier. The troops
were encamped near the falls \ de Bourlamaque remained at the
fort to perfect the arrangement for the passage of the artillery
and ammunition. De Levis' first duty was to complete the
road from lake Champlain over the portage so that the boats
and artillery could be moved up from lake Champlain to lake
George, The road was rapidly completed. The boats which
contained the troops, as they arrived, were carried across by
night ; the day time was given to the passage of the artillery
and stores, so no time should be lost*
Detachments were sent up the lake to examine the northern
side f to observe the character of the ground, whether feasible
for an advance by land. One of these parties, under de Langy,
consisting of 100 Canadians with some Indians, came upon
a small party of scouts from the British fort, of which eighteen
were killed and eight taken prisoners ; four only escaped.
On the 1 2th of July Marin arrived with 400 Indians, gath-
ered from the tribes west of Detroit ; they were to play a
prominent part after the capitulation, and it was their excesses
* On the 19th of July de Levis wrote to de Vaudreuil : " Sans une pluie de
trois jouTS qui a arrclj notre portage, Jl [Montcalm] I'aurail trouvf presque fini.
Nous avons cent cinquante bateaux et quinze pieces de canon passes au lac Saint-
Sacrement." (Letires de deLfvis, p. 125.) At that date de Urishad only been
twelve days at the camp.
f " Suivant la cotj du nord." The proper description would be ihe western
-abyG00»^lc
I7S7] MARIN. 49
and cruelty which were the cause of the one stain on Mont-
calm's good fame. They were men who knew civilization
only by their antagonism to it, and by no means could safely
be kept in idleness about encampments. On the third day
after their arrival Marin started with 300 Indians and 150
Canadians to ascend the narrows of lake Champlain, the river
Chicot ; the design was to harass parties from fort Edward.
There was a double object in these expeditions : that of con-
cealing the design against fort William Henry and assuming
a threatening attitude against fort Edward. Marin reported
that he had arrived close to the fort, where he met a detach-
ment of one hundred men, which he defeated and put to flight,
killing several and bringing away four prisoners. He returned
to his canoes unmolested.
On the l8th Montcalm arrived at Ticonderoga with de
Rigaud : he found that the /lortag-e of the guns and boats was
nearly complete. There remained only some stores and
ammunition to pass to lake George. Parties were continually
sent out to harass the British garrisons, to create uncertainty
which of the two would be the first attacked. Webb, fully
sensible of his difficult position, applied to the governors of
the different provinces for reinforcements. There was not time
to obtain them before the attack would be made, and could
they have been sent, the raw troops, placed in the field with-
out discipline, would have been of little value in the crisis.
On the 23rd of the month a party penetrated as far as fort
Edward. On this occasion they met a strong force which was
scouting. Webb, in his account to Loudoun, states that the
covering party when attacked, as usual, gave way. They lost
fourteen men and six or seven wounded, provincial troops;
among the killed were a sergeant and a corporal of the 35th.
The dead were scalped.* On the British side a party of scouts
and Indians surprised a patrol of fifteen grenadiers near the
falls, of whom two were killed, two were wounded, the rest fled.
The noise of the firing attracted the attention of de Levis,
■ Webb to Loudoun, fort Edward, 1st August, 1757, Can. Arch., Series
A. 4 W.I.,vol.8s.a, p. 381.
-abyG00»^lc
50 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['757
who started parties in pursuit, but the assailants made good
their retreat. De Rigaud, who was in command at the head
of the portage, with several Indians, sent out two strong
parties : one under de Villiers on the path leading to the
Mohawk country, with orders to place himself in ambush : the
second under de Corbi^re, of the colonial force, who followed
the west side of lake George, His instructions were to conceal
himself, and, if possible, cut oft the retreat of any parties
descending the lake.
As night came on the scouts reported that there were several
boats on the water. De Corbiere immediately despatched
some of the swiftest of the Indians to de Rigaud, at the portage
camp, for assistance. From four to five hundred Indians
immediately answered the appeal. The canoes were drawn up
and concealed, and the men remained in the bush so that the
British boats should be allowed to pass and then be taken in
reverse.
The party which was thus falling into almost certain
destruction was a force of 300 men, principally of the New
Hampshire and New jersey regiments, which, on the evening
of the 23rd, had left fort Edward in twenty-seven whale
boats. Webb, in relating the misadventure, gives this date,
and speaks of the impossibility of understanding on what
principle the expedition was undertaken. De L^vis explains
that it was with the intention of seizing prisoners, in order to
learn the movements of the French. On the afternoon of the
2Sth they proceeded some distance up the lake, where they
established themselves for the night It was at this time they
were seen by de Corbifere's scouts. At daybreak, without send-
ing out parties to feel their way, the boats again started.
The orders given by de Corbiere were to allow them to pass
Sabbath day point,* about twenty-six miles from the fort by
water, where the French Indians lay in ambush. The
impatience of the Indians precipitated the attack ; they issued
* Some writers slate (hat this (erm took iti rise at the time of Amherst, who
refreshed bis troops there. It is used by Webb two yean previotuly. [Can.
Arch., Series A. & W. 1., 85.2, p. 381.]
-abyG00»^lc
1757] PARKER'S DEFEAT. 51
from their concealment before the boats had passed, advancing
rapidly from the shore in their canoes upon the unfortunate
detachment.* The British force, moving forward without
order, taken by surprise, outnumbered more than two to one,
confused by the Indian war-whoop and cries, thus suddenly
attacked by an army of canoes, made but little resistance.
The Indians attempted to board and capsize the boats. The
only effort on the part of the British force was to escape. Of
the three hundred men, colonel Parker, with four whale boats
only, containing fifty men, re-ascended the lake. About fifty
escaped by land, and regained the fort : f two hundred
men were killed, drowned or taken prisoners. Montcalm
reported that he had i6o prisoners, five of whom were officers.^
Added to the hundred which found their way back to the
fort, forty only could have been killed or drowned, a loss
severe in itself, being that of every eighth man. De L^vis
informs us that these Indians were composed of twenty-two
different nations from the most distant countries, accustomed
to carry on war with the greatest cruelty, and in spite of
every effort of the generals, it was not possible to prevent the
perpetration of much brutality during the campaign.
On the 28th of July, the preparations being complete, an
Indian council was held, in order that the consent of the chiefs
could be obtained to the day appointed for the march of the
troops. There was a deficiency of boats ; it had accordingly
been resolved that a detachment should advance along the
western side of the lake, and cover the landing when it took
place. This force was placed under the command of de Livis,
with de S^nerzergue as his lieutenant ; the latter commanding
* De Levis' Journal des Campagnes, p. 86.
t At least such is the meaning I attach to Webb's words in his report to
Loudoun [Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 85.2, p. 381] : " Fifty others escaped,
gettinK to land." The faci b likewise corroborated bf de Uvis.
i N. Y. Documents, X., p. 591. He estimated thai 160 had been killed or
dtonmed. Of the number of his prisoners there could be no mbtake. De Livis
relates [Jountal, p. 87] that among the prisoners was a New EngUnd colonel.
In spite of every aitempt to obtain his ransom, the lodians carried him away as a
-abyG00»^lc
52 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['757
the regiment de la Sarre. The column consisted of 570 land
troops, 100 troops of the marine, 1,200 militia, 300 volunteers
and 800 Indians, amounting to 2,970 men. On the evening of
the 29th de L^vis proceeded, without tents, kettles or equipage,
to camp BniM, half a league from the portage, where he
bivouacked. On the following day the column started, the
Indians and volunteers forming the advance guard. The
march over the greater part of the ground was one of severity,
on account of the roughness of the country, the heights to be
overcome, and the quantity of fallen timber lying in all
directions.
On the 31st, Montcalm, with the force to be embarked,
moved up to the camp Brul^ ; the troops awaited, with
impatience, the order to start. There was neither wine nor
eau de vie in the camp, and they felt all the weariness of
indolence, against which they had no resource. The Indians,
who nominally were Roman catholic, occupied the time in
confession. The three priests could scarcely satisfy the
ardour of the penitents. The Indians of the upper country
were led by different impulses, as Christianity, in any form,
was to them unknown. They looked upon any delay as a
disastrous augury, threatening misfortune. They accordingly
performed a sacrifice to their manitou, and left hanging up to
him a full equipment, as Indian worship suggests, to propitiate
the ill-favour which they dreaded.*
The embarkation took place at two o'clock in the after-
noon of the 1st of August, in 250 boats. The western shore
was followed. On reaching Ile-a-la Barque, the Indians
formed the advance guard in I go canoes, and continued to
ascend the lake to the bay of Ganaouski, about eight miles
from the fort
On the evening of the ist, de L^vis arrived at this bay, the
point of meeting agreed upon. At ten at night he gave the
signal of his presence by lighting three separate fires. From
the spot where he was encamped he could observe the whole
lake. The advance guard arrived at half-past twelve.
' Oe Baugainville au mintstre de la guerre, igth Avrit, 1757, [Deuieai, p. 396.}
(ibyG00»^IC
1757] COMMENCEMENT OF SIEGE. 53
Montcalm landed at three o'clock. The remainder of the
force rapidly followed.
Owing to de Livis having sent out parties to discover a
spot offering conveniences for landing, and the necessity of
obtaining rations, he did not start on the following morning
until eleven. The country was flat and intersected with
several small morasses ; at five o'clock he was within two
miles of the fort, and he there encamped. He describes
himself as plainly in view of the garrison. Montcalm arrived
during the evening, and at eleven at night gave orders for the
landing to be made. About midnight the scouts became
aware of the approach of two barges of the enemy, sent to
obtain information. On approaching the shore they saw the
danger into which they had fallen, and endeavoured to
retreat ; one did escape. A crowd of Indians in their canoes
darted out to intercept them, and opened fire. The fire was
returned, when a Nipissing chief was killed and two of the
crew wounded. The second barge was taken, and from the
crew, which were made prisoners, Montcalm learned that his
projected attack was known ; he therefore determined to
hasten his operations.
The provincial troops had hitherto occupied a position west
of the fort ; on the arrival of the French they took possession
of the intrenchment which had been commenced as Webb had
directed. De Livis, with his force, passed round the fort and
established himself south of it, near the road to fort Edward,
to prevent reinforcements arriving. De la Corne, with some
Indians, occupied the road itself In their march the Indians
found one hundred and fifty oxen, which, as de L^vis relates,
were of great use, for the French obtained fresh meat while the
siege lasted. As the advance guard of de L^vis was on the
march they came upon a detachment sent out to bring in the
cattle, which were at pasture. Opposed to so large a force the
British could only retreat. The fact shows that the defenders
of the fort were taken by surprise, and that they entirely
failed to conceive their true situation.
On taking up this position deL^vis was joined by Montcalm,
-abyGoO»^lc
54 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1757
and together they examined the fort and entrenchments.
They formed the opinion that the place could not be stormed^
but must be besieged in ordinary form, and the troops received
orders to commence the work of the approaches.
At four o'clock on the 3rd, Montcalm sent a summons to
surrender. The text of the letter has been preserved,* and the
purport is corroborated both by de L^vis and de Bougainvillcf
Montcalm stated that he had a strong force with artillery, " and
all the Savages from the higher parts of the country, the cruelty
of which a detachment of your garrison have lately too much
experienced. . . I have it yet in my power to restrain the
Savages and oblige them to observe a capitulation as hitherto
none of them are killed, which will not be in my power in other
circumstances." He pointed out that the defence could only
delay the surrender for a few days, and that no succour could
be given.
With this statement of Montcalm before us, it is impossible
to absolve him from responsibility in the Indian massacres
and brutality which succeeded the capitulation. If he could
force the Indians to observe the conditions of a capitulation
under one character of circumstances, he could have done so
under all circumstances. He was perfectly familiar with the
promises made to the Indians in order to lead them to take
the field. He knew that they were enticed by the hope of
plunder and slaughter to take part in the exp>edition. He
had been reproached by de Vaudreuil for the restraint which
he had exercised over them at Oswego,J and he had been
made to understand, if the Indians were to remain faithful to
the cause, they were to have their promised reward. It cannot
be pretended that Montcalm could have been taken by sur-
prise at the attitude of his Indian allies on the morning of the
loth of August, Before he fired a shot he knew the elements
of which his force was composed, and, in event of his success,
the consequences against which he had to guard. It will be
■ Que. Doc, IV., p. 133.
f Journal de de Litis, p. 98. Dessicux, p, 399.
X Ante Tol. III., p. 570.
-abyG00»^lc
-abiGoOi^lc
-abiGoOi^lc
1757] FORT WILLIAM HENRY. $5
seen what precautions were taken by the victors, when the
hour arrived for them to observe the terms of the capitulation
they had granted. The neglect of their obligations to exer-
cise restraint over the Indians can only be remembered to the
discredit of Montcalm and the entire force he commanded.
This want of good faith was bitterly felt throughout the
British provinces: when the hour came for the surrender of
Montreal, the memory of it was sternly acted upon,
Monroe answered to the demand for surrender like a
gallant soldier, that it was his duty to defend his post, and
that he would do so while he had life. On the morning of
the 3rd he had sent a messenger to Webb, to say that the
enemy was in sight ; at nine he asked to be reinforced ; at
six in the evening he reported that he had been summoned to
capitulate, and Montcalm was present with a numerous army
and a superior artillery ; that his own men were in good
spirits.* On the 4th of August, at six o'clock, he wrote that
he was harassed by Indians, that the regulars were construct-
ing batteries, and " that the enemy is between you and us."
In a sortie a prisoner had been made, Jaques Vaudrie de la
Chesnay : from him he had learned that the enemy had 36
cannon and 4 mortars.
William Henry was a square fort with four bastions. It was
not far from the water's edge, and occupied the ground in
modem times laid out as a garden to the large hotel now
erected there ; the west side being about 250 yards from the
left shore of the lake. It was surrounded by a ditch in the
centre of which was a line of pallisades. The sides consisted
of framed timber filled with gravel and stone, in the present
day known as crib work. It was massively constructed, being
thirty feet in thickness, but it did not possess the strength to
resist heavy artillery in a regular siege. The troops which
could not be included in the fort were entrenched on a rocky
eminence to the east,+ and there was a daily relief of the
• Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 85.2, p. 393.
t Th«ie mtrenchaienU yet renmm, to some eitent, and are preserred lo satisfy
the curiouly of the tourist. It was from tbU spot the garrison siarted on ibe loth
to proceed to fort Edmud when the attack was made upon them by Ibe Indians.
-abiGoOi^lc
56 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['757
defenders of the fort obtained from the force established at
this spot. The total number of defenders, including all
present, was about 245a*
As there was little prospect of aid from Webb in any
attempt to drive the French from their trenches, the one hope
of Monroe was, that he would be able (o defend himself until
the provisions of the French were exhausted, and they would
be compelled to raise the siege. The force of Webb at fort
Edward had been reduced to 1,600 men; six hundred of
those under his command being distributed in the small gar-
risons on the Hudson, keeping up the communication between
Albany and fort Edward.
United States writers blame Webb for not immediately
marching to Munroe's relief, had he so acted no greater
blunder could have been committed. Webb was without the
strength to act with any success against de L6vis, and the
Indians of de la Come. He had no means of increasing his
force: the garrisons could only be partially withdrawn from
the forts on the Hudson, for they had been reduced to
the lowest limit It was equally impossible for him to have
marched out of fort Edward with every man under his
command. If relief had been attempted he must have left
a strong garrison behind him to guard against the surprise
by which he had been constantly threatened. He was
without means of communication with Monroe, so that a
* According (o > return in the Difarltrntnt de la gutrrt aX Paris, ihe following
is a state of the force on the 9th of August, the day of surrender : —
Rojal 35th regiment, all ranks 607
Independent companies 1 13
Massachusetts legimeat Si 3
New Jersey " 301
New York " S7
Royal Americans " 131
Mounted Raneers 95
Royal Artillery, etc 30
New Hampshire regiment 330
Commiuaries 5
Total 3,373
N.Y, Doc., X., p. 635.
(ibyG00»^lc
1757] WILLIAM HENRY REINFORCED. $J
sortie from the fort could be attempted on an appointed day
when firing was heard to the south, establishing that he
himself was in the field. The large force under de L^vis,
in his front, cut off every means of communication. More-
over, as was subsequently shewn, any attack on de L^vis
would have brought the whole French army upon him. Webb
defeated in the field, fort Edward must have fallen and there
would have been nothing to oppose the advance of the French
to Albany. Supplies, to a large extent, were found at William
Henry, and more provisions would have been obtained at fort
Edward, The false position in which Webb was placed was
attributable to the tactics of Loudoun, in denuding the frontier
of troops for the Halifax expedition, thus making defence
against any powerful force impossible. Webb has himself
described the position in which he was placed, and he shews
the injustice of the blame which has been cast upon him.*
After relating Parker's unfortunate expedition on the 23rd
and 24th of July, when he was attacked 26 miles down the
lake, and 2CXD men were lost ; go only escaping by boats and
50 through the woods ; he states that he immediately wrote
pressing letters to put the militia under arms. On the 2nd of
August he reinforced fort William Henry to the full extent he
was able : lieuL colonel Young being sent with 200 of the
Royal Americans, 800 provincials, 6 pieces of cannon and a
detachment of artillery. He had only 1,600 troops remaining,
exclusive of artificers. Accordingly he called in his several
outposts to fort Edward, and on the 6th of August he had
2,soo men, including all who were in the garrison capable of
bearing arms. On the day of the surrender there were 2,300
militia under arms at fort Edward, and he did not feel himself
warranted in attempting with this number any relief of the
garrison.
Much of the unfavourable criticism upon Webb in these
circumstances may be attributed to his precipitate destruction
of the forts at the carrying-place of the Mohawk when
■ Can. Arch., vol. mLliUin' despatches, 1756-1763, pp. 314, 331, col. Webb
to lord BamDgton, fort Edward, I7lh of August, 1757.
-abiGoOi^lc
58 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
news arrived of the fall of Oswego. It has given rise to a
predisposition to judge him unfavourably. Webb, however,
whatever his shortcomings on that occasion, appears to have
been a good and efficient soldier.
It was an emei^ency in which higher qualities were called
for than mere courage. Montcalm was not a general, in whose
presence a blunder in the field would pass unnoticed and
unpunished. With his Indian scouts he was kept thoroughly
acquainted with the movements of the enemy. Webb has
also been judged by the earnestness of Monroe's appeal to
him. No standard of criticism can be more unjust. It is the
power which Webb possessed to aid Monroe which must be
considered : not the critical position in which the fort stood.
In that respect Webb was hopelessly weak and could render
no assistance, even having fears for his own safety.
De Livis relates that his especial duty was to see to the
communication with the Hudson, and his scouts were inces-
santly on the watch. The remaining force was formed with
its left on the lake and the right against the mountain. De
Bourlamaque was placed in charge of the siege. On the
night of the 4th the trenches were commenced with 800 men
and a covering party of 400 grenadiers. The batteries, com-
menced at 2,100 feet distance, were pushed forward with great
energy. The troops had been camped in the rear, to act
immediately in case of a sortie : in this position a portion of
them was exposed to the fire from the fort, and loss was
experienced, so they were removed out of range,
Webb had applied to the provincial governors for reinforce-
ments, and they had been promised ; but the arrival of any
troops did not take place until after the surrender. Had they
been present, it is difficult to recognize that an undisciplined
body of men, newly enlisted, could have rendered any
effective service. Webb on the 4th had written plainly to
Monroe, that with his present force he could not march to his
assistance or send him reinforcements until the arrival of the
provincial militia, which had been called out. If they failed
to appear in time, he advised Monroe to make the best terms
-abvGoO»^lc
I7S7] FRENCH INDIANS. 59
he was able. The scout carrying the despatch was killed,
and although adroitly concealed within the body of the
messenger, the paper was found and given to Montcalm at
midnight*
Montcalm thus saw that his chance of success lay in urging
on the construction of the batteries, and in bringing the siege
to a close. Accordingly he doubled his working parties and
by every encouragement he hurried forward the completion of
the works. Except for the purposes of scouting, and by
their presence causing a dread of savage warfare, the Indians
were of no positive use during the siege. According to the
statement of de L^vis, they were 1,796 in number, and were
commanded by de la Corne Saint-Luc, under the orders of de
Rigaud. Of this number 8c» had marched with de L^vis.
They formed less than a fourth of the troops present, who
numbered 7,3o6.f
The Indians embraced many of the nations which a few
years previously had been the most troublesome enemies of
the French : the Sauteurs, the Renards, the Sakis, the Puants,
and other tribes with whom the customs and habits of thought
remained unchanged by civilization. The Ottawas, of Detroit,
■ " II [Webb] remit cetle leltre k un Sauvage qui fill pria par d'aaires el
comme ill le tuireot pour en faiie restin, suivant leur usage ils la lui trouverent
dans le fondement envelop^ dans une feaille de plomb el la porlircnc k M. de
Montcalm." Memoires [1749-1760], p. 97.
t E>essieux [p. 291] gives ihe Tollowing delail of Ihe troops present, extracted,
as h« explains, from long documents . —
Kqcular troops, 3 brigades 3,081
Militia, 7 " a,946
Artillerj 188
Indians of 33 nations —
The Christianized Indians S20
From the upper country 986
Total 8/>zl
He adds : Deducting the men non effective, and the garrlEODS lell at Carillon,
the Tails and the head of the carrying-place, the number ot lighting men was 5,500,
which, with the Indians, would raise the number to 7,306." See also despatch of
de Bougunville lo M. de Paulmy, 19th August, 1757. [N-Y. Doc.,X., p. 607.]
-abyG00»^lc
6o THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['757
were also present in force, with a few of the Illinois. There
were also a small number of the Hurons of Quebec, with 339
of the christian Iroquois of the Sault and of the Two Mountains.
There were 301 Abenakis, from B^cancour and Saint Francis.
This large force had been called into the field by de Vaudreuil,
and the various tribes, however differing in character and
unconnected by relationship, had alike answered to the com-
mon expectation of reward by plunder and the possession of
prisoners.* There cannot be a doubt that the instructions
received by Montcalm with regard to this mass of savage
life, were embarrassing to him. Their value in regular warfare
was their activity as scouts, which was very great, but other-
wise during the siege they were a constant source of trouble.
Previous to starting from Carillon, Montcalm had called a
council, and, while informing them of his intention to advance,
did so under the semblance of asking their opinion. He pro-
duced a belt of wampum, typical of the union of these several
races with the French. It was accepted by the Iroquois, who
answered for the fidelity of the remaining nations. They
agreed unanimously that the advance should be made also
by land.
After the siege had commenced the Indians were desirous
that the operations should be carried on as they held expedient.
They regarded their duty to consist in firing at the fort, in
seizing the chance of shooting down any one exposed. Mont-
calm consequently called them to a council. He was able to
exercise the great influence which he had acquired to obtain a
promise to preserve better discipline, if one can hazard the
word. He complained that they were neglecting the more
useful duty of scouting in order to fire upon the fort, and that
' In deVaudreuirE inilnictions IQue. Doc., IV., p. 101] these tribes are specially
tnenlioned as having given their word not lo separate until the campaign was
finished. De Vaudreuil's expeclalion was that (he surrender of fort Edward would
follow that al fort William Henry. " Nous n'en derons pas douter que . .
le fori Lydius n'en loit intimid^ au point qu'il ne lui opposera qu'une faible r^is-
tance." This success attained, the Indians were to be sent out lo ravage and devas-
tate the English settlements al Schenectady and Albany. It was M. de Vaudreuil's
theory of the perfection of war.
-abyG00»^lc
1757] PROGRESS OF SIEGE. 6l
the majority remained idle by their canoes. He called upon
them to establish themselves by the camp of de L^vis, as they
had consented to do, and where they would be useful.
The Indians had a grievance on their side. They complained
that they had not been consulted as to the mode in which the
siege should be conducted. They had been ordered to march
without consultation with their chiefs. They were quieted by
Montcalm's explanations, and received from him additional
belts of wampum ; he obtaining their promise that they would
join the camp of de L^vis, He read the intercepted letter of
Webb to Monroe, and foretold the rapid surrender of the fort,
adding that on the morrow the big guns should be heard by
them ; an exhibition of power they looked forward to with
delight
During the night of the 5th and 6th the left parallel was
pushed forward, and its communication with the right battery
established. At six in the morning of the 6th the left battery
opened fire with three 18-prs., five i2-prs. and a 9 in. mortar.
On the 7th the right battery was advanced 900 feet and
unmasked at day break. It consisted of eight guns, two of
which were 18-prs., two howitzers, likewise one 6 in. mortar.
At six o'clock there was a general discharge from both
batteries amid the cries of the Indians. The firing had been
continued for three hours when de Bougainville was despatched
to the fort as the bearer of Webb's intercepted letter, with the
hope that it would determine Monroe's surrender. Montcalm
had the tact previously to submit his intention to the Indians,
and made them believe that he had taken this step by their
recommendation. The letter was courteously acknowledged,
but no immediate step followed.
On this day Montcalm received the red ribbon of a com-
mander of the order of Saint Louis, The news of the
honour was communicated to the Indians, with the informa-
tion that it had been obtained by the help of their service.
On the right, the works were being pushed forward from their
oblique position, so the guns could bear directly on the fort.
A swampy piece of ground extending over about 300ft. led to
-abvGoO»^lc
62 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
some temporary impediment, and the work was carried on
under exposure to fire from the fort; but the difficulty was
At four o'clock of this day there was a false alarm of an
attack from fort Edward. The French troops were rapidly
massed in position. The event is worthy of notice to shew,
how impossible it would have been for Webb with his small
force, to have effected any movement in the field by the single
line of communication. He would have been ovemumbered
four to one, his own column being imperfectly disciplined,
and never having been under fire. The movement was the
false intelligence of an Indian scout The result, however,
had the effect of establishing with the Indians greater con-
fidence in the French. '
On the morning of the 9th the sap had been carried within
233 yards of the western side. For the previous three days
the artillery had continued the attack. The cannon of the
fort had been diligently worked, but the feeling must have
been irresistible, that without the presence of a large force to
drive the French from their position, there was no hope for its
defenders. They were in a deplorable condition ; several men
had been killed and more wounded.* Disease had broken
out, many of the heavy guns had burst, their two brass
mortars were in a useless condition. There were but 17 shells
left. Their strength was insufficient to make a sortie to have
any effect on the besiegers. On the other hand, the comple-
tion of the battery in the last approach opened out the
prospect of a heavy cannonade from the enemies' lines, now
closely advanced upon them.
A council of war was called, and it was resolved to
capitulate. At eight o'clock on the morning of the 9th a
white flag was held out, and colonel Young, commanding the
detachment of Royal Americans, was sent to arrange the
terms of surrender.
* The number of killed wu 41, the woaDded 71. N.Y. Doc., X., p. 635.
The French kilted and wounded were 53. Montolm to the minister of war, 15th
of August, 1757. Que. Doc, IV., p. 115.
-abvG00»^lc
1757] ARTICLES OF SURRENDER. 63
The articles granted were that the troops should march out
with their arms and the honours of war, with the baggage of
the officers and men only. One piece of artillery, a 6-pr.,
was allowed to be taken from the fort in recognition of the
valour with which it had been defended ; the place immediately
to be given over with the stores, guns and ammunition ; the
troops to proceed to fort Edward, on parole not to serve for
eighteen months. All prisoners made since the commence-
ment of the war, officers, soldiers, Canadians, women ind
savages, to be delivered at Carillon within three months, as
they were delivered an equal number of the garrison on parole
to be allowed to serve. The sick and wounded were placed
under the protection of Montcalm.
De Bougainville, in his narrative of the siege, states that
Montcalm, after having agreed to the terms of capitulation,
warned colonel Young that he could not pledge his word for
the observance of the conditions, unless accepted by the
Indians.* In consequence, he submitted to the leading chiefs
the terms he had granted, and the conditions were accepted
at a council. De Bougainville was the officer selected to
draw up the articles of surrender.
Had the circumstances of Canada permitted, it would
have been the fate of the garrison to be marched^ as prisoners
to Montreal. Their surrender was complete, and in their situa-
tion there was only open to them the desperate alternative of
refusing to give or take quarter, to exact better terms. It was
however, simply impossible to find food for them. There is
a letter from Bigotf which sets forth that it was the wisest
resolution not to make the garrison prisoners of war : "we
could not feed them." He adds that the same want of provi-
sions justified the non attack of fort Edward ; for the longer
detention of the Canadian habitants would have led to the
loss of the harvest, and he could not have found subsistence
for the troops after August, At that date the inhabitants of
Quebec were limited to a ration of a quarter of a pound of
• Dessieux, p. 305.
t N.V. Doc.. X., p. 631.
-abvG00»^lc
64 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [i;S7
bread a day, and there was general scarcity throughout the
colony.
Hitherto the Indians had been restrained from the use o(
liquor ; indeed neither wine norspirits had been served out to
any part of the force. De Bougainville tells us that previously
to returning to the trenches he exercised great care in the
destruction of all the strong drink in the fort,before the garrison
marched out. The evacuation took place at noon of the 9th,
the British troops proceeding to the entrenched camp. A
French detachment was likewise present as a protection against -
interference on the part of the Indians. De Bourlamaque,
with the force from the trenches, took possession of the fort.
He placed sentries at the magazines and the provision stores ;
the fort was otherwise given over to pillage.
The scene which followed on the succeeding day is one of
the best remembered in the history of the continent. The
event was early placed on record. * It has frequently been
related, and often with exaggeration : the facts, however, in
their plain truth, can in no way be gainsaid. Some French
writers endeavour to explain them away, and bring forward as
an argument the folly of the British soldiery in giving rum from
their canteens to the Indians in the hope of appeasing them.
They also dwell upon the cowardice of the troops in submitting
patiently to the Indian attack, affirming that they were seized
with a panic to be incapable of offering resistance. The British
amounted to 2,260 of all ranks, with several women and
children. They were without ammunition. The king's regi-
ment, the 3Sth, was alone armed with bayonets. The records
of the siege show the self-assertion with which the Indians
forced themselves upon the attention of Montcalm. There
were present under his command 3,000 regular troops and 2,500
Canadian militia. There were 1,800 Indians. These figures
show what power Montcalm had at his disposal to restrain the
Indians in any attempt at aggressiveness, of which he
disapproved.
I would gladly, if I could, acquit Montcalm of blame on
• SmoUeU bu described it, Chap. XXVII., 19. (1763-1765.)
-abvG00»^lc
1757] THE MASSACRE. 65
this occasion ; it appears to me impossible to do so. De
L^vis, de Bourlamaque, de Bougainville, de S^nezergue and
men of this calibre could have but one feeling of what was
incumbent upon a French officer under such circumstances.
The Canadians had been bred, with the tradition of allowing
at the hour of victory full sway to the bloody instincts of the
Indian. Those who read in these volumes the narrative when
inroads were made upon the settlements of New England by
the Abenakis, will have difficulty in adducing many instances
when, through the intervention of the partizan leaders, the
fury of their Indian allies was stayed, or mercy shewn. The
chief motive of the savage in joining an expedition, even when
his passions were excited by the appeals made to them, lay in
the hope of plunder. De Rigaud, who was in command of
the Indian force, had complained of the restriction against
this license which had been exercised at Oswego. Men of the
stamp of de la Come Saint-Luc, Marin, Langlade, de
Longueuil, de Niverville and de Langy knew no other policy,
than that the savage had to be conciliated by the reward he
claimed. He could only be kept true to French interests by
the gratification of his instincts for blood, plunder and
prisoners. It had been the law and practice for nearly a
century, and the emergency which sanctioned it Jn their view
was as strong as ever.
The fort had been plundered, but the intrenched camp was
as yet untouched. Early on the morning of the loth of
August, when the days are longest, the motley tribes of sav-
ages crowded round the eminence on which the fortifications
had been thrown up. They found the British, in accordance
with the capitulation, preparing to march to fort Edward.
They feared the booty, which they looked upon as their right,
would escape them. There were seventeen wounded men in
the hospital, belonging to the Massachusetts regiment. They
had been placed under the protection of a French surgeon,
who had then lefl them, and his place had been taken by the
surgeon of the regiment. The French sentries which had
been posted had been removed. The Indians forced their
-abvGoO»^lc
66 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1757
way into the sick ward, dragged the men from their beds,
killed and scalped them* The French troops, drawn up in
line, were not forty rods distant, and there was no attempt to
protect or save the unfortunate men thus murdered. It was
the commencement of a general plundering of the troops
drawn up to march out of the intrenchment. Some of the
French officers counselled that the demands of the Indians
should be met, and the articles they asked for should be given
up iri order to appease them. The advice in some instances
was acted upon. Nevertheless, the uproar continued, and
the unsatisfied rapacity of the savages led them to be more
clamorous. The duty of the French officers was exceedingly
plain, to have marched a body of men of sufficient strength
to prevent interference with the troops of the captured garrison
by the savages, whose instincts they knew. The British
troops were unarmed, and if in their desperation there had
been an attempt at resistance the Canadian force would have
come to the rescue of the Indian ; all opposition would
have been overpowered, and the probability is that a fearful
massacre would have followed. The numbers against the
British would have been in the proportion of two to one: an
armed body of men against disarmed troops. The taunt of
cowardice made by some French writers is unpardonable, and
may be taken as the fullest proof of the weakness of their
case. We have only the statements of the French that rum
was given to the Indian by the soldiers. It is not so stated by
any British authority. It is not impossible that a great
quantity of spirits was found at the plunder of the fort. The
seizure of much of the baggage doubtless included the posses-
sion of the canteens, and as the Indian drinks, drunkenness
would be the immediate consequence.
The column left the intrenchment As it marched out the
Indians rushed upon the rear ranks, took from officers and men
all they could lay their hands on, stripping them of their dress
and accoutrements. The women and children were seized
* Affidavit at Miles Whiteworth, surgeon of the MauachuselU regiment, t7lh
of October, 1757.
-abvG00»^lc
1757] INDIAN FEROCITY. 6/
before the faces of the French escort. Many were killed.
Those of the troops who in any way resisted were tomahawked :
it is not possible to mention the exact number; but de
L^vis speaks of some fifty as being so slain,* Webb, while
relating that there was an escort of three hundred men, deliber-
ately expressed the opinion that the attack was connived at
by the French.f The rear of the column thus assaulted, broke
and ran in upon the front; and the whole became affected by the
panic and took refuge in flight. In the midst of the confusion
a war-whoop was heard from the Abenakis from Penobscot.
It was afterwards pretended that they were smarting from a
wrong lately committed on their tribe, and they only retaliated
the injury they had suffered. Even if this were the case, it
was not the time, nor the occasion when revenge could be taken.
The New Hampshire men in rear of the column were the first
to sustain the onslaught, during which the escort made no
effort at repression. There was no attempt to check the
atrocities. The interpreters are accused by a French writer of
inciting | the Indians to acts of violence, and to seize the pro-
perty of the disarmed garrison. The Indians acted with great
ferocity against the negroes, mulattoes and Indians in the
British ranks and immediately killed and scalped them. §
They stripped and robbed the white men ; where they
experienced resistance their victim was struck down. At the
commencement of the commotion a report of the proceedings
of the Indians was carried to Montcalm by colonel Monroe,
■ " II y cut une cinquantaine de chevelutes levte." De Levis' Journal, p. io2.
t They were stripped by ihe Indians of everything they had, both Officers
aod Men. the Women and Children drag'd rrom among them, and mosi inhumanly
butchered before their faces : the party of about three hundred men which was
given them as an escort were during the time quietly looking on. From Ibis and
other circumstances we are too well convinced these thirbarities must have been
connived at by the French. After having destroyed the women and children Ihey
fell upon the rear of our meu, who, running in upon the from, soon put the whole
to a most precipitate flight, in which confusion most of them came into this camp
about two o'clock yesterday morning, in a most distressing situation, and have
continued dropping In ever since. Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I, vol. 85, a, p. 401.
J Pouchot, II., p. 89.
i Que. Doc, IV., p. ISO.
-abvG00»^lc
68 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1757
and complained of as a breach of the capitulation. De L^vis
had already come upon the ground with some troops and with
his officers endeavoured to check the outrage. Appealed to
by Monroe, Montcalm appeared upon the scene, and threats,
entreaties and force were made use of by him in his effort to
quiet the tumult. The Indians had by this time seized
many prisoners as their prey. Montcalm unhesitatingly
intervened and demanded their release. It only proves
the difficulties of his position that he felt himself forced
to offer to pay a ransom in money for them. The whole
number of such prisoners within his influence were after-
wards redeemed and sent to fort Edward with a proper
escort They amounted to 400 in number ; about 200,
however, were carried by the Indians to Montreal as prisoners,
and were similarly obtained by de Vaudreuil ; these were also
ransomed, and were eventually sent to Halifax. De Vaudreuil
was, nevertheless, an apologist of what took place, and in his
letter to France contended that the terms of the capitulation
had been fully observed. He explained that the excesses of the
Indians, could be attributed to their having got drunk the pre-
ceding night from the rum furnished by the English. While
throwing the blame upon the Abenakis, he explained the
uncontrollable rage which they had felt, as a natural conse-
quence of the bad treatment they had lately experienced. De
Vaudreuil even advanced the doctrine that the prisoners taken
at the time of Parker's defeat on lake Geoi^e were the legiti-
mate spoil of the savage by the laws of war, and he claimed
credit for obtaining their release, as he acted with regard
to those seized after the capitulation.
The broken fugitives reached fort Edward, in the majority
of cases stripped of all they wore. As the alarm was given
by the arrival of those who first reached the fort, Webb
ordered out 500 men as a covering party to protect them as
they arrived.
Montcalm, as the general in command, could not but see
how the terms granted by him had been infringed, and the
possibility of the repudiation by the British authorities of the
-abvGoO»^lc
1/57] DE BELLAITRE. 69
obligations on which the surrender had been accepted. When
awoke to the gravity of the situation, he acted with courage,
decision and humanity. He cannot, however, be absolved
from the gravity of the charge of not preventing the possi-
bility of such a wanton outrage, not only of the laws of war,but
of the dictates of humanity. The facts suggest the predeter-
mination that a certain latitude should be allowed the Indians
in the seizure of booty. It was not foreseen that their pursuit
of plunder would degenerate into personal violence, murder,
and the seizure of prisoners as slaves. It was then that the true
instincts of Montcalm suggested all the future complications
which would arise, and the whole strength of his character was
exerted to stamp out the disorder.
After their onslaught on the troops, the Indians left for their
homes. The French remained behind to raze the fort to the
ground, and to burn all they could not otherwise destroy.
The guns, stores and provisions were carried to Montreal.
Montcaim described the provisions captured as sufficient to
subsist 6,000 men for six weeks. Thus fort William Henry
for ever ceased to be a threat to French Canada.
Before the close of the year a further gleam of success was
reflected upon the French army, obtained in the war of sur-
prise which so long desolated the outlying settlements of New
England. On the 20th of October de Vaudreuil gathered a
force at Lachine, consisting of 100 Canadians with 10 officers,
and 200 Sault and Mountain Indians, under the orders of de
fiellaitre, of the marine force.* They ascended the Saint
Lawrence to La Presentation,"!- where de Bellaitre increased
his force from the Indians of the mission. He continued the
ascent of the river to " la Famine " J on lake Ontario, a few
miles east of Oswego. As we read the details of the enter-
prise, we seem to be speaking of the events seventy years
* De Liv'a in hit joumal [p. id6] is careful in relating that the expedition was
organized bf the governor-general. He alludes to the event in the coldest
language, ts if to shew his disapproval of the enterprise.
f Ogdensbui^h.
I Salmon River.
-abvG00»^lc
;0 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/S?
earlier, in the days of de la Barre or de Denonville. De
Bellaitre ascended Salmon river as far as was expedient, some
ten miles. Leaving his canoes under a guard, he crossed to the
portage between the Mohawk and lake Oneida ; by the route
he followed some seventy miles. On reaching the site of fort
Williams, destroyed the previous year by Webb, he sent
messages to the Six Nations in the neighbourhood, and
was joined by some Oneidas, It was then resolved to attack
the settlement of the Palatines on the Mohawk, some thirty
miles lowtr down. It had been established under the
authority of Burnet when governor in 1720,* and consisted of
30 houses with 300 inhabitants.f De Bellaitre arrived there
at the break of day on the nth of November, and attacked
the village from three different points. The surprise was
complete. There was little resistance, and those making any
attempt to repel the French were overpowered by numbers
and killed.! The houses and barns were burned, and the
cattle of all descriptions killed ; 102 prisoners, mostly women
and children, were carried to Montreal, among them the mayor
of the place. The men who escaped made their way to fort
Herkimer, about three miles distant on the right bank of the
Mohawk. There was a garrison here of 200 men, under
captain Townshend. On the alarm being given a detachment
of fifty men was despatched to the scene of action, insufficient
in strength to attack the Canadian force, which outnumbered
them six-fold. The contest was accordingly confined to a
fusillade, and at the end of twenty-four hours de Bellaitre
• N.V. Doc, v., p. 634.
f De L4via' Journal, p. 108.
X De Vaudreuil made an exaggerated report of Che " damage inflicted upon the
enemy." More grain, he said, had been destroyed than the island of Montreal
produced in yean of abundance, with 3,00a homed cattle and 3,000 sheep. At
■he same time, he describes the settlement as consisting of sixty houses. He
speaks of the attack of five focts, which surrendered at discretion. The number
killed and drowned he named at forty. We also learn from him that the strength
of the detachment sent from fort tierkimer was fifty men. Before the houses
were burned they were pilbgcd by the Indians, who " acquired as rich a booty as
they could carry off." N.V. Doc., X., 673.
-abyG00»^lc
1757] PROVINCIAL DEPRESSION. /I
returned to his canoes, his force enriched with booty. He
arrived at Montreal on the 20th of November.
The news reached Schenectady on the 12th, where lord
Howe was stationed. He immediately advanced with the
42nd Highlanders to fort Herkimer. The enemy, however,
had disappeared, having retreated several hours previously,
leaving the trace of their presence in the burned houses, the
slaughtered cattle, with the other evidences of the desolation
they had committed, the most painful of which were the dead
bodies of those killed in the onslaught
Lord Howe left lOo men at Conajoharie and 100 men at
fort Hunter* and returned to Schenectady.-f-
The year 1757 closed in gloom and dissatisfaction ; it was
the nadir of British failure in these years of contest The
provincial had lost faith in the power of the mother country,
and cheaply held the prowess of the imperial troops. Politic-
ally he was jealous of interference, and the spirit of independ-
ence suggested the belief and confidence that the strength of
the provinces, unaided, was capable of effecting the conquest of
CanadaJ The refusal to provide quarters for the troops at
* At [he junction of Schoharie creek vith the Mohawk, 31 miJcs from
Schenectadf .
+ Can. Arch., Series A. & W. 1., yoI. 86.1, p. 3.
t The discontented feeling in ibe British provinces wu known in Canada. De
Livis wrote to the king of Poland [23rd October, 1757, letters, p. 179.] that the
failure to attack Louisboui^ bad caused f;reat dissalisfaclion in the colonies. The
colonists were tired of (he war and unwillingly submitted to (he (oxaiion which it
had made necessary. "This," he added, " caused a ferment in (heir minds. For
some time all (he colonies have not been satjslied with the English parliament ;
tbejF desire one which would be independent." De Levis did not express a high
opinion of the provincial troops. On the 4th of September he wrote to marshal
de Mirepoixfrom the campat Carillon: "if trehadnot todo with weiik and timid
troops we would be unable 10 congratulate ourselves on (be success we have mel,
[Letters, p. 136,] " Chouoguen was I.iken by the intervention of the Holy Ghut,
as we have just taken fort George, and heaven grant (hat our good for(une does no[
abandon us if the war condnue." [p, 142.] Again he writes [p. 165] " we have
been fortunate in having to do with timid troops, and unskilful generals." On
the I4ih of September he wrote from Montreal : " ihe Ei^lish behave very badly
in this country ; it is much to be wished tha( they would do the same in Europe,"
[p. 170] and this was written within less than two years of ihe capituladon of
(juebec.
-abyG00»^lc
72 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
New York and Boston furnishes testimony of the indifference
felt as to the presence of the British soldier. A low standard
had penetrated into the legislatures. In nearly all directions
the spirit of gain was dominant to overpower the call of
patriotism and duty. Braddock's disaster had destroyed faith
in British generalship. The destruction of Oswego, whether
caused or not caused by want of prudence and prevision, was
in reality only attributable to the action of the provinces. The
50th and sist regiments, although on the imperial roster, had
been raised in America, and were officered by colonists. In
spite of these facts, Abercrombie and Webb, in the public view,
had been held responsible for the calamity, and although
Loudoun only landed in New York a few days before the
capture, he was equally held responsible for it The provinces
refused their quota of men, or furnished them under theories
of limited service, which made the troops difficult of control
in the field. Whatever professions were made of the desire to
help the cause, the jealousy of the legislatures paralyzed the
support nominally given. One serious cause for dissatisfaction
was the supplies sold to the enemy. Canada was in dire con-
dition for want of provisions, and the trade was one highly
profitable. In vain the legislatures made enactments to
repress the traffic, but the frequent allusion to its prevalence
shows how ineffectually they were enforced.
The raid of Bellaitre in October was the last success of the
French. From that date one series of reverses was experi-
enced in Canada. The failure of Abercrombie at Ticonderoga
cannot be called an exception. From the British standing-
point it must always be looked upon as deplorable, from the
bad generalship which was the cause of the failure, but it
brought with it no disgrace The French, as they drew their
breath at nightfall of that terrible day, must have seen that
their safety had depended on an error of their antagonist, not
to be repeated ; the want of knowledge of the strength of
aiaiis, fortifications of massive fallen trees against an attack
at the bayonet's point. It was this miscalculation of power
which had saved them from destruction. The attack had
-abvGoO»^lc
175"] WHAT HAS BEEN FORGOTTEN. 73
been intrepid and fearless, as the corpses of the hundreds of
dead proved, and, although repelled, there was no loss of
honour on the side of the assailants. The French soldier had
been made to feel the presence of the race against which his
ancestors had contended from the days of Cre^y and Poictiers ;
he had once more experienced the ancient disdain of hardship,
with the calm, determined, undemonstrative courage, arid the
self-reliance under disaster which for so many centuries have
never been wanting in the national character. The repulse of
the British force could have appeared only as a temporary
relief. Such indeed it proved. Step by step the French were
driven from every stronghold they possessed, until further
effort on their part became impossible. It was then that the
American provincial learned truly to know and appreciate all
that he owed to the mother country. It is a painful record in
the history of the American continent that the service and
the aid were soon to be forgotten by those who most profited
by them.
-abvGoO»^lc
THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
CHAPTER V.
The winter of 1757-58 was one of much privation in
Canada ; there was so great a scarcity of provisions that
positive want was felt. The ration of bread was limited, and
horse-Besh had to beeaten. As the season for active operations
closed, the troops went into winter quarters at Boucherville,
He Jesus, Montreal, Point aux Trembles and Quebec, Garri-
sons were left at Carillon, Crown Point, Saint John's and
Chambly. The two last years had been signally fortunate for
the French: the British forts, Oswego and William Henry,
which had threatened their power and their commerce on lake
Ontario and lake Champlain, had been destroyed ; the attack
on Louisbourg, which had appeared to be imminent, had not
been attempted ; the possession of the Ohio by France was
to all appearance firmly established ; Indians, led by Canadian
officers, had continually devastated the outlying villages of
Pennsylvania and Virginia and had driven back settlement in
these provinces. The whole of the western Indians had
accepted Canadian authority, while the 'province had so far
impressed her ancient enemies, the Iroquois, that a strong
feeling had arisen in the* Six Nations of the advisability of
remaining neutral in any contest with the British, while many
professed readiness to embrace the cause of the French. In
the middle of October* some of their chiefs arrived at
Montreal to congratulate dc Vaudreuil on his s^iccess at
William Henry, to give assurance of neutrality, and without
entering into any engagements, to suggest the possibility that
hereafter they might range themselves on the side of the
French. De Vaudreuil was then at Quebec, engaged, as presi-
dent of the court, examining into the conduct of de Vergor
* Journal de LAv'a, p. no.
-awGoOi^lc
1757] REFUSAL OF RATIONS. 75
at Beaus^jour ; they were received by Duplessis, and no effort
was spared to conciliate them*
In November the pressure arising from the want of provi-
sions exacted a reduction of the rations of the troops, f
The regiment of Biarn made no complaint On the other
hand, the marine regiment refused to accept the rations on
the new basis, and when called together to receive them,
separated without taking them away. De Livis heard from
Duplessis of the proceeding, with the intimation that the
troops had been ordered to parade in the intendant's court-
yard. When they had assembled they re-commenced the
expression of their dissatisfaction. Accompanied by some
officers, de L^vis went to the spot He found the troops dis-
orderly in groups, and violent in their language. He imposed
silence, and caused them to form in rank, when he stated the
necessity of submitting to the conditions imposed. He
pointed out that the land troops had accepted the ration, and
he told them he would hang the Brst man who demurred to
receiving it He ordered the first company to take their
allotted portion. The men acted in compliance without a
murmur. The remaining companies similarly obeyed. They
even strove to explain away their conduct by stating that
proper representations on the subject had not been made to
them. De L^vis accepted their excuses, but threatened
mercilessly to punish any future contumaciousness.
Shortly afterwards the marine troops with some habitants
endeavoured to incite the regiment of B^arn to revolt. De
Livis ordered four of the grenadiers of that regiment to
• The vrit«r of the " Mimoin tor It Canada " [p. 97] unfavourably notices
the partiality of de Vaudreutl for the Indians, and the license he gnnied them :
"il leur permetloU tout, — qualil^ qu'il avoil herilde de son pite, comme deles
ctoire absolument n^cessaires ; on les vojroit courir dans Monlr^l, 1e couteau i la
main, menacer an cbacun el wuvcnt faire des insultes ; lorsqu'on s'en plaignoit il
n'en disoit tien ; bien loin apres ce coup [tbe alTait at William Heniy], au lieu de
leur avoir &il des reproches, el de leur en avoir fait senlir les inconvfniens il les
accabia de pi^ns dans la persuasion qu'il etoil qqe [si] leur cnialiL^ seroit
ralentie les detseins des ennemies [gagneroit de la farce]."
t Half a lb. of bread ; three-quartera of a lb. of beef; a quarter of a lb. of
codfish ; a quarter of a lb. of peas with % a lb. of bread payable in moDey.
-abiGoOi^lc
76 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['757
appear before him, when he pointed out the necessity of
compliance, and the trouble passed away.
As the winter advanced the quarter of a pound of bread
served daily to the people as a ration was stopped, It was
proposed to give in its place half beef and half horse-flesh, at
six sous the pound. There was great objection to the horse-
flesh, the people refusing to take it A number of women
assembled, and tumultuously proceeded to the house of de
Vaudreuil, demanding to see him. Four of the number were
admitted, and they asked for bread. De Vaudreuil replied
that he had none to give them : he had been obliged to reduce
the rations of the troops. It was not the king's duly to
furnish bread for the people; they were bound to provide it
themselves. But in their want the king had assisted them
with bread and horse-flesh. The women expressed great
repugnance to such food. The horse was the friend of man,
and their religion forbade them to kill him ; they would
rather die than feed upon him. De Vaudreuil replied that
this was all imagination. From bygone time the horse had
been eaten, and it was the only assistance he could give. He
sent the women away with the threat that if they made any
revolt he would put them in prison and hang the half of them.*
He ordered the commissioner of marine, de Martel, and the
judge of police, de Monrepos, to take them to the slaughter-
house, and to see that the food was of good quality. The
women consented to go. They said, however, that neither
they nor anybody else, not even the troops, should eat the
horse-flesh. As they were separating they used the most
violent and seditious language. De Levis, in recording the
fact, says several ought to have been arrested, which was not
done.
Early in December orders were given for rations of horse-
flesh to be served out to the troops ; they refused to receive
them and left the place of distribution. De L^vis reproved
the officers for allowing the men to disperse ; the latter excused
themselves on the ground of the cold weather, and further,
* "Qu'il en Teroit pendre 1> pioilif." Journal de L^vis, p. 119.
-abvG00»^lc
I7S7] FIRMNESS OF DE LfiVIS. 77
that the meat had not been prepared for distribution. De
Levis ordered a parade, and on the assembly of the regiment
he caused a ration of the horse-flesh to be cut for himself,
which he directed his servant to carry to his quarters. The
grenadiers were then ordered to advance to take their mess.
They desired to make some representation ; De L^vis firmly
answered, that the first man who hesitated to obey in receiving
the food prescribed, he would arrest and hang. When the
distribution had been made, he would listen to all that they
had to say. The grenadiers in silence received the horse-flesh ;
their example was followed by the other companies.
De L6vis then advanced and told the men he would listen
to any expression of their grievances. The men accordingly
stated that they had complained of having to eat horse-flesh,
as the people had refused it, and they could not believe
that the colony was reduced to this necessity, when they saw
the number of cattle brought to market. Moreover, they were
billeted singly upon the inhabitants, and were not permitted to
form themselves into messes of seven, and the ration cooked
singly was not enough for a man. The regiment of la Sarre,
at Quebec, being in barracks, was differently situated ; the
habitants themselves lived as well as ever, even their negroes
and pains* did the same. It was now the duty of de L^vis
to reply to what had been said, and on no occasion of his life
were his judgment and ability more apparent. It was a critical
hour, when it was necessary to extinguish the spirit which had
been called forth, without leaving behind any rancour to
re-awaken it His personal character gave weight to all he
would sly ; but while exercising his authority he had to appeal
to that spirit of camaraderie which is the true basis of the con-
fidence of the soldier in his general. No one could have done
so more effectively, as the result proved, and on all sides de
L^vis obtained the highest praise for his conduct,t
* slaves of the Indian tribes taken and sold in MontreaL
+ It will generally be found, both in ihe army and navy, in casesof widely spread
dinalii faction, which finds its Tent in desertion, that the faalt lies in the unsympa-
the^ hard character of the commander, who, from a mistaken sense of duty,
exaclE from the soldier or saibr what is unnecessar7 ftnd unreasonable ; in iUel!
-abvG00»^lc
78 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1757
On the point of the habitant refusing the horse-flesh, de
L^vis attributed his conduct to prejudice and weakness. The
French garrison had eaten it in Prague : it was a similar case
of necessity in Canada, as most of the provisions sent from
France had been seized by English cruisers. They were in
error as to the condition of the colony, for there was great
distress everywhere. The people of Quebec had no bread ;
there were 2,000 Acadians who had nothing to eat but horse-
flesh and codfish ; the officers of the garrison at Montreal
and Quebec had only a quarter of a pound of bread a day ;
the cattle which the soldiers had seen slaughtered had been
brought to market, in accordance with the custom of the
country at that period of the year, when the inhabitants
killed the cattle ; the meat was kept frozen and was so sold
during winter. The soldiers had equal opportunity of pur-
chasing it, and he would give instructions for money to be
advanced of their pay, to be used for this purpose. He would
do his best, so that they would be able to form themselves into
messes. He added some words, that the soldier ought to
believe that the general would do his best for them ; and he
looked to the regiment to shew an example of good conduct
The men were touched by this kindly and straightforward
admonition ; and while they expressed themselves satisfied,
they assured their general, that they would so act that no
reproach should be made against them ; they had full confi-
dence that everything possible would be done for them, now
that de L^vis knew their wants. As the land troops took the
horse-flesh, the marine troops also received it, and no more
trouble was experienced.
repugnani 10 ihe feelings of ihc men. To what is necessary and essential, however
trying, men wil[ cheerfully submit. There is always to be found in a ship 01 a
regiment a sufhcienl number possessing right feeling, who will uncomplainingly
bear unavoidable privations, and they have the moral strength to control the con-
tumacious. When we read of a common insensibility to the obligations of duly,
and of men abandoning their colours as opportunity ofTen, as a rule we may con-
clude that the whole blame doea not lie entirely wiih them, and a ticm explanatioa
should be exacted from the commanding officer. De Levis' behaviour on this
occasion, as it received the full recognition of his contemporaries, should find a
place in every modem military manual.
-awGoOi^lc
1758] DE MONTCALM. 79
De Livis further met the desires of the regiment by orders
being issued so that the men couid be formed into messes of
eight, and an additional allowance of eight livres a month was
given to the habitant at whose house the mess was held. On
the day "les rots,"* 1758, eight grenadiers of the regiment
of B^arn waited upon de L^vis with a dish of horse-flesh as
they cooked it at their mess. De L^vis received it, and in
return invited them to breakfast, to shew them how his cook
prepared the meat. Wine was furnished, and the plat dis-
cussed : it was generally pronounced inferior to the cooking
of the soldiers. De L^vis presented the company with four
louis to drink his health and pleasantly to pass " les rois."
The condition of Canada was reported to France in a
despatch sent overland to Louisbourg, f The bearer had
previously arrived with letters from that fortress, and had
probably made his way by the Saint John. The letter of de
Vaudreuil does not appear ; that of Montcalm to M. de Moras
of the 19th of February is in all respects worthy of remark. J
He protests against the misrepresentations made with
regard to his own conduct and that of the French officers in
Canada, informing the minister that he had not communicated
his letter to them owing to the great pain it would cause.
The statement had been made by persons as bad-intentioned
as they were ill-informed. He appealed to de Vaudreuil, it
was he who had made the accusation, and to Bigot in testimony
* The English twelfth -night.
■^ De Levis' Joninal, p. 127.
! It is given by Desiieux, p. 321, end is Inmslited in N. Y. Doc., X., p. 6E6.
Motltolm shewE how deeply he wsu hurt by the unfriendly statements made
r^arding him in France. He says, "vous m'eialtei la valeur des CanadiBOs,
Toos m'y donnez des letani sur la conduite \ tenir vis-ii-vis d'euxet des uuvagei."
I append the original text of come of Ihe passages which I have Iraiislated.
. " une nation accobtum^^ se vanlerauca beau s'eialler elle-mSme, jen'aanu
jamait ta tnalheureuse conliaiice de M. Dieskau ; je ne les emploierai que dans leur
genre, et je cheicheiai i Stayer leur bravoure de I'avantage des bois et de celle
des troupes r^l^s ; . . Je ne puis vous rien annoncer encore sur la campagnc
ptochaine ; la operations ddpendronl de la promple aniv^e des vivies et du bien
oa mal jouf de I'ennemi. L'article des vivtes me fait frrfmir. Malgri les tWac-
tioDl faitra SOT la ration, la disette est plus grande que nous ne I'aurions ctn."
-abiGoOi^lc
So THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
of his conduct. He thought that he had seized the genius
and the moral qualities of the Indians ; but they lool^ed upon
a commander-in-chief as they regard the chief of a wigwam.
No one rendered more justice to Canadian valour than he and
the French ; but a nation accustomed to self-praise would in
vain magnify itself " I will never," adds Montcalm, " possess
the unfortunate confidence of M. Dicskau. I wiJ! employ
them as they arc best fitted, and I will strive to sustain their
course by making use of the woods and the regular troops."
Montcalm could not conceal his misgivings of the next
campaign. He coutd announce he said nothing concerning
it. " The operations will depend on the prompt arrival of
food, and on the good or bad conduct of the enemy. The
question of food causes me to shudder. In spite of the
reduced rations, our want is greater than we could believe."
He pays a high compliment to Bigot. He described the
officers as greatly suffering, receiving only paper currency.
Their pay was decreasing, while everything was- becoming
dearer. The lieutenants could not live on their allowances.
They were unlike the troops of the country, the officers of the
latter being permitted to trade, and who made money in their
expeditions with the Indians, He pointed out that the
expenses incurred in the performance of his duty were involv-
ing him in debt. Bigot had allowed him to obtain 12,000
livres to meet his obligations, and the further he should go
the more he would owe.* He had no illusions with regard to
la petite guerre. Although it was the fashion of the country
always to speak of having carried forts sword in hand, the
intrinsic value was the surprise, the burning, the pillage of
a large village exposed on all sides. In spite of the bright
view which Montcalm endeavoured to take, it is plain that
he was impressed with a sense of the danger with which
the province was threatened, and that more depended on the
ability with which the attack against Canada would be
directed, than on its power of resistance.
The war indeed had disastrously affected the province in all
• " El plus j'irai, plus je lui devrai."
-abvG00»^lc
1758] INCREASE IN PRICES. 81
directions. Its commerce had been almost destroyed. We
learn from a writer of a few years subsequently,* that it was
usual to insure a cat^o in time of peace. Those who took this
precaution paid from three to four per cent. ; the freight cost
from fifty to eighty /ivres the ton. In war time the assurance
rose to twenty-five per cent ; the freight to two hundred /ivres
the ton, and eventually reached the price of one thousand
/ivres. Consequently all merchandise became immensely
advanced in cost; and the price of provisions, independently
of any scarcity, rose in proportion. From the circumstances
that a large number of the male population was called out to
serve in the army, the cultivation of the land was much reduced.
Even in the matter of a cord of wood, which in quiet times cost
50 so/s, or three or four /tvres, it now rose to ten /ivns.f
One cause of difficulty was traceable to the specie sent out
from France in 1755 for the pay of the land troops. When
purchases were made by the latter in the market, silver was
tendered, and owing to the depreciation of the card money the
men refused to take it in change. The effect was a greater
decrease in its current value, reaching half the face amount.
Thus, a pair of chickens which cost from 1 5 to 20 sols in silver
fetched from 30 to 35 in paper : a pair of shoes worth 4 /ivres,
10 so/s in silver cost 10 /ivres in paper. What added to the
cost was the constant capture of the vessels by the English
cruisers. It is said that three-fourths of them were taken.J
It was calculated that a cask of wine worth so/ivres in France
cost in Canada 277 livres, and would be sold at Montreal in
silver for 300 Uvres. The veUe of eau-de-vie fetched 200 /tvres,
being at the rate of 25 livres,^ pound sterling, the pint: a
hat worth 2 livres in France was sold in Canada from 40 to 50
livres, and everything in proportion. Subsequently the troops
were paid in paper, an arrangement by which they suffered
great loss.
* " Reflexions (ommaiies (ur le commerce qui s'eit hit en Canada." Lit. and
Hiu. Soc., Quebec, 1840.
"t Tbe cord isaguperGcies of piled wood 4 'feet in length, of 31 square feel ; in
other words, 8 feet long, 4 feet high, French measure.
X " Les tr<Hs quarts de naviresqui ^ient panis de different! ports furent pris,"
-abiGoOi^lc
82 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['758
One of the events of the autumn was that de Vergor and
de Villerai were placed under arrest to answer for the sur-
render of the two forts, Beau s^ jour and Gasperau. De
Vaudreuil had been ordered the preceding year to take this
course, but the influence of Bigot had stayed proceedings.
The instructions having been reiterated, a court of inquiry
was appointed, and both were submitted to interrogatories. De
Vergor answered with little ability, but there was no desire in
Canada to push matters to extremity. Witnesses favourable
to him were only called, and he was privately counselled as
to the tone of his defence. De Villerai, on his examination,
gave in a memoir. As it was considered to reflect on de
Vergor, it was pointed out to de Villerai that his own position
depended on that of de Vergor, and he was counselled to
modify his statement.* When before the court de Vergor
threw the blame of his surrender on the Acadians, Montcalm,
in reporting the proceedings to France, represented that the
Acadians had forced the commander to capitulate to save
their lives, having taken the oath of allegiance to the English,
who had threatened to hang them for violating it.
On his return to Quebec after the surrender, de Vergor had
spoken of the gallantry of his own defence, and had used
deprecatory language with regard to the conduct of de
Villerai. De Villerai, in his statement, had instituted a com-
parison between the two forts. Gasperau was merely an
enclosure Banked by four half-rotten blockhouses with
twenty men, and had he obtained better terms than de
Vergor, he would have gained a reputation by which the
latter would have suflered.-f The military wits of the day
called the attack of Beausejour " le siige de velours!' % The
defenders slept peaceably by night, and the enemy were not
even at watch in the morning. So few shots were fired, that
the English were considered not to be in earnest, and de
* Memoiie SDr le Canadn, p. loo.
+ N.Y. Doc., X.,p. 671.
X what gives point to the French ealrmbeur is Ihe double meaning of the
expression, that il is tilienise "a seat of velvet ; " a position only of comfort.
-awGoOi^lc
1758] DEPARTURES FOR FRANCE. 83
Vei^or's care of the provisions was explained by the fact that
he had sold them to the enemy. No sorties were made ; the
place, in short, was badly defended. De Vergor was, at the
same time, accused of carrying away a large sum of money ;
it was said he even became rich.
The court exonerated both officers and they were declared
not guilty of any breach of duty. So far as de Verger was con-
cerned the decision did not command the assent of contempo-
rary writers ; it was however reported to France sustained by
the governor and intendant and there accepted.
Whether or not the privations which were afflicting Canada,
led the speculators who were becoming rich in the distress of
the province, to think seriously of their own position, it was at
this date that several of them resigned their offices and left
the colony. Estebe, who had been in chaige of the king's
magazine at Quebec, and was, moreover, a member of the
Conseil SupMeur, resigned both offices, and with a large
fortune returned to France. His place was given to Clavery,*
who had been the manager of " la friponne ;" he died within
eight months of his promotion. Varin, who had for some
time applied for leave to retire, finally obtained it, and left the
province.
When Br^ard ceased to be controller of marine no successor
was appointed. The duties were performed by the brother of
Martel, who had been assigned the position of Varin. One de
Villiers was named to act as controller. He is represented as
being insatiable in the pursuit of money, false, and of bad faith.
No one was ready with more specious explanations. His con-
duct and morals were equally as objectionable as his perverted
ability ; he deceived both the intendant and the public, and he
boldly carried on his frauds in all directions.
Bigot himself was anxious to leave the sinking ship with
the immense sums of money he had accumulated, and he
appears to have been desirous that all who had similarly
obtained wealth should not remain behind. P^an was the
first to leave the colony, on the plea of ill health. He did not
* Ante, vol. HI., p. 545.
-abyG00»^lc
84 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
entirely abandon his connection with Canada, being appointed
to the duty of despatching in spring the ships charged with
merchandise and provisions : a position which enabled him to
include, free of freight, much of the private ventures sent out
Bigot, however, could not accomplish his purpose ; the crisis
through which the province was passing made his presence
indispensable, and he was forced to remain in Canada to give
his help in the emergency.
At the western posts, where merchandise was furnished to
the tribes, a convenient explanation for much additional
expense was found in the necessity of retaining the Indians
as allies. Their services were greatly extolled in France, and
it was argued that unless they were in all respects satisfied,
they would cease to take the field. The commandants were
not slow in taking advantage of the difficulties attendant on
this relationship to advance their own interests. De Bellaitre
at Detroit, de Vergor at fort Machault,* and !e Verrier at
Michillimackinac were distinguished by their rapacity. The
last was the step-son of de Vaudreuil, who had married his
mother. He was without courage or conduct, and he had
been sent there to make his fortune. It is said of him, that
on one occasion,-f- that he gave a certificate for 10,000 livres
in the place of 10 livres, and on its being paid he became
more energetic in pursuit of the wealth of which he was in
search.
The war of outposts continued. On the part of the French
de Langy-Mont^gron, with a strong force, hovered about fort
Edward. On one occasion he surprised some woodcutters
attended by a guard. From time to time he repeated his
incursions. On the British side, Rogers with his rangers was
an active assailant in the hope of obtaining prisoners, from
whom information could be obtained. On one occasion he
was despatched on an expedition which proved disastrous.
He was detached from fort Edward by Haviland, he com-
* At ibe moatb of French cre«k and (he river AlleghtDj.
t Mifmoire Eur le Canada, p. 105.
D,qit,LbvG00»^IC
I7S8] ROGERS' SKIRMISH. 85
plains in his journal, with too weak a force. It consisted of 9
officers and 162 men. He was joined by two officers of the
27th as volunteers, captain Pringle and lieutenant Roche.
They started on the I2th of March, and descended lake
George to within a short distance of Carillon, when, as was
the custom, the detachment left the lake to make a circuit
round the French fort The mark of the snow-shoes on their
trail was seen by some Indians, who immediately communi-
cated the fact to the commandant. There were two hundred
Canadians and Indians at Carillon, under the command of de
Langy and de le Durantaye. To this number was joined
some volunteers from the regiments la Sarre and Languedoc,
and this constituted the force immediately started to intercept
the British rangers. The advance guard of Indians unex-
pectedly came upon Rogers' party. They were received by a
heavy fire, killing three Indians. The remainder were driven
back, and being hotly pursued by the British, retreated upon
the. main body. Warned by, the firing in front, the force was
prepared for an attack, and as the rangers came up they were
met by a general discharge of musketry from the French, by
which fifty of Rogers' men were killed and placed hors de
combat. Rogers rapidly saw the odds against him, and he
retreated, taking his position upon ascending ground. There
he fought desperately until dusk, his numbers greatly reduced,
when those that remained fled. Rogers records his loss at
128 killed, wounded and prisoners. De L^vis names the
French loss at 12 Indians killed and 18 wounded. The
French bivouacked on the ground, in the morning taking to
Carillon the prisoners and wounded. Rogers estimated the
French as 700 in number, evidently an exaggeration. There
were certainly between 300 and 400, so that Rogers was out-
numbered by more than two to one. Pringle and Roche, in
the retreat, got separated from Rogers' men, and owing to
the want of knowledge of the guide who undertook to lead
them, lost their way. They wandered about in a state of
starvation for several days. On the sixth day they found
themselves within sight of the French fort in Carillon, where
-abyGoO»^lc
86 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
they surrendered themselves to the French officers, who
treated them with great kindness.*
The letters of de L^vis f establish that it was known in
Canada that an attack upon Loutsbourg would take place
early in the spring. Judging from 'the success of the two
previous years, the French anticipated that the troops would
again be removed from northern New York, and that in con-
sequence they would be able to direct an important expedition
against Albany. They possessed undisputed mastery over
lake Champlain and lake George ; with reinforcements from
France, and a sufficient supply of provisions, for the latter
could not be furnished by the colony, there was every
prospect of France being able to seize Albany and to hold
the valley of the Mohawk, a policy which, if successfully
carried out, would have cut off all connection with the
western lakes, and thus have opened direct communication
between lake Champlain and the Ohio, and have given to the
French the entire western portion of the continent beyond the
Allcghanies. The plan of the French campaign was that de
Livis should ascend the Saint Lawrence to Frontenac, and
there organize his force. It was to consist of 3,000 men com-
posed of 600 troops of the land and marine force in equal
proportions, the remainder Canadians and Indians. Thence
he was to cross the lake to Chouaguen.J One of the main
objects of the expedition was to induce or force the Six
Nations to declare themselves allies of the French. If any
British settlement had been re-established at Oswego, it was
to be destroyed, together with the forts in the carrying-place
on the Mohawk. De L^vis was then to descend the Mohawk,
and from the side of Schenectady effect a juncture with
* A rock on take George Etill bears the name of " Risers' lock," from the
tradilion ihat, being closely pressed in a relreat, he descended a rayine half-way,
when he reached a precipice of zoo feel high, down which he slid on his snow. shoes
to the ice of the lake. The event did not lake place on this occasion, nor is it
recocded by Rogers himself. Had such a hair-breadth escape happened, it is not
likely thai he would have failed lo mention il.
t Letters, p. 183.
t Oswego.
-abvG00»^lc
1/58] EXPEDITION ABANDONED. 87
Montcalm. The latter was to leave Carillon with a strong
force. On being joined by de L^vis the two would attack
fort Edward and act against Albany.
De L^vis saw the full difficulty of the duty assigned him ;
he had only two months' provisions of biscuits and pork ; he
was without tents ; and he anticipated formidable opposition
from those Indians of the Six Nations who remained attached
to the British side. The expedition was theoretically possible,
but attended by obstacles almost insuperable, and was indeed
finally abandoned.
-abvGoO»^lc
THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l7S4
CHAPTER VI.
A new impulse had, however, been given to the power of
Great Britain which was to exercise an almost superhuman
influence on her fortunes and prosperity, to which few paral-
lels in any page of history can be found. The duration of
Pitt's ministrj' to the death of George II., and the subsequent
years, furnish a sufficient contradiction to the theorists who
can see, even in the most revolutionary events, nothing beyond
a compound of inevitable consequence, and the natural
sequence of circumstance. It is rarely possible, in the same
degree, to trace the working of a commanding mind upon a
people, to elevate its patriotism, its sense of duty, and its
better nature, permanently to leave its impress upon the
national character. The triumphs of Great Britain have
never been attained through court or parliamentary intrigue :
indeed, it is often to the blight of their pernicious interference
that our misfortunes and failures may be traced. Whatever
the form of government we may live under, it is imperfect in
the degree, that \vb fail to avail ourselves of worth and ability
in what rank soever they may be found. It was the recogni-
tion of this principle which, when evoked by Chatham, awoke
the spirit of the nation, and drew forth the noblest inspiration
of manhood out of the torpidity of self-interest and corruption.
We may learn from Chatham's career, that the institutions the
most secure and capable of developing human happiness, are
those under which education and capacity play the first part
In an oligarchy with a show of refinement, as the character of the
ruler may determine, the worst passions are restrained or find
their outlet, but the tendency of the system is that, by favour-
itism, men are assigned duties to the performance of which they
are unequal. In democratic communities political partisanship
(ibyG00»^IC
1754] DEATH OF PELHAM. 89
appeals chiefly to the passions, by which party success can be
attained, with little regard to the consequences involved.
The problem of government is still far from its solution. Two
principles, however, rise in prominence to claim acceptance :
the necessity of giving the means of education to all who can
indirectly influence the national deliberations, and so legislat-
ing as to bring within the working of the constitution every
person who can justly claim the right to frame and mould it.
But where practically establish a limit ? By what means
constitute a governing class, however broad the basis on which
it is selected ?
The peace of Aix-la-Chapclle exercised so tranquilizing
an influence on English politics that Mr, Pelham remained at
the head of the ministry until his death in 1754. Ten years
earlier, in 1744, he possessed suflficient power to force George
II. reluctantly to dismiss lord Carteret ; and the ministry, in
order to strengthen its position, had then included several of
the opposition within its ranks. They were mostly Pitt's
friends ; he was himself unprovided for. In Pitt's attacks of
lord Carteret he had inveighed against the partiality shewn by
the king to his Hanoverian dominions, and the subsidies paid
to the German troops. The ability which he had shewn in this
parliamentary warfare had raised him to the flrst rank in the
house of commons, and he had become formidable from the
reputation he had gained, and his personal influence in debate.
From these causes the king entertained an insurmountable
personal objection against Pitt's admission to office. The
matter was brought to a crisis in 1745, at the time of the last
attempt of the pretender : the Pelhams resigned. Lord
Carteret, now the earl of Granville, attempted to form a
government, but it was impossible to overcome the parliament-
ary resistance he experienced. The Pelhams returned to
power with an understanding that their recommendations
should be accepted. One concession they made to the king,
that Pitt should be placed in a position, by which he would not
be often brought in direct contact with him. Pitt, therefore,
instead of being named secretary of war, as was intended, was
-abyGoO»^lc
90 THE HISTORY Oy CANADA. [l754
appointed vice-treasurer of Ireland, and was shortly afterwards
made treasurer of the forces.
The office was one of great profit, not from the salary
attached to it, but owing to the large sums placed at the
disposal of the incumbent, On which a considerable payment
for interest was obtainable. It had always been the custom
for the paymaster to make use of the money in this way, and
it was well known that such was the case. Pitt disdained to
follow the practice ; he resolved only to receive his salary.
He likewise declined to accept the percentages paid by
foreign princes on the subsidies voted by parliament. This
disinterestedness, joined to his remarkable ability, established
his character in the public estimation. It was unassailable,
and the favour he gained was the commencement of the
extraordinary popularity he so long enjoyed. In 1 750, a proof
was given of his political strength, which was likewise a
presage of the future position he was to assume. Pelham
proposed a reduction of the numbers of seamen from 10,000
to 8,000 ; the motion was advocated by Pelham himself, by
Fox (the first lord Holland), as secretary of war, and by lord
Barrington, as one of the board of admiralty. Pitt, then
paymaster of the forces, arose and powerfully opposed the
motion of his own colleagues. He based his objection to the
measure on the fears he entertained, of some unexpected
attempt on the part of the adherents of the pretender ; fears
certainly not without justification. The unpopularity of
Frederick prince of Wales and of the duke of Cumberland
was extreme. It became the fashion in many circles to praise
the pretender, and for young ladies to sing those sentimental
Jacobite ditties, which, without their political significance, still
retain their place amongst us. At that time it was, however,
a different matter. The duke of Cumberland, with honesty of
character, was imprudent in many of his utterances, and there
had been an endeavour to magnify the severity of his
conduct after Culloden, which even now has not passed away.
Pitt's view was that the country should be prepared against
any fresh attempt by the pretender's partizans. The motion.
(ibyG00»^IC
1754] THE REGENCY BILL. 91
was carried. In spite of this mark of independence Pitt
remained in his official position. In the upper house, Pitt was
sustained by the duke of Bedford.
The death of the prince of Wales took place in 1751. He
had been suffering from pleurisy. An abscess had formed on
his breast, from a blow by a ball received at a game. He
died suddenly in the arms of Desnoyers, a popular dancing
master of the day, who was playing on the violin for his
amusement. The princess was left with seven children and
in advanced pregnancy ; prince George, afterwards George
III., was a boy of twelve. Until this date there had been a
prince's party, which had mainly constituted the opposition;
it was now entirely dissolved. The princess discouraged all
attempts to restore the former political antagonism : her
first desire was to satisfy the king. The regency bill, which
as a consequence was introduced, received much opposition.
The princess was appointed guardian of the prince's person
until the age of eighteen, and regent of the kingdom, with the
advice of a council composed of the duke of Cumberland and
nine of the principal officers of state. The friends of the
princess opposed these restrictions, which they considered
were in favour of the duke's influence. Pitt justified the bill
on the ground that in the event of the death of the princess
it would be dangerous to give extreme power to the duke.
Fox, on the other hand, warmly defended him, and an alter-
cation arose between them on this point, although members
of the same government; so little control had Peiham of these
his two leading subordinates.
On Pelham's death, in 1754, and the duke of Newcastle
becoming first lord of the treasury, the question arose who
, was to lead in the house of commons. There will be always
found men of the stamp of Newcastle in imperial politics.
Even in the outer provinces of the empire in which constitu-
tional government is being developed, in accordance with the
conditions to which it must be adapted, such men are not
rare. Their own success is the first consideration, and their
entire policy is directed to the means by which political power
-abyGoO»^lc
92 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['754
can be attained and kept The least recommendation in their
eyes is merit They look for pUant tools to do their bidding,
willing to receive with patience the kicks and rebuffs incident
to the servility of sycophancy.
It was a personage of this character that Newcastle desired
to represent him in the house of commona Pitt was at Bath
drinking the waters for the gout ; he was not in the cabinet,
and his character made him the last man in England fitted for
the duty. Fox was appealed to : he was offered to be made
secretary of state, with the lead in the house of commons ; the
condition, however, was annexed that Newcastle was to keep
in his control the purchase of the votes of members of par-
liament, in accordance with the system followed at that date,
and to some extent for nearly the succeeding half century.
The euphemism was used in the public accounts as " secret
service money " ; there can, however, be no doubt of the
application of the large sums named.* Fox had not many
scruples at any time of his life, but he was a man of ability
and with an acknowledged reputation, and he had every right
" A record remains o( ihe comiption of parliament in Pelham's time. Wraxall
TcUtes the fact [IV. p. 667.670] "on Ihe authorily of ■ man of rank and high
character whora 1 do nol name," but for whose veracity Wraxall vouched. This
peTEonage was acquainted wilh Roberts, Pelham's secretary. The latter died in
1776, and his medallion is yet to be seen in poets' corner, Westminster abbey.
Roberts, in 1767, stated that while he remained at the treasury, several members
of parliament regularly received a stipend in bank notes, the payment varied from
five to eight hundred pounds, "This largess I distributed," added Roberts, " in
the court of requests on tbe day of the prorogation of parliament. 1 took my Stand
there, and as the gentlemen passed me, in going to or returning from the house,
I conveyed the money in a squeeie of the hand. Whatever person received the
ministeTiai bounty in the manner thus related, I entered his name in a book,
which was preserved in the deepest secrecy, it being never inspected by any
human being except the king and Mr. Pelham."
On the death of Pelham, in 1754, Newcastle desired to see Ihe book, and
asked for its surrender. Roberts declined to give it up except to the king. His
narrative is loo graphic for abbreviation. " In consequence of my refusal they
ftcquainled Ihe king wilh the circumstances, who sent for me to Si. James', whet*
I was introduced into the closet, more than one of the above. mentioned Ministers
being present. George the Second ordered me to return him the Book in question,
with which Injunction I immediately complied. At the same time taking the
Poker In his Hand, he put it in the Fire, made it red hot, and then while we
(ibyG00»^IC
I7S4] SIR THOMAS ROBINSON. 93
to aspire to a higher position than that oflTered him. Even if
the material advantages impressed him, his intellect recoiled
before the impossibility of taking the first part in the house of
commons under such humiliating conditions. Newcastle at
the same time claimed to retain the direction of all patronage,
and while controlling the secret service money, in no way to
make known what took place ; he was likewise to have at his
disposal the gift of all places and the management of the
government boroughs. Fox refused to act on such conditions
and one sir Thomas Robinson was selected ; now only
remembered by the importance of some of the despatches
addressed to him. The appointment reconciled Pitt and Fox,
and the re-establishment of cordiality of feeling soon made
itself felt.
The elections took place in 1754; the administration
obtained a majority, and Robinson entered upon his new duties
as leader of the house of Commons. Both Fox and Pitt
retained their places in the ministry: nevertheless they treated
the man to whom, as a theory, they should defer, with the
most contemptuous insolence. Newcastle dared not dismiss
them, but as Robinson day by day showed his greater dis-
qualification for the office, Newcastle consequently entered
into negotiations with Fox, and offered him a seat in the
cabinet if he would support Robinson. It is a blot on Fox's
memory that the temptation was stronger than his judgment
and sense of honour.
The session passed over without injury to the ministerial
position. The complications into which the kingdom was
drifting were increased, and Newcastle was looked upon more
than ever, as incapable of government in a period of danger
and emergency. In the previous volume I have recorded the
commencement of troubles on the Ohio,* and the determined
stood round him he tbrusi Che Book into the FlBmes, «ber« it wu immediately
reduced to ishe». He considered it in Pact as loo ucred and confidentiBl a
Register to be thus tnuisTerred over to the new Ministers, and as baring become
eitinct with the administration of Mr. Pelhain."
• Vol. III., pp. 445-4S<-
-abyG00»^lc
94 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ["756
attempt of the French to seize the territory. One of the last
proceedings of the house of commons, on a message from the
sovereign that he felt it necessary to prepare for war, was an
address of thanks and a vote of credit.
The unfortunate failure of Braddock's expedition was a
serious blow to Newcastle's administration. Although it can-
not now be remembered to his discredit, at the time it told
against him in the disappointment which it caused, more with
the people than the court He had been careful to gratify the
king by furnishing subsidies to the German princes, on con-
dition of their taking part in the contest which appeared to be
imminent. But the embarrassment was not removed, for
Legge, as chancellor of the exchequer, refused to sign the
warrants for payment. With the view of strengthening his
administration Pitt was appealed to and offered a seat in the
cabinet with the promise that the royal favour should no longer
be withheld : but he declined to sustain the subsidies. Fox,
more ductile, made no such objections and was appointed
secretary of state, with full powers as leader of the house of
commons. Pitt and Legge, who had opposed the subsidies,
were dismissed.
In May, 1756, the episode took place of admiral Byng's
conduct before Minorca, when he allowed the French fleet
under de la Galissonniere to sail away without bringing on a
general action. The extreme severity of the sentence of the
court-martial, by which he was sentenced to be shot, and the
calmness with which he met his fate, have honourably
preserved his memory, and he is looked upon as a martyr to
political expediency.* His whole conduct, however, was
s of the lime shew thai Byng alTected (he fop and mui of
fashion. He was an imitation of the French pdit niaUre in his manners aod
dress, a collector of rare china, and in society was known as a great boaster. He
is repiesented in the prints of the time in silk stockings and a dress sword, with a
wig a la mode, his hat under his arm, and his left hand in a muff; but whatever
his errors, he was sacrificed to the unpopularity of the ministry. Among his most
active opponents was Anson, whose passion for gaming is expressed on the prints
of the time, by his being attached to an E.G. table [then a game much played], as
if his movements were affected by bis habits, Anson was then at the admiralty,
and it was under hii advice thai the expedition had been constituted. There was
(ibyG00»^IC
1756] ADMIRAL BYNG. 95
marked by weakness and irresolution. The fleet of de la
Galissonni^re was of the same strength as his own, and his
duty was at all cost to have engaged it. He neglected to do
so: the French ships were allowed to sail away, for the French
to boast of Byng's defeat Even if he had hastened to relieve
Minorca, he might have redeemed his want of action, but
he returned to Gibraltar and left the garrison to capitulate.
Twenty thousand French troops were before the citadel, and
bombarded it day and night. After an assault by the French
on the 27th of June, when the two officers who had principally
conducted the siege were wounded and taken prisoners, the
fortress surrendered, the garrison marching out with the
honours of war. There is scarcely a more painful passage in
history than the neglect of Newcastle's ministry to fit out a
properly constituted expedition, in connection with Byng's
conduct before Minorca, whatever attempt may be made
in modern times to explain it away.
Braddock's defeat, the surrender of Minorca, followed by
the news from America of the capture of Oswego, the
purchased support of the German princes, and the defiant
character of France created general depression. An outcry of
rage and disappointment passed through the country. The
effort of the ministry was to turn the feeling towards Byng,
to attach to him the blame of the failure, and to make him
the sufferer for it No cunning, however, could stifle the
much in bis conduct which eiposed him to censure, and by magmlj'mg the mis'
conduct of Byng he hoped that his want of preTision and judgment would be lost
sight of in ihe outcry which he encouiaged. Newcastle, especially the object of
popular indignation fioio his incapacity, laboured in every way to transfer the
blame to Byng, Every artifice was indulged in to excite prejudice against him.
It is the knowledge of these facts lliat has caused the rebound in Byng's Isivout,
and the extreme punishment he suffered can only be recorded as a disgrace to
those who urged it on. On the other hand, it is impossible to refuse acceptance
of the impression that Byng behaved very badly, and deserved punishment. Had
he Ijcen cashiered, he would find few defqjiders. In spite of the injustice which
caused Byng's condemnation, his unfortunate fate awoke a better feeling in the
■ervices and greatly aided Chatham in his appeal to the national spirit.
Byng was shot OD the quarterdeck of the "Monarqae"at Spithead on the 14th
of March, 1757.
-abyG00»^lc
96 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['756
demand for inquiry into the causes of the late disasters.
Fox saw the coming storm ; knowing how Newcastle would
cast the blame upon other shoulders, he was the first to resign.
Newcastle endeavoured by every effort to reconstitute his
ministry, but he quailed before the exasperation of public
opinion, and dreading the consequences in the excited
condition of the general indignation, himself resigned.
Fox endeavoured to form a ministry. Pitt refused to act
with him.* Pitt was now approached by lord Hardwicke ;
the only condition on which he agreed to take office was the
exclusion of Newcastle. In this emergency the duke of
Devonshire was applied to, and he formed an administration
in which Pitt became secretary of state, with the lead in the
house of commons. It was during this administration that
the trial of Byng took place. Pitt shewed his courage at the
risk of his popularity and his newly acquired royal favour, by
endeavouring to protect Byng from the extreme consequence
of the trial, and by earnestly striving to obtain the king's
clemency ; but the king was inexorable, and Byng suffered
the full penalty of his sentence.
Pitt had married the sister of Richard earl Temple, and
Temple had been included in the ministry. His name will
appear again in this history in connection with a passage of
Wolfe's life. He was pomposity personified ; he had great
* A name is met in Che polilicil aimggles of (his date, in the Tuiure to be
identiRed with ihe histaiy of Canada ixadti a different aspect to that which it then
presented. Id 1759, owing to the death of Wolfe, and Moncklon being Mriously
wounded, the hon. George Townshend was the signer of the conditions granted
in the capitulation of Quebec. Townshend of the earlier date was a man of
fashion; to use the words of Horace Walpole, "His genius for lilienesses in
caricatiue is astonishing." In 1757 he produced a caricature, "The Recruiting
Sergeant," in which he ridiculed the abortive anempt of Foi to form a ministry.
On an allar was placed the dulce of Cumberland, whose corpulence made hint
amenable to ridicule, and the followers of Fox were being led towards it iit every
attitude of grotesqueness. It is worthy of remark that two of the figures, that of
the lat Bubb Doddington and the lean earl of Winchester, were found among the
pencil drawings of Hi^arth, published in Ireland's inpplemeat, suggesting that
Townshend obtained the assistance of Hogarth in his work ; to what extent it U
of couiM impossible to say. [rid!r Wright's Caricatures of the Georges, pp. 2oi-3.>
(ibyG00»^IC
1756] GEORGE II. 97
wealth, and the full sense of its possession. He was un-
scrupulous, practised in the lowest tricks of politics, with a
restless ambition ; with very ordinary talents for administration
and debate, and in his intercourse with the king he managed
to make himself most objection able.*
One of the characteristics of George II. was that in his
transactions with his ministers he desired their communications
to be brief and the matter succinctly submitted. Pitt did not
follow this rule ; his address was formal and aflected ; he was
stilted and oratorical and his language not easily understood
owing to the king's imperfect knowledge of English. Temple's
manner is best described by George II. himself; "he is so
disagreeable a fellow that there is no bearing him ; when he
attempts to argue he is pert and sometimes insolent ; when he
means to be civil he is extremely troublesome, and in the
business of his office he is totally ignorant." ■(" It is not to be
wondered at that the king thought of the placid complaisance
of Newcastle and negotiations were opened with him for his
resumption of office ; but the duke would take no decided
action. He feared the consequences of assuming power under
such trying conditions. In this hesitation, the impetuosity of
the duke of Cumberland intervened and created the crisis.
He had been appointed to the command of the German troops
gathered together in Hanover, and having a strong prejudice
against Pitt on account of the opposition he had shewn to the
Hanoverian subsidies, he was unwilling to leave England in
order to assume his duties with Pitt as secretary of state, to
exercise control over his movements. The duke had no great
difliculty in acting upon the king's dissatisfaction, and in
persuading him to deal summarily with members of the
ministry whose manners were distasteful to him, and in whom,
personally, he placed little confidence. Temple was dismissed
* Richard Gtenville, eldest son of Mr, Richard Grcnville, of Wottan, and
Esther Temple, countess Temple and viscountess Cobhani in her own right. He
ms the first Ricbaid GienviUe eail Temple, succeeding to the tilte on ibe deceiM
of hU mother in 1752.
t Lord Waldergmve's Memoirs, p, 90.
-abyG00»^lc
98 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['757
on the 5th of April, in the expectation that Pitt would accept
the act as a personal affront and resign. Pitt saw clearly
what was intended ; he remained passive and the court
accordingly had to complete the contemplated change. He,
himself, was dismissed on the 9th : other removals followed,
and the ministry, as it had been reconstituted, ceased to exist.
The duke of Cumberland having attained his purpose, was so
little affected by the crisis which he had created, that he even
failed to see its existence. He believed a few weeks would
suffice to affirm the position of a new ministry when all would
again run on smoothly, and he left for his command on the
continent.
The appointment of Pitt to office had to some extent
quieted public feeling, and had revived the hopes of the
nation. Nevertheless, little had been done to change the
policy of the country. There was the same want of energy
and effort, for the public service had been paralyzed, owing to
the control exercised by Newcastle and his supporters. As
we read of his influence, he appears as the evil genius in the
tate, whose glance could wither to nothingness everything it
fell upon. The dismissal of the ministry, as it removed all
hope of better government, awoke the old feeling of discontent
with increased bitterness ; on all sides loudly expressed com-
plaint and dissatisfaction were heard. The whole country
was in a fever of anxiety and anger at the removal of Pitt ;
such was the public confidence in his character. The city of
London, ever foremost in the career of civil and religious
liberty, and in its support of honest government, voted him
the freedom of the city. It was a significant political
demonstration, followed by the other lar^e cities. The king-
dom throughout was convulsed to the core, and on all sides
Pitt was the recipient of honours. Eleven weeks passed
without a ministry being formed. Finally, the exigencies of
the situation exacted on all sides some abatement of the
pretensions which had led to the dead-lock. The king accepted
the appointment of Pitt as secretary of state to act as first
minister in the house of commons, having full control of the
-abvGoO»^lc
1757] HTT FIRST MINISTER. 99
direction of the war, and the foreign policy of the country.
Fox became paymaster of the forces, accepting an office of
great emolument, but without influence ; being content to
vote as the minister prescribed. Newcastle brought to the
support of the administration his wide parliamentary interest,
and undertook the control of the votes of the house of com-
mons given in support of the ministry ; the department of
corruption for which he was competent. The great affairs of
the nation were left to the genius and energy of Pitt.
It was the commencement of the most powerful adminis-
tration which England has ever seen. We have not only to
consider the triumphs which were accomplished, but the
condition in which the country was languishing when Pitt
obtained power. There was a dead level of selfishness and
meanness, joined to an utter indifference of everything which
affected the public interest. There was no recognition of
merit, no reward for devotion to duty : it was a period when
influential incompetence revelled in its paradise. The one
object of men in power had been the preservation of their
parliamentary majority, in order that they could retain the
dignity and profits of office. Every embarrassing question
was avoided or glossed over : every useful measure was aban-
doned as the noisy outcry of an interested opposition : every
abuse was maintained ; all responsibility by executive officers
avoided. Political partisans were pushed into offices of con
sequence and extravagantly paid, and pensions and position
given to any prominent personage capable of proving trouble-
some. It was inaction raised to a science, the English version
of the saying attributed to Mde. de Pompadour, "Apr^s mot
le deluge!'
Pitt's administration lasted until the death of the king in
1760, when it was broken up by George III. to place the
favourite of his mother, the incompetent lord Bute, in power;
and, owing to the doctrines inculcated from his youth upward
in the mind of the young king, from the desire to establish
the royal will as autocratically and as arbitrarily as that of a
Roman Caesar.
-abvGoO»^lc
THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['757
CHAPTER VII.
Pitt's new ministry was completed on the 29th of June,
1757. He selected lord Holdernesse as joint secretary of war,
doubtless with the view of avoiding all interference with his
energetic policy. Newcastle accepted the duties of the treas-
ury ; Legge was named chancellor of the exchequer. Pratt,
afterwards lord Camden, became attorney-general ; Temple,
lord privy seal. Anson was continued in his office in the
admiralty. In placing Anson in this position, Pitt determined
to retain undisputed control over the navy: he even insisted
that the correspondence of naval officers should be referred to
him, and that without comment the naval board should accept
despatches sent for their signature, Anson's position was so
weak, that little opposition could be looked for from him.
Pitt was thus supreme ; but the season was far advanced,
and with every desire for action, his power was limited to the
operations which the period of the year would permit. The
early months of his administration presented only the record
of disaster ; they can be adduced as an example, that fre-
quently the events of the present imperfectly forebode the
conclusion hoped or feared. A series of misfortunes were
announced, each case in itself a serious reverse. The first
news received was the destruction of William Henry in the
early days of August, which I have narrated in a previous
chapter. It was followed in September by the defeat of the
duke of Cumberland at Hastenberg, and the convention of
Clostern Severn, which for the time threatened the loss of the
king's Hanoverian dominions.
The duke was in Hanover in command of about 60,000
subsidized Hessians, Brunswickers and soldiers from Gotha,
his object being the defence of the electorate against the
French. Marshal d'Estr^es, at the head of 80,000 men, was
-abvGoO»^lc
1/57] CLOSTERN SEVERN. lOI
in the field against him. The French unopposed overran
Hesse and seized the capital, Cassel. The duke, believing the
passage of the Weser to be so difficult, as in itself to form a fine
of defence, took ground on the eastern bank, and gave direc-
tions for fortifying the two places Miinden and Hamelin. But
the French without difficulty crossed the river, upon which the
duke called in his detachments and established himself at
Hastenbach, not far from Hamelin. He was here vigorously
attacked on the 27th of July and defeated. The duke hastily
retreated, and made no attempt to retrieve the loss of the day.
The day after the victory, as if a censure for his success,
d'Estrees was replaced by the due de Richelieu ; the result of
court intrigue. The French rigorously raised contributions in
the electorate, and took possession of the whole country to
Bremen. The duke continued his retreat towards Stade, at
the mouth of the Elbe. Four English men-of-war were
stationed here, from which he looked for support, but his
communication with the stream was cut off. A treaty was
negotiated at Clostern Severn on the 8th of September,
through the intervention of count Lynar, minister to the king
of Denmark. It was stipulated that hostilities should cease ;
that the subsidized Germans should return to their homes ;
and that the Hanoverian troops should remain in a district
assigned them east of the Elbe, in the neighbourhood of Stade.
When the treaty was reported to England, the duke was
immediately recalled.*
The duke was received in great anger by his father George
II., who, when they met, would not speak to him. The high
* The treaiy caused Frederick of Prussia the greatest dissatisfaction. Nearly
Inrenly years afteTwards, in Oclobet, 1715, he wrote an ode satiriiing the duke.
Tel paint Cumberland, cet invincible due.
Qui sentant ses gueiriers mal-adroits k la nage,
Pai ce rameax trajt^ leur sauva le naufrage.
Evitant avec soin suitoul de se noyer ;
Dans le lumulte militaire
Toujonts doux, clement, djbonnaire ;
Homicide ne fut, quoiqu'excellent guerrier.
Je pourrais encore publier.
-abvG00»^lc
I02 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['757
Spirit of the duke was so affected by this treatment, that he
immediately resigned every military appointment he held. He
was then in his forty-fourth year. In spite of the want of
fortune which attended his career, William duke of Cumber-
land must retain a respectable place in history for his abilityi
truthfulness, and honesty. It is perhaps not now generally
recollected that, owing to his popularity, the flower called
" Sweet William " was named after him. There are many
fables of his atrocities after CuUoden, in one of which he is
represented as calling upon Wolfe to shoot a wounded high-
land soldier, when Wolfe replied he was not an executioner.
However stern the treatment of those engaged in the rebellion,
it was the consequence of the positive orders from London.*
Pitt's conduct on this occasion showed the magnanimity of
Qu'il Dous vit tous ronger des Fruifiis comme un chancre.
Aiment mteux, du haut fatle oil t'^levait son rang,
Ripandrc en beaux Irait^ tout un deluge d'encre,
Que de verser pour nous une goutte de sang.
— CEuvres Poslhuraesde Frederic II., XV., p. 213.
The convention was subsequently set aside. It was received with the same
disfavour in Prussia as in London, and on all sides the relreal of the duke wa«
blatned. On his part he complained that he had been restricted by Ihe regency in
Hanover. The treaty was likewise objected to in France, the prevailing opinion
being that too favourable terms had been granted to a force, driven into such a
position that no alternative presented itself but unconditional surrender. The
French endeavoured to provoke the Hanoverians to a line of conduct which would
wanant Ihetn in declaring that the conditions had been violated. They seized the
country, took posse.tsion of the government, end exacted the sternest and most
exorbitant contributions for the support of the anny. Indeed, they refused to
acknowledge the conditions unless the Hanoverians and their allies would
stipulate not to scire during the war. Urged by the king of Prussia, George II.
finally published a declaration justifying the course of renouncing the agreemenL
The command of the army was conferred on Ferdinand, brother of the duke of
Brunswick, the subsequent conqueror of Minden. 1'he due de Richelieu, on
hearing o( the activity of the Hanoverians, addressed a letter to prince Ferdinand,
in which he offered to fulfil the convention, as it was considered by Prussia and
England ; otherwise be would feel warranted in burning every building in
Hanover from a palace to a cottage, to sack all the towns and villages, aod
devastate the country. To this threat the prince replied that he would give an
answer to the due de Richelieu at Ihe head of his anny.
■ Those who may desire to form a fair view of the duke of Cumberland's
character will do well to refer to sir Waller Scott's introduction to Waveiley.
-awGoOi^lc
1757] FEARS OF INVASION. IO3
his character. It may be recollected that the duke had been
the principal cause of Pitt's removal from the ministry early
in the year. When George II. was exclaiming against his
son that he had no authority to make such a treaty, Pitt, in
opposition to the king, pointed out that full power had been
granted to the duke, which in this respect must be considered
his justification.
Pitt's nature was not one to be dismayed by reverses, how-
ever painful, and although the season was late he took steps to
equip a fleet, the destination of which was kept secret. There
was, at this period, in England an extraordinary dread of
invasion from France.* There will ever be found a class of
alarmists who can see only the dark side of life ; the antece-
dent events of 1745 were so recent that they furnished an
argument with men of gloomy natures for the probability of
their recurrence. The dread of this movement had been the
cause of the limit imposed to Byng's fleet. Pitt's nature was
not one to be impressed by the feeling, especially when he
held the power by which the danger could be met. He must
have seen these fears to be illusory and groundless, and that
his first imperative duty was to re-establish public confi-
* Frequent allusion to this probability may be found In ihe tetters of the time.
Oalbe24lh of October, 1755, WoKe wrote to his mother: "in case of an invasion
I iroagine my father vill think it his duty to be at the bead of his regiment."
In November he writes from Canterbury : " General Hawley 15 expected in a few
days to keep us all in order. If there is an invasion ihey could not make use of
a more unfit person, for the troops dread liis severity, hale the man and hold his
militaiy knowledge in contempt." In February, 1756, " I believe the French
would be pleased to invade us if they knew how to get over;" and in July:
"What makes me laugh, is our extravagant fears of an invasion, at a time when
il is absolutely absurd and almost impossible." [Wright, pp. 329; 333.4 : 341. J
Mrs. Delaney relates in her autobiography [111., 401] alluding to this panic, owing
to a wedding procession passing rapidly through some villages, the inhabitants
rushed to their houses, barricaded them, armed themselves with pitchforks and
exclaioied that the invasion had come- In hb letters to sir Horace Mann, Horace
Walpole laughs al these fears. In March, 1755, he wrote (HI. p. 140] the French
"shall be in Soulhwark before I pack up a single miniature." In February, 1756,
be wrote [ni.,p. 176], "The reigning fashion is expectation of an invasion ; I can't
say I am &shtonable ; nor do I expect the earthquake though they say it is landtd
St Dorer."
-abyG00»^lc
104 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. U757
dence. The country had lost its ancient self-reliance ; the
future seemed dark with additional disaster. The debt was
increasing, amid the common feeling that no counterbalancing
advantage was obtained. Faith in the public spirit had fled.
Incapacity, irresolution, with the care for private and family
interest, were apparent on all sides. The nation had no longer
any confidence in its good fortune, and while the highest hope
was an avoidance of serious failure, the common belief had
arisen that national ruin and disgrace impended over the land.
An expedition had been suggested by the probability of its
success, the design being to destroy the vessels of war in the
harbours on the eastern coast of France. The seaboard had
been stripped of its defenders to send troops to Germany, and
there was the expectation that the possibility of attack would
lead to the withdrawal of a large force from the army operat-
ing against Frederick of Prussia. The expedition was ready
to sail in September ; the period taken for its organization
was remarkably short, two months only having elapsed from
the day when Pitt assumed office. Sixteen ships of the line
and several frigates and transports sailed from Spithead, the
fleet being under the command of sir Edward Hawkc. Sir
John Mordaunt was the senior general : a man well known
in society, with an assured position as the nephew of the earl
of Peterborough, he was personally most estimable. He had
thirty-seven years service, having entered the army in 1721,
and was now lieutenant-general. He had commanded a
brigade at Culloden, and was present in lauffeld in 1747.
The command was, in the first instance, offered to lord George
Sackville, better known as lord George Germaine, but it was
declined. The second in command was Conivay, whose name
appears in the imperial history for the succeeding quarter of
a century. Cornwallis was the third superior officer. His
fame rests on his conduct in the foundation of Halifax, where
he shewed uncommon ability and judgment.
The expedition is of importance in the history of Canada,
inasmuch as it is the occasion when Wolfe's name first
appears in prominence. Although Wolfe had attracted atten-
-abvGoO»^lc
1757] ROCHEFORT. 10$
tion in the service by his ability and conduct, he was otherwise
unknown. With the commanders of regiments he had ob-
tained reputation from the excellent condition to which he
had brought the men under him, and the "intelligence of the
discipline he enforced." He was appointed quartermaster-
general to the expedition.
There was no delay in the departure of the fleet : it left
St Helen's on the 8th of September. After being a week at
sea, the information was made known that the objective point
was Rochefort, on the right bank of the Charente. The fleet
arrived on the 2ist of September, but owing to the high wind
no attempt was made to land until the 23rd, when the lie
d'Aix was taken by captain, afterwards lord, Howe. During
the inaction of the preceding days, Wolfe applied for per-
mission to make a reconnaissance, when he saw that a fort on a
sandy promontory had first to be silenced before Rochefort
could be attacked. He formed the opinion that a single man-
of-war could approach sufficiently near for the place to be can-
nonaded, and that under protection of the fire, troops could be
landed for an attack on the reverse side. The pilot considered
that there was .water sufficient. The admiral ordered a careful
reconnaissance to be made, upon which the opinion was
formed that the landing might be effected. At the council of
war the discussion turned upon the possibility of re-embarking
the troops. The general was desirous of receiving a positive
assurance from the admiral that he would undertake at any
time to embark the troops. Hawke replied that the operation
must depend on the wind and weather. The council was not
of opinion that the attempt should be made. Two days'
deliberation ensued, when the opinion was reversed, and the
men were put on board the ships' boats. After lying on the
water for three hours, the troops were ordered to return on
shipboard. Again there was a misconception between the
general and admiral. On the 29th, Hawke by letter informed
Mordaunt that if no further military operations were to be
proposed, the fleet must return to England. Mordaunt ac-
cordingly called a third council, at which the admiral refused
-abyGoO»^lc
I06 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l757
to attend, as seamen were not judges of the operations of
troops on land. During this hesitation, Wolfe offered, if 500
men were given him and three ships of war, he would make
the attempt on Rochefort. The offer was refused. On a
third council of war, it was resolved to demolish the fortifica-
tions of Aix and to return to England.
The national disappointment on this failure was generally
and strongly felt. A court of inquiry was held upon the
conduct of Mordaunt ; the report, though equivocal, amounted
to censure of his conduct. Consequently Mordaunt was
tried by court-martial. The verdict in this case was that of
acquittal.
Few ministers entering upon office during a war, carried on
with activity and determination by a powerful enemy, have
had to encounter the influence of such depressing reverses.
An ordinary mind would have been dismayed and have cowed
before the future. The gloomy news from the continent and
from America were only re-echoed by the failure of the efforts
he had himself originated. With nations, when true self-reliant
courage is the basis of the popular character, as with indivi-
duals who, with great qualities, have suffered wrong and
adversity, misfortune brings forth the nobler, higher and better
instincts which circumstances have caused to lie dormant
The immediate consequence is the exercise of the spirit of
determination, by which the best results are achieved. How
many private histories, if they were written, could trace to
what at the time appeared an overwhelming disaster, the
awakening of that mental discipline and labour which opened
the path to distinction and fortune. Mere complacent
satisfaction in the happier chronicles of a nation is a widely
different sentiment to that re-awakened patriotism, called into
life by the sense of the peril in which the country is placed,
to teach us, that on all sides individual effort is demanded, to
restore peace and happiness to the nation, when threatened by
danger and disaster. As Pitt looked around him in the higher
ranks of the services, the sign most predominant was indolent
and selfish caution, antagonistic to all display of vigour.
-abvGoO»^lc
1757] PITT'S INFLUENCE. 10?
There was little fondness for the duties of military life ; its
attraction consisted in the distinction it conferred and the
means of livelihood it furnished. As Pitt cast his eyes over
the list of general officers, not one name suggested itself as
a fit commander of an important enterprise. On all sides there
was the same indifference to duty. Army contractors and
pun-eyors were intent on gain ; unenterprising and ignorant,
their greatest knowledge was that of falsifying accounts.
Pitt sought out and detected many such abuses ; further, he
remedied them. He brought to the discharge of his own
obligations, attention, care and devotion. His unceasing
labour, his punctual obser\'ance of every minor detail, his
indefatigable examination of all that came under his notice,
awoke a spirit through public life to recall the glorious days
of Marlborough. No man met Pitt and received his instruc-
tions, but was carried away by the extraordinary influence he
could impart Thoughts which men had not known to be
theirs, came upon natures capable of entertaining them, as they
heard his plainly-given orders, and listened to his elevated
views. He imparted, as it were, that sense of determination
and courage, that chivalrous disregard of self, the true
prompting spirit of great and noble actions. He brought
England back to her true nature, and the re-establishment of
the national spirit may be traced to his inspiration.
The line of policy, which Pitt determined vigorously to
carry out, was the attempt to drive the French from America,
and to establish over the whole continent undisputed British
rule. The operations to effect this result could be narrowed
to three objective points t the fortress of Louisbourg ; the city
of Quebec ; in each case to be attacked by a united naval
and land expedition ; third, by an advance of a land force by
lake Champlain, to attack the French posts on the lake, and
to advance upon Montreal. Quebec and Montreal wrested
from the French, the outer posts of Frontenac, Niagara, and
Detroit, with the forts on the Ohio, including fort Duquesne,
would be cut off from all assistance, and from want of supplies
would have no alternative but to surrender.
-abyGoO»^lc
I08 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
The fortress of Louisboui^ was alike a threat to Massa-
chusetts and to Nova Scotia, from the privateers which found
refuge in its harbour and stole out to prey upon the commerce
of Boston and the other towns ; while the lar^e force stationed
there threatened the very existence of Halifax. Its destruc-
tion accordingly assumed importance in the imperial as in the
provincial point of view. In November, 1757, brigadier Waldo,
who had been third in command of the land forces at the
siege of 1745, addressed a memorial to Pitt, with maps and
plans, detailing a mode of attack. One miscalculation of this
paper was the supposed ease with which the troops could be
landed : it was the duty in which the greatest difficulty was
experienced. Waldo estimated that the place could not hold
out fourteen days. One point he dwelt upon, the necessity of
a superiority of force, and that it was essential the expedition
should arrive before Louisbourg at the latter end of April.*
The failure of the expedition of Loudoun had to a great
extent been attributed to the late period when it left England.
So soon as the campaign was resolved upon, great activity
was shewn in completing the organization. It was far ad-
vanced in January : we have a letter from Wolfe of the 7th,
that he hurried from Exeter to London to receive his instruc-
tions. He was appointed brigadier-general, his commission,
however, only giving him rank in America.-f- Even Pitt could
not break through the spirit of routine which was weighing
down the service in order to give full promotion to merit
There stood between him and his desires the adamantine
social barrier, the claim of seniority ; a difficulty ever to recur,
only to be met in individual cases, by the unmistakeable
expression of public opinion.
There was less difficulty in finding a leader in the naval
than in the land service. The discipline of the navy exacts
from the least attentive a close observance of daily duty ; and
it is not possible on shipboard for the time wholly to be passed
in frivolity. The ordinary every day life therefore cannot fail
* Archive Report, l386, cli.
+ J3rd of January, 1758.
-abvG00»^lc
i;58] ADMIRAL BOSCAWEN. IO9
to bring with it some experience and knowledge, and a few
years' service as a naval officer must leave its distinct impress.
In those days many of this class were rough in their manner,
and had not sought to improve the slight education they had
received ; they were, however, perfectly at home afloat ; they
were excellent seamen, ready to fight their ship, and resolute
in the hour of danger. The selection of the admiral proved
fortunate in the extreme. He cordially co-operated with the
general in command ; was not restrained by ill-considered
professional doubts and scruples, and was ready to take his
share of the risk and responsibility in trying times. Towards
the end of the siege full proof was given of his enterprise and
dash ; during its continuance his judgment and forethought
were unfailingly apparent.
Admiral Edward Boscawen was the third son of the first
viscount Falmouth. His grandmother was Arabella Churchill,
who, after the termination of her connection with James II.,
married Mr. Charles Godfrey. Boscawen, born in 171 1, had
entered the navy at fifteen ; he was now forty-seven years
old. He had sailed with the unfortunate admiral Hozier, and
was present at Porto Bello as a volunteer under Vernon. In
1742 he had been appointed to the "Dreadnought." As his
qualities were considered to accord with the ship's name, he
was known by the men as " Old Dreadnought," but, from
carrying his head on one side, he was christened by the sailors
"Wry-necked Dick." He had served in the East Indies with
no good fortune. In 1755 he was in command of the fleet
sent to the North American station, and it was the ships of his
squadron which fell in with and captured " I'Acide " and " le
Lys," In I7S7 he had been appointed fn command with
Hawke. With this record, he was named admiral of the fleet
directed against Louisbourg.
The commander-in-chief was general Amherst He
belonged to a family of respectability of Rivershead, near
Seven Oaks, in Kent. He was born in 1717. He owed his
first position to the favour of the duke of Dorset, who was a
neighbour of his father. When the duke was lord lieutenant
-abyGoO»^lc
110 THE HISTORV OF CANADA. [1758
of Ireland Amherst acted as page, and in this position he
became known to lord George Sackville, afterwards lord Geoi^e
Germaine, by whose interest he was much advanced in the
service. As most of the young men of that day, at the age of
fourteen he received his first commission in the guards. He
early obtained the position of aide-de-camp to lord Ligonier,
and was present at Roucoux, Dettingen and Fontenoy. He
was at the battle of Lauffeld, in 1747, on the staff of the duke
of Cumberland. In 1756 he became colonel of the isth. He
was present, in 1757, at Hastenback, and afterwards served
with the British corps d'arm/e acting under prince Ferdinand.
He had attracted the attention of his superiors, by his talents
and his self-control, thoroughly to obtain their confidence. It
was in this position, when serving in Germany as a colonel,
that he was selected by Pitt to take command of the forces in
North America, with the rank of major-general. He was
then forty-two years of age. He owed much to the Dorset
family, and it appears probable that it was the same influence
which led to his selection. Pitt had offered the command to
lord George Sackville, in the expedition against Rochefort.
Lord George's desire was to serve on the continent, and he
had declined it. This position he subsequently obtained,
unfortunately for his good fame, having succeeded to the chief
command through the death of the duke of Marlborough. It
is not improbable that he brought Amherst to Pitt's notice.
It was a bold and unusual proceeding on the part of the
minister to pass over the general officers on the roster, to
select a colonel of a few years' standing to be placed in high
command. There must have been powerful assurances of
Amherst's ability to lead to this course. Fortunately for
himself, he was favourably known both to lord Ligonier and
the duke of Somerset.
He is described by a later writer* as being tali and thin,
with an aquiline nose, an intelligent countenance, and a dried-
up complexion. His manners were grave, formal, and cold.
His judgment and his understanding were considered to be
-abvGoO»^lc
1758] JAMES WOLFE. Ill
good ; neither was cultivated by education or expanded by
knowledge. He was exceedingly taciturn : when in after
years he attended the cabinet dinners, he rarely expressed an
opinion on any political question. He gave his vote in the
negative or affirmative in few words, often in monosyllables,
and never could be induced to give his reasons. He is
accused by contemporary writers of being grasping, and of
endeavouring to enrich himself It will be seen hereafter that
he endeavoured to obtain a grant of the Jesuits' estates after
the conquest. So many difficulties intervened, that the matter
remained unsettled at his death, and in lieu of the grant an
annuity was given to the second lord. Amherst, on reaching
America, had twenty-eight years' service ; he had long been
a friend of Wolfe, who, on hearing of his promotion to the
colonelcy of the 15th, wrote that "no one deserves the king's
favour better than that man."
The three junior brigadiers were Lawrence, Wentworth, and
Wolfe.
James Wolfe was born in Westerham, in Kent, near London,
on the 2nd of January, 1727. At that date his father was
forty-three years old, a lieu ten ant -colonel in the army, having
served with distinction under Marlborough. His mother was
Henrietta Thompson, of a distinguished Yorkshire family ;
she was then twenty-four, being nineteen years her husband's
junior. 'l"he Wolfes were originally Anglo-Irish. The great-
grandfather of Wolfe settled in the north of England, and this
branch of the family left Ireland. Wolfe was the eldest of
two sons : his brother Edward, a year younger, also in the
army, died at Ghent in October, 1744, in his seventeenth year;
his weak frame at that age being unable to sustain the hard-
ships of the campaign.
Wolfe's first commission was in his father's regiment of
marines ; he was not then fifteen. He was soon afterwards
transferred to the 12th, colonel Duroure's regiment. In the
same year he was at Ghent Even at this early date he
sulTered from bad health ; he wrote,* " I never come into
• I4tb of February, 174J.
-abyG00»^lc
112 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
quarters without aching hips and knees." Throughout his
life, from the weakness of his constitution, he suffered from
occasional severe sickness. Wolfe's education only lasted a
few years, and he left school at the age when boys are being
transferred to the higher forms : he had no illusions as to his
deficiencies in this respect, and his constant effort was to
remedy them. He was, indeed, what most men must be, more
or less, self-educated ; doubtless, his mind received in his first
years those good impulses by which his character was formed.
When at Glasgow, and he was then a major, in his twenty-
second year, with every inducement to pass his time in
amusement, he relates that in the m'orning, " I have a man to
instruct me in mathematics, and in the afternoon another comes
to assist me in regaining my almost lost Latin." Of French
he obtained a knowledge to speak it fluently. He learned to
dance and to fence ; indeed, he endeavoured to perfect him-
self in every social duty. He was a diligent student of his
own profession. It is related of him at Louisbourg, that
when some surprise was expressed as to the drill he had
introduced into the movements of the light infantry • of
passing rapidly from point to point, availing themselves of
cover, and gaining the advantage of height in an attack,
Wolfe asked an officer of some reading what he thought of
it " I think," was the reply, " I see something here of the
history of the Carduchi who harassed Xenophon, and hung
• Entick thus describes the light intantty which rendered essential service
during the aege. The course pursued on this occasion ma; appear wtuthj the
attention of a general in the lield. " Our light Inbntry, Highlanders and
Rangers, the French termed the English savages, perhaps in contradistinction to
their own native Indians, Canadians, &c., the true French savages. These light
infantry were a corps of 550 volunteers, chosen as marksmen out of the most
active, resolute men, from all the battalions of r^ulars, dressed, some in blue, some
in green jackets and drawers, for the easier brushing through the woods, with rufis
of black bear's skin round their necks, the beards of their upper lips some grown
into whiskers, others not so, but all well smutted on that part, with little round
hats like several of onr seamen. Their arms were a fusil cartouche, box of balls
and flints, and a powder horn flung over the shoulders." " The rangers are a
body of irregulars, who have a more cui-throat savage appearance, which carries
in it something of natural savages ; the appearance of the light in&ntry has in it
more of artificial savages." Vol. IlL, p. 337.
-abyG00»^lc
1758] MISS LAWSON. 113
Upon his rear in the retreat over the mountains." " You are
right," said Wolfe, " I had it there, but our Triends are
astonished at what I have shewn them, because they have
read nothing." •
We have here the explanation of Wolfe's professional
knowledge. It was unceasingly sought after by him wherever
he thought that it could be obtained. Even in his seventeenth
year he acted as adjutant to his regiment, in which capacity
he was present at Dettingen. At the close of the campaign
he returned to England, when he was appointed captain in
Barren's, the 4th regiment. He was not at Fontenoy. In
1745 his regiment was a part of the force of marshal Wade
sent to oppose the pretender. He was at Falkirk and at
Culloden, under the duke of Cumberland, and he has left an
account of the battle. The rebellion having been subdued,
he remained in the highlands, and he is believed to have
remained in command of the fort between lochs Lomond and
Katrine. Wolfe was again in service on the continent in
January, 1747, and was present at l.auffeld on the 2nd of
June. He returned to London in the winter of 1747-8, going
back to the continent in March, 1748. In January, 1749, he
was appointed major in lord George Sackville's regiment,
the 20th.
At this date occurred his affaire de cceur with Elizabeth,
eldest daughter of sir Wilfrid Lawson, maid of honour to the
princess of Wales. Wolfe was thrown much into her society
during the winter he was in London. She was well connected,
being the niece of lord Peterborough. It was not her position
at the court which attracted Wolfe, for he described it " as a
genteeler way to wickedness," which, with Miss Chudleigh in
his mind, it was not difficult to believe. While personally he
was much attached to Miss Lawson, his parents were opposed
to the match, an objection based on the lady's want of
fortune. If Wolfe ever made a serious proposal it was
rejected ; he himself speaks of his " last disappointment in
love," and he was angry with his mother when she wrote that
• Anabwis, Book IV., l-z.
-abyG00»^lc
114 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [i?S^
Miss Lawson's ill-heaJth prevented her marrying, "My
amour," he wrote five years later, " has not been without its
use. It has defended me against other women, introduced a
great deal of philosophy and tranquility as to all objects of
our strongest affections, and something softened the disposi-
tion to severity and rigour that I had contracted in the camp,
trained up as from my infancy to the conclusion of the peace
in war and tumult." A few years after the affair his old
feelings were awakened by seeing Miss Lawson's picture in
the house of general Mordaunt It may be well to remark
that Miss Lawson died in March, 1759, in less than a month
after the departure of Wolfe for the St. Lawrence.
In 1749, owing to the departure of the lieutenant-colonel,
Cornwallis, to assume the duties of the government of Nova
Scotia, Wolfe was placed in command of the regiment It
was the commencement of the reputation he subsequently
attained. Wolfe's attention was directed to every minor
detail of the interior economy of the regiment His effort
was not simply given to the smart appearance of men on
parade, and that they should execute their movements in the
field with steadiness and regularity ; Wolfe was among the
first to shew his care aud consideration for the soldier in the
ranks, and to elevate him in his own self-respect. The high
degree of excellence to which he brought the regiment, became
widely known, and men of rank and position on joining the
service applied to obtain their commissions in the 20th.
Among such as these was the duke of Richmond and the
marquis of Blandford. When the battle of Minden was
fought, on the ist of August, 1759, Wolfe was in command of
the expedition against Quebec, but the gallantry and good
service of the regiment, on that day, were fully recognized as
the consequence of his discipline and training.
The age was one of reckless dissipation and idleness. In
the hour of danger the officers shewed courage and fortitude ;
but there was a total disregard of the study of their profession.
There was, indeed, little encouragement to the military student,
for promotion was the consequence of political influence and
-abvGoO»^lc
I7S8] TEMPLE'S STORY. IIS
powerful family connections. Wolfe's letters are full of allu-
sions to this condition. In his own command he exacted
constant attention to duty, and one of his orders sets forth
that the subalterns cannot think they do too much. In 1750
he was appointed lieu ten ant- col on el of the 20th. Two years
later he was at Paris, the bearer of letters from lord Bury to
his father, the British ambassador, the earl of Albemarle. He
thus obtained the passport into the best society, French and
English. For the six months he was at Paris he was a diligent
student of the language, so that he spoke it fluently and
elegantly. He was desirous of professionally visiting the
continental camps ; but his application for leave for the pur-
pose was refused, so he returned to England. Towards the
end of 1753 the 20th was quartered at Dover. The regiment
remained in the south and west of England until the com-
mencement of the war in 1756. In the following year he
accepted the position of quartermaster-general for Ireland, on
condition that he received the rank of colonel. On a younger
lieutenant-colonel being promoted over his head, he resigned
the appointment. On his return from the expedition to
Rochefort, Wolfe was promoted to the rank of colonel. In a
letter tohis father he speaks of his obligations to sir Edward
Hawke, who influenced lord Anson to submit his name to
the king. Lord Ligonier was then commander-in-chief, owing
to the resignation of the duke of Cumberland. Wolfe, being
in doubt as to his future conduct, addressed lord Ligonier on
the subject of his proceeding to Ireland. In this dilemma he
received the appointment as brigadier in the North American
expedition. The selection was the act of Pitt, dictated by the
desire to appoint competent men. His position, however,
conferred on him only the local rank of brigadier in America :
at the siege of Louisbourg, Wolfe's substantive army rank was
only that of colonel.
There is a story told of Wolfe, which has been accepted on
utterly insufficient evidence, to which I feel called upon to
allude. It is related that Pitt invited him to dinner previously
to his departure for Quebec, generally to discuss the chances
-abyGoO»^lc
Il6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
of the campaign, the only other guest present being lord
Temple. It is on lord Temple's authority that the story is
told. It never publicly appeared until published in lord
Mahon's history, in 1844, eighty-six years after the event,
with the consent and on the authority of Mr. Thomas Gren-
ville, who had heard the story from lord Temple.* In making
the statement Mr. GrenvUle was careful to add that, according
to Temple, Wolfe " had partaken sparingly of wine," but that
he indulged in the greatest extravagance of manner and
conduct, drawing his sword in the dining room, and declaring
what he would effect with it
It may be asked, on what ground this plain narrative can
be disputed ? I reply, its total want of corroboration, the
character of the first narrator, and the whole life and career
of Wolfe himself Lord Temple speaks of Wolfe being
heated by the "unwonted society of statesmen." Such a
supposition is ridiculously inadmissible. Pitt himself was no
higher in the social class than Wolfe ; he had commenced life
as a cornet in the " Blues," and by his own genius and political
career had attained distinction. There was surely nothing
overpowering, either in the birth, rank, ability or character of
lord Temple-t Wolfe had been on terms of intimacy with
■ " After Wolfe's appointment, and on the day preceding his embarkalioD for
America, Pitt, desirous of giving his last verbal instructions, invited him to
dinner, lord Temple being the only other guest. As the evening advanced,
Wolfe, heated, perhaps, by his own aspiring thoughts and the unwonted society of
statesmen, broke forth into a strain of gasconade and bravado. He drew his
sword, he rapped the table with it, he flourished it round the room, he talked of
the mighty things which that sword was to achieve. The two ministers sat
aghast Bt a.n exhibition so unusual from any man of reai sense and real spirit.
And when at last Wolfe had taken his leave, and his carriage was heard to roll
from the door, Pitt seemed for the moment shaken in the high opinion which his
deliberate judgment hod formed of Wolfe ; he lifted up his eyes and aims, ajid
exclaimed to lord Temple : " Good God '. that I should have entrusted (he bte
of the country and of the administration to such hands." This story was told by
lord Temple himself to a near and still surviving relative, one of my best and
most valued friends." [Mahon's History of England, IV., p. 152.]
f Horace Walpote makes the follonrin); alluuon to lord Temple, HI., p. 391,
l6lh Nov., 1759. Letter to sir Horace Mann. " If Lord 'Temple hoped to
involve Mr. Pitt in his quarrel, it was very wicked at such a crisis as this — aad if he
(ibyG00»^IC
1758] GRENVILLE FIRST LORD TEMPLE. I17
the first men in England. He had associated in the best
society. The duke of Richmond and the marquis of Blandford
had sought commissions in his regiment He had mixed with
the highest French nobility in Paris. Lord Bury was his
intimate friend. If there was one man with family pride, it
was lord George Sackviilc, Wolfe wrote to him with the
same freedom as to his intimate friend Rickson.
It was owing to the marriage of Pitt with the sister of lord
Temple, the head of the Grenville family, that Temple
possessed influence. Neither his character nor his talents com-
manded respect ; he was wealthy, ambitious, unscrupulous in
his attempts to obtain position, untiring in his energy to injure
an opponent, and with an exaggerated idea of his personal
importance, and of the dignity of the earldom his family had
lately obtained. We have many glimpses of his character in
the history of that time, when his name appears, mostly in
connection with that of Pitt. We read of his blundering
impertinence to George II., when he told the king that his
own conduct at Malplaquet had placed him in a position
similar to that of Byng. His pertinacious application for the
vacant garter was the cause of Pitt's letter to Newcastle,
which every admirer of Pitt's career must desire had remained
unwritten. We read of Temple's intrigues 'with Wilkes, in
the view of increasing his own political weight, carried to such
an extent that he was dismissed from the lord-lieutenancy of
Buckinghamshire and his name erased from the list of privy
councillors. In the complications which arose relative to the
regency bill, Temple's conduct was marked by much want of
scruple. George III. had determined to make a change in
the ministry, from the dissatisfaction felt by him owing to the
exclusion of his mother's name from the regency bill. With
the desire of forming a ministry controlled by Pitt, his brother
Geoi^e, and himself, Temple persuaded Pitt not to take office
coold 1 am apt to believe he would — if he could not it was very silly. To ihe
Garter nobody can have slenderer pretensions ; his familj is scarce older than his
earldom, which is of the youngest. His person i» ridiculously awkward ; and if
chivalry were in vogue, he has given proob of having no passion for tilt and
-abiGoOi^lc
Il8 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
on the conditions acceded to by the duke of Cumberland on
the part of the king. In spite of his better judgment, Pitt
was induced to comply with Temple's request, and in doing
so in his theatrical manner added a quotation from Virgil.*
Nevertheless, in the question of the stamp act, in 1 766, Temple
deserted Pitt and allied himself with his brother. Temple's
intrigues at that day are fully recorded. Meeting Pitt with
friendliness, and separating from him with kindness and good
feeling, he wrote to his brother George of "all the insolence "
of the " great luminary." The opinion still prevails that on
Pitt taking office, the pamphlets directed against him were
written at the suggestion of lord Temple.
What is there in lord Temple's career or character to give
weight to his statements? We have in contra-distinction to
it, Wolfe's well-known life, his worth, his good sense, his
patriotism, his high standard of personal honour, his devotion
to truth and duty. There is not a single incident to suggest
such behaviour as that related to have taken place on this
evening. After his death much attention was directed to
Wolfe's career. No valid reason can be assigned for the
suppression of the incident if it happened. When it was
made known, there was no cause for its publication ; it was
simply a record of historical gossip. It is a fact standing
apart, involving no reputation and affecting no principle.
Until the appearance of lord Mahon's narrative there is not a
line extant to suggest such an event as possible. There may
have been some warmth of expression on Wolfe's part, for he
felt the necessity of changes and reforms in the army. His
correspondence contains complaints of the professional ignor-
ance of many officers and of their reckless course of life. The
men were subjected to no controlling influence but the severest
discipline. There were no humanizing influences over the
soldier and sailor to elevate them above the coarsest animal
pleasures. Wolfe, who raised the 20th regiment to the
highest state of discipline, may have spoken freely on the
* " Kxilinisli me, teque suror, populumque, putresqite
Sidonios, urbemque luaro !" — jV.ji. iv. 683.
-awGoOi^lc
i;S8] THE FABLE TO BE REJECTED. I19
condition of the army, and, to the astonishment of the minister,
made personal appeals to him on the subject.* Be this as it
may, without hesitation I express the opinion that the story
of lord Temple is to be rejected, on the ground that it rests
upon his own uncorroborated testimony, and that it is at
variance with the whole tenor of Wolfe's honourable and
chivalrous career.
* In Junius' celebrated letter 10 ihe king ten years later, he describes the
regiments of the line " iell to perish in garrisons abroad, or pine in quarters at
home, neglected and forgotten . the private men have four pence a da; Co
exist upon, and four hundred lashes if they desert." Qunius, letter XXXV.,
December 19, 1769.]
-abyG00»^lc
THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
CHAPTER VIII.
The fortress of Louisbourg had a higher reputation for
strength than it deserved ; much of its supposed security was
placed in the almost continuous surf which broke against the
rocks, and from the supposed difficulty of effecting a landing
under a heavy fire from the batteries on shore. A harbour,
protected from every wind, in which several vessels of war
could safely float, was formed between two projecting points,
and the town and fortress, surrounded on three sides by
water, were established on the western side. The approach
to the line of fortifications on the land side was only attain-
able over marshy ground. Descending southerly, the four
bastions were known as dauphin, king, queen, and princess.
There were on the fortress and outworks 419 guns and 17
mortars. The enceinte of the fortifications was about a mile
and three-quarters ; their length on the land side about 4,000
feet. Goat island stood in the centre of the entrance to the
harbour, on which a strong 30-pr. battery had been estab-
lished ; and on the northern line of the harbour, a formidable
battery armed with heavy guns, commanded the entrance
and its whole extent. The harbour widened from its entrance
to a mile to the northeast, and was known as the northeast
harbour. From the central battery on the north side, there
was a length of six thousand feet of water, two-thirds
of a mile wide, of depth sufficient for ships of the line to
anchor. Extending further to the west there was a sheet of
water known as the " Barachois," from the side of which
during the siege the French frigate, the "Ar^thuse" cannon-
aded the British forces, to impede the formation of the
redoubts. There was an inlet some few miles to the east of
the harbour, known as Grand Laurentbec;* a fishing station
• The word is so given by de Urucour, Que. l>oc, IV., p. 14S- I'he English
spelling has been boib L'Oiembeck and Loremb^.
(ibyG00»^IC
DiqteMwGoOl^lC
-awGoOi^lc
1758] LOUISBOURG. 121
had been established here, and it afTorded a convenient place
for landing on this side.
When the landing was discussed, three points of land on
the western side came into prominence as fit for the attempt
Cape Noir was immediately south of the fortress ; " White
point " was about 6,000 feet to the west ; the coast here takes
a northwesterly trend, and following the rocky line a mile
and a half further " Flat point " was reached, whence there
was a more rapid divei^ence to the north ; a short two miles
from Flat point there was a small cove, around which the
rocks rose to such a height that it was thought that landing
was here impossible : it was called by the French " La Cor-
morandi^re."
It was to the character of this shore rather than to the
strength of the fortress that the French trusted to their
defence, for it had little power of resistance against heavy
artillery and a strong attacking force. The security of the
garrison lay in the prevention of any landing ; there was no
great risk from any sea attack. There were present the
battalions of Artois, Bourgf^ne, and Cambis, of the regular
French force, excellent troops, with a battalion of " Volontaires
Strangers," from which several desertions ' took place during
the siege, and which did not command confidence. Two
companies of artillery were present to work the guns. There
were twenty-four companies of the Canadian marine force,
regularly disciplined. The male residents had organized
themselves into companies. The total strength may be set
down at 3,800 men. In the harbour were five ships of the
line and seven frigates, carrying 544 guns manned by 3,000
men. Late in the siege a force of Canadians and Indians
arrived, under de Boish^bert, with the object of harassing
the besiegers. The service performed by them was unim-
portant They remained in the woods to the north of the
town, whence they issued in their attacks.
Two thousand men were kept in position along the shore
to oppose any attempt at landing, and in no way to relax in
watchfulness. They were placed in force at the three locali-
-abyGoO»^lc
122 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [i;s8
ties : de St. JuHen at " la Cormorandiire," the extreme west,
with 985 men ; MaraJn at " Flat point " with 620 men ; and
Danthonnay at " White point " with 250 men. Pickets were
thrown out to keep the posts in communication, and a force
was held in reserve to be directed against the point attacked.
The commandant was the chevalier de Drucour, who had
been in Louisboui^ since the 15th of August, 1754. In a
memoir sent to France* he describes the fortifications as being
in ruins, nothing having been done to place them in repair
since the place was given over to France by the treaty of Aix-
la-Chapelle. In 1755, orders had been sent to make the
fortress defensible, and the work had been carried on under
Franquet.
Drucour, in his letter written in England, "f" describes himself
as threatened with famine once a month. From that con-
tingency he had been relieved by the arrival of the ships from
France. Although sir Charles Hardy had been cruising in
front of the harbour, he had been unable to prevent a single
ship entering the port.
The British fleet sailed from Saint Helen's on the 19th of
February, 1758, and arrived at Halifax on the 8th of May.
Owing to the absence of Amherst, Boscawen remained in
command ; feeling the danger of further delay, he resolved to
put to sea. As the ships were sailing out, the expedition was
met by the commander-in-chief, Amherst. There were one
hundred and fifty-seven sail composing this formidable armada,
carrying a land force of 12,260 men. J The ships kept well
together until the 30th. On the ist of June the admiral's ship
met captain Rous in the " Sutherland," who had been cruising
• Que. Doc. IV.'. 145.
+ Andover, 1st October, Ann. Reg. 1758, p. 179.
* The naval force was composed of 23 ships of the line, 18 frigates, and 1 16
other vessels and tmnsporli, making a total of 157 ships of all descripiions. The
land force consisted of
ijth [Amherst's] I7tb [Forbes']
iSlh [Bragg's] 3S(h [Olway's]
40th [liopson's] 47ih [Lascelle's]
48ih [Webb's] sSlh [Anstruiher's]
-abvG00»^lc
1758] DIFFICULTY OF LANDING. 123
in front of Louisbourg. It was then known that two ships
had entered the harbour the preceding day, and it was believed
that there were thirteen vessels to aid in the defence. That
night the admiral's ship reached Gabarus bay. The second
of June was foggy ; about twelve the weather cleared, when a
view was obtained of the fortress. During the day about a
third of the troop-ships arrived and anchored ; in the same
afternoon Amherst, accompanied by brigadiers Lawrence and
Wolfe, reconnoitred the shore as closely as they could ap-
proach. While they remarked the points practicable for
landing, they observed that the line of coast was strongly
fortified, while the surf was beating upon the shore, as if to
give warning that no boat could even approach within reach
of landing. So much was said throughout the fieet, of this
danger in the presence of a disciplined force provided with
cannon, that the admiral, to strengthen his own judgment,
invited the captains, one after the other, on board his ship to
discuss the hazard of the attempt. Had a council been called,
most probably it would have resulted in an adverse decision.
Among those summoned was captain Ferguson, of the " Prince
6olh isl ball. Royal Ameiicans, [SunwU's]
" and " " " [Moncklon't]
63rd Frazer Highlands,
5 companiei of Rangen,
with aniller]',
makins a total of 13,160 men.
The Royal Artillery train included 17 officers, 53 non-commiuioned officers, 63
gUDnera, 163 matrosset. The gans were ; Brass — 36 4-pr5., 18 Ii-prs., 6 6-pT5.,
1 13-in. mortars, a lo-in., 7 Sin., to Sji-io., 30 ^'/^-'m. Iron— S 32-prs., 25
24-prs., 4 6-pn., ■ 13-in. mortar. There were 1 8-in. and 4 5^-in. hovritzen.
Over 43,000 round shot, 8,380 case, 41,761 shell, besides afew grape and carcasses
and 4,888 barrels of powder.
Admint Boscawen not only detached the mannes to aid in working the artil-
lery, he likewise sent 4 33-prs, with part of his own ^ip'i company for a battery.
[History of the Koyal R^ment of Artillery, by major Francis Duncan, R.A.,
pp. 198.300]
I have to acknowledge my obligation to colonel Irwin, K.A., Inspector of
Canadian Artillery, Tor directing my attention to major Duncan's valuable volume,
likewiae for many pertinent sugB^lions with regard to the military events I have
endeavoured 10 desciibe.
-abyG00»^lc
124 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['/S^
of Orange" 60. He had seen much service, and was dis-
tinguished by his courage and conduct : his presence in the
fleet had, indeed, been specially asked for by Boscawen.
Ferguson would in no way recognize that the impracticability
of an enterprise was to be assumed on account of the danger
attending it In his view, no argument which dwelt upon the
peril of an attempt should be listened to. He counselled the
admiral, for his own honour and for the glory of the country,
to assert the power which he possessed by virtue of his rank,
and not to appeal to any council of war. The appeal went
direct to the bold nature of Boscawen : his spirit rose with the
emergency. His instructions were to land the troops on the
island of cape Breton, and he resolved to place them on shore,
be the risk what it might ; and if the general " thought
proper " to re-embark them, to cover their retreat
The determination of Boscawen removed all doubt and
irresolution ; the ancient courage of the race arose when it
was known that the attempt was to be made, Boscawen
assembled his lieutenants, and called upon them to exercise
the greatest diligence, and to aid the military in every way in
their power. On the 3rd the " Kennington " frigate was
brought close to the westernmost defences. It was the spot
where the New England troops had landed in 1745 ; by them
it was known as " Freshwater creek." The French gave it the
name of " la Corm o ran di fere." From this attack of the frigate,
in the annals of the siege the spot is known as " Kennington
On the 3rd everything was prepared, but the threatening
surf suggested the danger to be incurred. During the exam-
ination of the coast the opinion had been formed that less
risk would be incurred at Kennington cove than elsewhere,
and it was determined that the disembarkation should take
place at this spot. On the 4th the snow " Halifax " was ordered
to join the "Kennington" in the attack. To distract the
enemy, the "Sutherland" and "Squirrel" cannonaded Flat
point, and the " Diana " and " Shannon " were brought to bear
on the defences of White point. But the weather continued
-abvGoO»^lc
1758] ATTEMPT TO LAND. 125
SO rough that it was not practicable to land. The formidable
coast defences could not be attacked in a rough sea. On the
6th there was a change of weather. Preparations were made
for landing, and many of the men embarked, when the fog
again came on, while the swell increased. The admiral pro-
nounced the landing inadvisable, and the men were ordered to
their ships. Amherst is careful to explain that the " reason
for so doing " was made known to them.
The weather on the following morning was bad ; as it
improved in the afternoon, it was hoped that at daybreak the
landing could be made. In the afternoon some sloops were
sent to Laurentbec, the small cove to the east of Louisbourg.
They were despatched to attract the attention of the fortress,
to convey the belief that the landing would be made there.
The French did not allow themselves to be deceived and
lulled into security. During the preceding six days they had
strengthened their position, and reinforced the batteries to the
west No force was detached to Laurentbec, and the vessels
sailed to the east without interference.
It was resolved that the landing should be attempted on
the 8th. At sunrise the frigates approached the shore and
commenced a furious cannonade. The signal was given for
embarkation at two in the morning : at daybreak the troops
detailed for the attempt had been assembled in three divisions.
Six regiments, under brigadier Whitmore, rowed to the right,
as if to attempt a landing at White point. The centre, under
Lawrence, made a show of landing at Flat point. Thus the
whole force of the enemy was kept employed, and no one
post could be weakened. The left division, under Wolfe,
consisted of four companies of grenadiers, the light infantry,
the rangers, the Highland regiment, and eight companies of
grenadiers in support. As the boats rowed towards the shore,
the cannonade from the frigates ceased.
The French did not throw away a shot, but waited until
the near approach of the boats to the shore. It was then that
they directed their whole fire upon them. The surf was high
and strong, and it seemed impossible to find a landing place.
-abvGoO»^lc
126 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
The boats were met in all directions by the fire of heavy
cannon and swivel guns. The abatis of fallen trees, with their
branches to the sea, extending round the coves appeared
impregnable. Moreover the guns were masked, and as the
boats came within range, unexpectedly, red hot balls, grape
and round shot were sent among them ; at the same time, a
continual fusillade of small arms was kept up from the height
of fifteen feet above their level.
As the troops of Wolfe's division suffered from the fire of
the defences, they were much exasperated. It was, however,
plain to Wolfe that the defences were too strong to be forced,
and that the landing to be successful must be attempted at
some other spot. It may be asked if there was not a want of
judgment on the part of the French in this premature dis-
charge of their artillery? Had they permitted the boats to
approach and had opened fire when the attempt to land was
being made, many of the British must have been killed and
placed /tors de combat ; and it is questionable if the movement
would have succeeded. As it was plain that a well organized
resistance was to be experienced, the direction of the boats
was changed ; the order was given for passing to the left. In
one of the boats by which the order was obeyed, lieutenants
Hopkins and Browne with ensign Grant observed a place
which appeared to them to admit of landing. With about
100 light infantry they dashed for the shore to the right of
Kennington cove, and rowed forward until they found a place
whence they could wade to shore. They made their way over
the rocks and irregularities of ground, and reached the spot
which had been looked upon as impregnable.
A small projecting cape had concealed the movement.
The escarpment was at this point difficult to ascend, and as it
had been considered that it was a spot where no attempt
was possible, no force was present to defend it. Here the
landing was effected, and the higher ground reached. When
the small detachment came to oppose the force in possession,
it was unable to resist the attack made upon it, and was beaten
back.
-abyGoO»^lc
I7S8] THE LANDING EFFECTED, 127
Wolfe saw what had been effected by this movement, and
directed the remainder of the force to support it. The
cannon now played upon the men as the boats went forward,
and they had to undergo a discharge of musketry within
twenty yards. One boat was stove in and sunk, by which
some grenadiers were drowned. Many boats were broken to
pieces on landing, but the injury from the fire was not serious.
Those who principally suffered were the sailors remaining in
the boats.
Wolfe Jumped into the surf, and struggled through the
obstacles in his path to reach the shore. He had only his
cane in his hand. He encouraged the men about him to press
forward. As they came on shore he formed them, and led
them to attack the force coming against them. It was a party
of the grenadiers of Artois, which was immediately routed ; the
officer in command was wounded and taken prisoner, with
several of his men.
The two other divisions followed and disembarked. The
whole force was now placed in column, and an attack made
on the foremost French pickets. They rapidly retreated,
demoralized by the appearance of the British force in strength.
The landing had not been effected without loss ; a great
number of the boats were stove in, so that many men were
bruised and hurt, and several crushed between the boats and
rocks. No order could be followed in gaining the shore, the
men wading through the swell ; in many cases their muskets
were wet with sea water. It was not until they reached the
higher ground, that they could be formed with any regularity.
The landing was a surprise to the French, for they had con-
sidered its attainment to be impossible, and they were so
impressed by its success that they were seized by a panic and
abandoned their works. They made no stand, but rapidly
retreated to the fortress over ground described by Amherst as
the roughest and worst he had ever known. In the attack
they lost several killed, and several prisoners were taken;
among the latter was an Indian chief.
The British pushed forward in pursuit, and as they came
-abyGoO»^lc
128 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
within range of the fortress they were received by a cannonade
to protect the retreating force. It did little injury, and was
so far advantageous that it determined the range of the guns,
and pointed out where the troops could encamp in safety.
The loss experienced by the British was, killed, three officers,
43 rank and file, many of whom were drowned ; five officers,
54 rank and file wounded. Of the provincial troops, an
officer and three men were killed, two wounded and missing.
Thirty-five guns and mortars remained as trophies of the day.
They were gathered from along the shore, and were of various
calibre, some of them 24-prs. These works were occupied in
strength, to prevent any attempt at their re-possession.
The weather continued so unfavourable that the stores
could not be landed ; it was only on the nth that the tents
and artillery were placed on shore. Until the force was
strengthened by reinforcements and artillery it was in great
danger. Had a well-directed sortie been made, the besiegers
might have had difficulty in holding their ground ; the whole
attention of the besieged, however, was given to making the
fortress capable of resisting attack.
The battery on the north shore of the harbour commanding
the entrance with forty heavy guns was abandoned, and, in
order to prevent the guns being directed against the place,
they were destroyed. All the outposts were called in ; the
buildings burned ; nothing was left within two miles of the
town except some chimneys and gable ends. There was a.
battery at the light-house point, at the eastern entrance to the
harbour. It was likewise dismounted, and five spiked guns
left behind.
On the 12th Wolfe was detached with 1,200 men to take
possession of this post. Marching round the harbour, he
obtained a knowledge of the north-eastern ground and the
possibility of establishing batteries to attack the shipping. A
road connecting the eastern and western works was included
in the plan of attack. The guns and stores were landed at
Laurentbec, at which place a large quantity of dried fish was
found stored. The weather continued very bad and retarded
(ibyG00»^IC
I7S8] BATTERIES OPENED. 129
the works ; it was not until the 19th that the light-house
battery was made effective, and batteries established on the
northeast of the harbour to attack the shipping.
When the landing had been effected and the position of the
attacking force fully established, it was foreseen that, although
the defence might be prolonged for a few weeks, its ultimate
surrender was inevitable. The admiral in command, the mar-
quis Desgouttes, was desirous of sailing out of the harbour and
making an attempt to save his ships : de Dnicour, however,
prevailed upon him to remain, so that the defence could be
prolonged, and the British troops employed, and not be
available to be taken elsewhere. The French commander had
been given to understand that it was the intention of Montcalm
to attack Abercrombie on the 15th of July. He considered
that by this course he was weakening the strength of the
British force.* The probability, however, is that, had the
capitulation been made at an early date, the fleet and the
transports would have immediately sailed for Quebec.
On the 13th, " I'Echo " frigate succeeded in escaping in the
fog with despatches to Quebec, but she failed to pass through
the British cruisers, and on the 19th was brought back a cap-
ture. It then became known that the "Bizarre" had left on
the day of landing, and the " Com^te " since that date.
The weather became more settled; accordingly, on the i6th,
twelve days' provisions were landed from the store-ships.
Some idea of the perilous difficulty experienced in getting the
guns and stores on shore may be formed, when it is stated that ■
upwards of one hundred boats were lost in the service.
Wolfe opened his batteries on the eastern side on the 20th.
His attack from lighthouse point was directed against the
island battery ; the northeast battery played upon the ship-
ping. On the 25th the firing was continued day and night
on the island battery, which had constantly endeavoured to
interrupt Wolfe's operations. It was now silenced : to some
extent, owing to the imperfect construction of the defences, it
had suffered from the discharge of its own guns.
• Que. Doc., IV., p. 148.
-abyGoO»^lc
I30 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
The fortress was now exposed to bombardment from the
sea. To prevent the entry of the British fleet, the French
sunk four ships across the harbour ; a fifth was subsequently
placed beside them. The effect of this proceeding was to
cause the attack by land to be more vigorously pushed for-
ward. It had been conducted under great obstacles. The
weather remained unfavourable ; the surf made the landing
of stores a work of danger. The roads necessary to the trans-
port of artillery and the operations of the siege exacted great
labour. They had to be carried across morasses and the
roughest ground. The approaches, consequently, exacted
more time than had been looked for.
On the 1st of July a sortie was attempted against the works
on the northern side ; it was beaten back by the light infantry
without injury to the besiegers. On the same day Wolfe took
possession of the ground to the north of the " Barachois," and
commenced raising works to attack the fortress from that
direction. On the 3rd he was on the western side, directing
the redoubts which were being constructed against the citadel
bastion.
Hitherto there had been no interruption of the besiegers'
works by the irregular troops. We learn from de Drucour
that at the commencement of the siege there were only about
120 Acadians, with some few Indians.* Aftfer the landing,
they mostly returned to their villages. Boish^bert, with 400
Canadians and Indians, arrived in July. On the 8th they
attacked the outposts, and were beaten back. They are not
c^ain heard of
A more important sortie was attempted on the 9th against
the right of the attacking line under brigadier Lawrence. It
consisted of five pickets, supported by 600 men. Writers of
the date represent the French troops to have been well sup-
plied with liquor. They surprised in the trenches a company
of Forbes' Highlanders, under the command of lord Dundonald,
who was killed. Some of the men also fell, aud some were
carried off as prisoners. Reinforcements coming up, the
-"[Que. Doc, IV., p. (48.]
-abvG00»^lc
1758] l'arEthuse, 131
French were driven off with some loss. On the following
day they sent out a flag of truce so the dead could be buried :
the only result arising from the attack.
There was no halt or hesitation in the completion of the
British lines. There was perfect accord between the two
services. The officers were zealous in dischai^e of their duty,
the hardship was cheerfully undergone, and no labour was
spared to effect the completion of redoubts by which the
fortress was to be attacked from the western side.
Four batteries had been constructed on the Martissan
heights to the west of the town ; on the i6th of July, at seven
in the evening, the British in force seized the heights, about
1,500 feet from the dauphin bastion. The French fired all
night to dislodge them, but it was found at daylight that the
British were well established. The spot was known as "la
hauteur de la justice," * where public executions took place.
Owing to its threatening position, the previous year the level
h<id been lowered seven feet. On the 1 7th the fire was opened
from the four redoubts, and the defences greatly suffered.
On the following days the fire was renewed with equal effect,
by which the dauphin bastion was much injured. The guns
of the fortress were in every way unequal to reply to the
attack.
The extreme northern lines were subjected to the spirited
attack of the frigate " I'Arithuse," captain Vauclain, which
took up a position by the " Barachois," and shelled the British
working parties, and the fire was so effective as to require the
construction of a long ^paulement for their protection. This
work was persevered in, until the completion of the attack
against the dauphin gate, and the formation of a road between
the eastern and western works. As "I'Ar^thuse" could no
longer be of any service in this attempt, it was determined to
send her with despatches to France. She stole out of the
harbour on the 15th, and escaped the cruisers, although
rockets were thrown up from lighthouse point notifying the
fleet that a vessel was endeavouring to run the blockade.
■ It may be tmnslated in English b; " Gallows hill."
DiqitizeabvG00»^IC
132 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
The fire was persistently continued during the succeeding
days. On the night of the i8th the second parallel was com-
pleted, and the batteries to the south of cape Noir were
advanced. On the 19th the dauphin bastion had ceased to
reply, while the British, although discharging but few bombs,
continued a heavy fire. In the meantime the dauphin battery
had been re-established. But the batteries of the besiegers
had been pushed forward ; one to the south attacking the
queen's battery.
In these trying circumstances de la HouUire, who was in
command of the land forces, oi^nized a sortie of 1,500 men.
It was proposed to place in position two of the vessels, so
that their broadsides would be brought to bear upon the
British works, De la Houliere, with 1,000 men, was to leave
by the dauphin gate, to attack the batteries in front and flank.
A force was to leave by the king's bastion to attack the right
of the line. The sortie had been arranged for the night of
the 22nd, but on the 21st, at half-past two in the afternoon,
" le Cel^bre " caught fire. It was not possible to extinguish
the flames, and the fire was communicated by the sails of the
vessel to the masts and rigging of " I'Entreprenant," and by
her carried to " le Capricieux." No sailor was lost in the
vessels, but many were killed in the endeavour to extinguish
the flames. The whole garrison was placed under arms, for
the besiegers' firing was continued, and it was feared that an
assault might be made. It was impossible to save the vessels,
and in a short time they were entirely destroyed. The reso-
lution was adhered to of attempting the sortie, but the move-
ment was deferred, owing to the necessity of guarding against
the danger of the remaining vessels taking fire from the
floating burning hulls.
On the following day two batteries in the neighbourhood
of cape Noir were opened: one mounted with thirteen 24-pr5;
another of seven mortars. They were brought to bear upon
the citadel. Adjoining was a stone structure, which contained
the quarters of the officers and the barracks of the men. A
part of the building was assigned as the governor's residence.
(ibyG00»^IC
1758] THE TOWN ON FIRE. IJJ
The chapel was also in the building. At eight in the morning
a shell set the barracks on fire. The governor's residence with
difficulty was saved. It was only by great elTort that the
flames were subdued, and it was not until three in the after-
noon that they were extinguished. The whole garrison was
kept under arms, and upwards of forty men were killed when
engaged in this duty. All this continuous effort led to the
men being worn out by fatigue. They were denied any rest
The bombardment went on uninterruptedly: the fire was
persevered in during the night, for the moon was bright, " as
clear as day."* At four o'clock a large portion of the dauphin
battery had been displaced, and had fallen away. The troops
were still kept available to be turned out at a moment's notice.
On the 23rd the queen's battery was placed hors de service.
The barracks, shattered by bombs, gave no protection to the
soldier ; the troops were driven out to find refuge where they
could obtain it ; where there was shelter from the cannon.
Thirty-five were carried to hospital before two o'clock. The
king's battery was the only one which held out. There was
an attempt on the night of the 23rd to repair the dauphin
bastion, for the broken material rose two feet higher than the
level of the water in the ditch. Between eleven and twelve
the British commenced throwing bombs filled with explosives.
The wooden barracks at the queen's bastion caught fire ;
there were several wooden houses in the neighbourhood, and
fears were entertained that they could not escape. If they
had once taken, the whole town, which was mostly of wood,
would have been consumed, and the fire would have reached
the hospital and the magazines. By demolishing some houses
the conflagration was stopped ; fortunately, a change of wind
permitted the fire to be kept within some limit. The garrison
again passed the night under arms. On the 24th another
battery was opened against the king's bastion ; in a short
time the whole line of defences along the covered way, except
the princess bastion at cape Noir, was silenced. An attempt
was made to reply to the attack, but from daybreak of the
■ " AuMi Claire que le jour." Que. Doc., IV., p. 181.
-abyG00»^lc
134 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
25th a. continuous heavy fire was directed against the fortress.
As night came on, an attempt was again made to repair the
bastions. On the morning of the 26th, at half-past one, there
was a heavy fog, and a loud commotion was heard in the
harbour. The cannon from the British lines was still fired to
command the attention of the wearied and jaded French
troops, and with the purpose of concealing the operations by
the navy against the two remaining vessels in the harbour:
one of the most gallant acts during the war.
Between twelve and one, boats containing six hundred
seamen left the ships, under captain Leforey, and rowed for
the harbour, with the design of cutting out the two French
vessels, " le Prudent " and " le Bienfaisant ": all that remained
of the magnificent fleet of two months previously. No such
attack had been looked for ; the crews made little resistance,
and the shots fired from the quays towards the boats were of
little effect. Both ships were taken. " Le Prudent " grounded
as she was being towed away ; as it was found impossible to
float her, she was burned, " Le Bienfaisant " was taken to the
north-west harbour and anchored there.*
The harbour was now open for ships to sail into its waters,
and bombard the town and fortress, with scarcely any resis-
tance. There was no lull in the land attack. Early in the
morning the four pieces from the battery on the height, /a
hauteur de justice, wcxG turned against the dauphin bastion, and
the effect was most damaging. The besieged were indeed in
a desperate condition. The hospital was full of wounded ;
those who continued on duty were worn out with fatigue, by
labour which never ceased, and from the necessity of con-
* Of the ships in the harbonr, " le Prudent," 74. was bonit by the boats of
the fleet under oplains Leforej' and Balfour. " L'Entreprenant," 74, was blown
up and burnt by shot from the marine battery. " Le Capiicienx " and "le
Cjiebre," both 64. were burnt through catching fire from " t'Entreprenanl."
*' Le Sienfaisani," 64, was taken by the boats and lowed lo the northeast harbour.
The "Apollo," 50, and Ihe three frigates " Chtvre," " Biche " and "Fidile"
were sunk by the enemy across the mouth of the harbour. The "Diana," 36,
was taken by her majesty's ship " Boreas," T^e " Echo," 26 guns, was taken by
the "Juno," Thus the whole French fleet was destroyed.
-abvG00»^lc
1758] THE SURRENDER. I35
stantly remaining in readiness to withstand an assault. The
enemy was increasing the batteries, and advancing them
nearer to the place ; it was also plain to the besieged, that as
these efforts were on all sides successful, so the greater energy
and perseverance were shewn. The bastions were in ruins,
most of the guns silenced ; the defence had been most
gallant, and what raises it in character was its continuance in
the face of almost certain failure. The feeling must have been
general, that unless some extraordinary event intervened,
such as a tempest shattering the fleet, the surrender of the
fortress was only a question of time. The force in front was
so preponderating, that there could be no hope of relief from
without, or of a successful resistance within. The defence,
nevertheless, lasted fifty-two days. Whatever the conditions
of surrender, the defenders of Louisbourg yielded the fortress
to its conquerors without any taint of dishonour.*
On the morning of the 26th a council of war was called.
A memoir of the engineer Franquet was read, when the
capitulation was unanimously resolved. The aide-major, de
Lopineau, was sent to the British camp. He there met both
Boscawen and Amherst. They replied in writing, giving the
garrison one hour to capitulate as prisoners of war.f
When the council met to consider this communication, as
* The defence lasted from the 4th of June lo (he 26th of July. D« U
Hooliere, who wu io comniaDd of the laitd force, in > letler to tbe minister of the
6th of August [Que. I!>oc., IV., p. 176], gives s graphic and dciailed account of
the si^e from the l6th of July. The Utilish general he mentions as Kambeik.
t The following is the lelter sent by ihe iiiitiah commanders 10 de Drucour :
"In answer to the proposal I have just now had the honour lo receive from
yout eiceilenc)' by the sieur Loppinot, I have only to tell your excellency that it
bath been determined by his excellency admiral Boscawen and me, that his ships
shall go in to-morrow to make a general allack upon the town. Your excellency
knows very well the situation of the army and the fleet, and as his excellency the
admiral, as well as I, is very desirous lo prevent ihe effusion of blood, we give
your excellency one hour after receiving this to determine either to capitulate M
prisoner! of war, or take upon you all the consequences of a defence against Ihe
fleet and army.
hoscawek,
Jeff. Auubrst."
-abyG00»^lc
T36 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
one man * the opinion was expressed that the terms could
not be accepted, and that it was better to withstand the
general assault. Lieut. -colon el Daubenay, of the " Vohntaires
Strangers" was dispatched to the British lines to ask for a
similar capitulation to that granted to the garrison at Minorca.
Daubenay returned with the written reply, that the British
commanders had nothing to change in the terms offered.
Again the council met, and it was resolved that it was prefer-
able to meet the British with arms in their hands, than
accept such conditions, upon which de Drucour wrote back
that he had to reiterate that his demands were the same,
and that he continued in the first manner of thinking.f
When this determination was formed, Franquet with de la
Houlifere examined the ground to select the spot where the
last stand should be made. It appeared to them that it could
best be attempted at the princess battery, the nearest to cape
Noir. The report of what was happening came to the ears of
Provost, the commissary- general. He lost no time in seeing
de Drucour. He dwelt on the miseries to which the inhabi-
tants of the town and the sick in hospital would be exposed
by a hopeless resistance, for the superiority of the enemy's
force removed every chance of success. Were it otherwise he
would have been silent, but as matters stood, to take the
desperate course resolved upon would only cause the useless
sacrifice of the lives of gallant men on a point of military
honour. There were 4,000 souls of the families of the inhabi-
tants, 1,000 to 1,200 sick in hospital or in tents. All these
would be exposed to blood and carnage, to the horrors
committed by an unbridled soldiery in a pretended resentment
for what had taken place in Canada. The allusion is here to
the events at William Henry of the previous year, and to the
attraction of plunder. It was, continued Provost, not merely
the question of cape Breton, which might be looked upon as
lost to the king of France, but some consideration should be
t qu'it leur reiljroit, que son parti ilsit le mfine, et qu'il penistoit dsns la
premiere ftjon de penser. Que. Doc., JV., p. 185.
-abvG00»^lc
I7S8] PRfiVOST'S INTERVENTION. I37
given to the other colonies of the kingfdom. For if Louisbourg
suffered a cruel fate, the memory of it would act as a terror
to deter merchants from carrying on commerce with the
colonies, and would prevent the workman and the husband-
man from proceeding to them. It might be a matter of
military duty to make such a stand, and. he .was not surprised
that it should be contemplated. Both the governor and
himself, however, were chained with the civil administration
of the colony, aad they had from that position to consider
the view he had felt it his duty to express.*
His intervention had the effect hoped for. He influenced
de Drucour to send a messenger after M. de Lopineau, who
had been entrusted with the letter, and to recall him. What-
ever the cause, the latter had not proceeded any great distance ;
indeed, he had only reached the covered way, so he was easily
overtaken. The letter was withdrawn, and Daubenay, who
understood English well, was sent in company with de
Lopineau to obtain what modification of the conditions offered
were possible ; in a word, the best terms which would be
granted by the British commanders. The latter, however,
adhered to the views expressed in their first letter, but some
consideration was shewn with regard to the inhabitants. At
noon the French officers returned with the reply they had
obtained. No course was open to de Drucour but its ac-
ceptance. There were, as Provost had stated, 1,200 soldiers
and sailors wounded and sick in tents and in the hospital.
The walls were in ruins ; and the batteries of the besiegers
were becoming daily more effective from their strength, De
la Houliere describes them as armed with' forty-two mortars
from 25 to 30 inches ; and sixty-five cannon, 36-prs. and 24-
prs. While this attack of heavy guns is explanatory of the
damaged condition of the fortress, it speaks forcibly of the
energy and labour which had been called forth in landing
• " Repr^tenutioiu (iiitM 4 M. le chevalier de Dnicout au conseil de guerre
tenu i Loaiibou^ le a6th juiUel, 1758," par M. Prjvosi, conunuttire.g^fral
de la marine, ordonnateui i Ille Rofale. Dussieux, p. 327.
-abyG00»^lc
138 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
them in the heavy surf, and had carried them over the morass,
to the commanding position of the British lines.
The articles of capitulation were signed before midnight.
They stipulated that the garrison should surrender as prisoners
of war, and be sent to England in British ships ; that the
artillery, provisions and arms in the islands of cape Breton
and of tie Saint Jean (Prince Edward island) should be
surrendered ; the troops stationed there to embark in vessels
sent for them ; dauphin gate was to be given over at eight
o'clock on the morning of the 27th to a British force ; the
garrison and all carrying arms to assemble on the esplanade,
and there lay down their arms, colours and insignia of war,
to be constituted prisoners of war, to proceed on board ship
to be transported to England ; the sick were to be cared for ;
the non-combatants to be allowed to return to France. The
number of prisoners which surrendered was 5,637, with
221 cannon and 18 mortars, with a considerable quantity of
ammunition and stores.
Early on the morning of the 27th major Farquhar took
possession of the west gate, and brigadier Whitmore with a
strong force marched to the esplanade to receive the surrender.
It was not only by the gate that entry could be obtained.
The walls were so battered that there were two different spots
at which access could be had over the heaps of stone and
material. Sentries were placed at these openings to prevent
the pillage of the town by the camp followers always present
on such occasions.
The French troops assembled on the esplanade, gloomily
grounded their arms, and marched to the boats to be taken
on shipboard. The besieging force took possession of the
town and fortress. Brigadier Whitmore was appointed gov-
ernor, and the British flag was hoisted from the citadel,
proclaiming that the contest was ended.
The news of the conquest was carried to England by cap-
tain Amherst, the general's brother. At the same time he
was the bearer of the eleven French standards which had been
surrendered. They were received by the king as material
-abvGoO»^lc
17S8] REJOICINGS AT HOME. 139
tokens of victory. With great parade, and a large escort,
drums beating and trumpets sounding, they were borne from
Kensington palace to St. Paul's, and there deposited, during
a salute of artillery, and the most animated demonstrations
of public joy. The conquest of Louisbourg was indeed
the first gleam of triumph reflected on the British arms in
America. Hitherto there had been a series of reverses, and so
distinguished a success was not only to be looked upon as a
new national honour ; it was a promise of future victory. It
had struck a blow at French power on the western continent
in its most vital part, the end of which, although not foreseen,
was looked for with confidence and hope. All classes in
London expressed their unmistakeable satisfaction. The
court, the legislature, men of learning and science, the cor-
porated merchants, the prosperous tradesmen, the struggling
populace, were in accord as to the importance of the event
The sentiment was participated in by the great provincial
towns. The feeling arose that the country was emerging from
the condition of sloth and despondency into which it had been
sunk by political venality, and the want of honesty and ability
of the governing classes. The victory was not regarded alone
as the triumph of bravery and endurance. It gave assurance
of a wiser government, of a more honest administration of
affairs ; that merit and worth would obtain recognition. It
was believed and hoped that the national dignity had ceased
to be the plaything of incompetence and unscrupulousness.
The material advantages were on all sides admitted. The
fortress had been destroyed, the very establishment of which
was a threat to New England, which existed with the avowed
intention of paralyzing her commerce and destroying her fish-
eries, and of finally regaining Nova Scotia; to be re-named the
Acadia of former days. All these probabilities had passed away
with the uprooting of the power which had projected them.
Boscawen was a member of the imperial parliament. On
taking his seat he received the thanks of the house of com-
mons, which had been voted to him in common with Amherst :
their names are the only two specified, those of Wolfe and the
-abyGoO»^lc
I40 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
Other brigadiers not appearing. Amherst further received the
appointment of governor of Vii^inia, an office which in those
days was regarded as a sinecure. The duties were performed
by the lieutenant-governor, and residence in England followed
as a matter of course. Amherst, regarding it as a reward
for his military services, accepted the appointment with the
understanding that he was not personally to administer the
government"
In 1760 Louisbourg was demohshed, its fortifications, as far
as possible, razed to the ground. Their site can still be traced
by the mounds which show where the bastions once stood,
and by the imperfect lines which mark the direction of the
streets. Some fishermen's huts have been constructed near
the ocean, and some houses arc on the hills. They are the
only memorials of the scene 1 have attempted to describe.
Everything of value was taken away. The boucharded stones
of any account were afterwards used in the public buildings
of Halifax. The wisdom of the step is manifest. On the one
hand it prevented the re-occupation of the fortress by the
French, by a second treaty of cession, and as a port Louis-
bourg is not of paramount value to British America. No two
naval stations such as Halifax and Louisbourg are required
by the same power. Even if the sea voyage, by landing at
Louisbourg, be shortened some one hundred and fifty miles,
the gut of Canso has to be crossed before the main land is
reached ; it is about a mile and a half wide, with a rapid
current. So little time is gained by the preference of Louis-
bourg to Halifax, that it would be difficult to-day to advocate
its re-establishment, either on the ground of military or
commercial requirements. The decision of the able men who
* Fiveyearsaflerihe treaty of Paris, in 1768, Amherst was called upon to resign
the positioti, objections having been raised in the province against his non-resi-
dence. On the ground that the office had been given as a reward for services, he
claimed that it should be replaced by other emoluments. After much unpleasajil-
ness, which affected even bis relations with the king, Amherst's representations
nere admitted, and he was appointed governor of Guernsey. He became even-
tually the recipient of higher honours, including a peerage, and tbe appointment
of commander-in-chief.
-abvGt)0»^lc
I7S8] THE POWER OF BRITAIN. 141
doomed it to destruction at the time of the conquest will still
be remembered, if wisdom and honesty govern the public
councils in the dominion.*
In America the feeling of satisfaction was equally strong.
There was great rejoicing in the cities of Boston, New York
and Philadelphia. The certain benefit which the destruction
of the fortress conferred on New England was known and
felt, but by all account it would have been preferred if it had
been eiTected by New England troops, whereas it was entirely
an imperial triumph r a debt of safety obtained through the
intervention of the mother country. It is not possible to set
out of view the fact that at this date there was a strong desire
in the American provinces to be independent of all home
control : even when their very existence depended on the power
which Great Britain would put forth to maintain them.
Until the taking of Louisbourg, French encroachments to
narrow the colonial territory to the Allagheny had not been a
mere visionary dread. It was British power which alone
assured the nationality of the American colonist ; which
stayed the depredation on his commerce on the ocean,
imposed a limit on the encroachment of France from the
• II WHS not unlil the isi of June, 1760, ihat the unintemipled dealrnction of
the works wu commenced under captain Mnckelt, of the company of miners,
assisted bj working panics from the infantry, of strength varying, according to
the work, frou 160 to 220 daily. The miners and artificers numbered a Utile
over 100. The whole work was completed on the loth of November, 1760, there
having been only two days' intermission besides Sundays, one being the king's
birthday and the other being midsummer's day. The reason for keeping this
latter day is thus mentioned in a MS. diary of the mining operations at Louis-
bourg, now in the royal artillery office, which belonged to sir John Seymour :
" According to tradition among the miners, Midsummer was the lirst that found
out the copper mines in Cornwall, for which occasion they esteem this a holy day
and all the miners come from below ground to carouse and drink to the good old
nun'i memory."
[History of the royal regiment of artillery, by major Francis Duncan, R.A.,
pp. 203-4.)
The order for the destruction of Louisboui^ was sent by Pitt to Amherst on
the 9th of February, 1760. It was communicated by Amherst to Whitmore on
the 33rd of April, captain Ruvyne being specially sent from New York to super-
intend the work of demolition. [Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 93.1, p. 190.]
-abvG00»^lc
142 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['758
north towards New England, and on the west towards Albany
and Philadelphia, both so long and so powerfully threatened.
It was the first act in the final drama, in which the British
colonist was to become the undisputed master of North
America,
MADAME DE DBUCOUR.
It is generally staled that Mde. de Dnicoar showed great courage during the
siege, frequentlr visiting tbe soldier* to encoarage them, especially (he guoDcrt,
and that daily she heiself fired off three cannons. I can find no authority for this
beyond Pichon, who relates the fact io his "Lillrts et Mimeirts four scrvir d
rhiitaire naturtUi, civile et felitiqut du cap Breton, defids ien ittUilititme*t jitiqti
i la nprite de ctlte itUpar Us Anglaii m 1758." This book was published in
London in 1760, and in Paris in 1761. It is written to convey the idea that the
writer was present during the siege. The statement is a!so repeated by the Abbtf
Raynal in his " ffistoire PAUaiephiqiu," hax published in 1774 at the Hague.
Raynal cannot therefore be accepted as an authority. No weight can be attached
10 Pichon's statement. He was taken prisoner at the si^e of Beausijour, and
remained in Halifax until 175S, when he went to London, to remain in England
■until the year of bis death, 1781.
T am especially led to doubt the fact, because it is not mentioned by Wolle,
for in a letter to his mother he relates that he paid a visit to the ladies. " T went
jnto Louisbourg this morning to pay my devoirs to the ladies, bat found them all
so pale and thin with long confinement tn a casemate, that I made my visit very
short. Tbe poor women have tieen heartily frightened, as well they might, but no
real harm, either during tbe siege or after it, has befallen any." [Wright's Wolle,
p. 446.] Could any extraordinary statement have been made regarding Mde. de
Drucour, Wolfe would have mentioned it 10 his mother, for he was fond of giving
her news. Fichon makes another statement, [p. 381], which also partakes of the
marvellous. He tells us that after the surrender was resolved upon, the evening
before tbe Stilish took possession, the French soldiers without restraint were per-
mitted to plunder the king's stores, and that the whole night the priests were busy
marrying ihe young girls to anyone willing to accept the responsibility of wedlock,
the object being to prevent them becoming the wives of the heretic conquerors.
The abb£ Raynal does not record this statement.
-abvG00»^lc
-awGoOi^lc
-awGoOi^lc
BOOK XIII.
From the taking of Louisbourg to the Capture
OF Quebec : 1759.
DiqitizeabvG00»^IC
DiqteMwGoOl^lC
1758] AFTER THE SURRENDER.
CHAPTER I.
When the expedition against Louisbourg was organized, no
long resistance was anticipated, and it was the plan of the
campaign that, after the conquest of cape Breton, the fleet,
without delay, should sail to the attack of Quebec, but much
happened that was unforeseen. Campaigns on paper, made
in the quiet of an office, even when carefully and wisely con-
sidered, invariably change much of their character in the field.
The siege exacted longer time than had been foretold. The
most sanguine of those who urged the expedition had counted
upon a quiet sea, and believed that, with an attacking force
of sufficient strength, but few days of resistance would be
experienced. The greatest cause of difficulty and delay
proved to be the stormy weather ; the defence at the same
time had been obstinate, and it was not until the end of July
that the capitulation was made. The first Impulse of the
conquerors was to sail to Quebec ; a few days consideration
shewed the design to be impracticable. Indeed, the surrender
of the fortress was only preliminary to the further movement
of troops to assure the occupation of the territory ceded, and
in the midst of this irresolution the news arrived of the repulse
of Abercrombie before Ticonderoga, which I have shortly
to relate.*
When Abercrombie heard of Amherst's success, he wrote,
to learn his intention with regard to the campaign. Amherst
replied that he was unable then to judge, but hoped it would
be " found practicable to get to Quebec, which is what I wish
much to do ; " f a statement so far important, as it shews the
design was entertained in 1758.
* The Dews came at the close of the siege. Wolfe mentions it in his letter to
his father on the dajf of the surrender, the 27th of July. [Wright, p. 448.]
+ Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 87, II., p. 355.
-abvG00»^lc
148 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. (1758
It was well known in Louisbourg, that if the fleet was to sail
for the saint Lawrence, no time could be lost There was
really but fifteen weeks available before the commencement
of a Canadian winter. Wolfe, whose feelings were strong on
the point, in his letters dwelt upon this necessity, and on the
6th of August he brought the matter to the notice of Amherst.
The latter admitted that the season was indeed passing away,
and he added that he had spoken of the expedition to the
admiral, who "seemed to think it impracticable." Wolfe
accordinglyoffered his services to proceed with reinforcements
to Abercrombie, "whose army is cut deep." The reply of
Amherst * was to the effect that it had been his intention to
proceed with the entire force to Quebec, which he was still
convinced was the best that could be done, but in consequence
of the unlucky affair at Ticonderc^a, it was advisable to rein-
force Abercrombie with Ave or six battalions. He would also
send some regiments to the bay of Fundy, and detach a force
to the gulf of Saint Lawrence. Wolfe had written that if
nothing further had to be done, he must ask leave to quit the
army. Amherst could in no way agree to the request, as
Wolfe's assistance was indispensable in the operations for the
good of his majesty's service.
There was no delay in the removal of the French garrison,
and in the occupation of the territory ceded in the capitula-
tion : by the month of August the French troops, with the
private persons desirous of returning to France,+ were em-
barked on board the vessels which were to carry them first to
England. J
Steps were taken to assure the possession of ile Saint Jean
(prince Edward island) ; lord RoIIo was sent with the 3Sth
regiment and two battalions of the 60th, to receive the island
from the governor, de Villegouin, who, with the garrison, was
placed on board the transports. This island had only risen
* Chatham Correspondence I., p. 3}!.
t or ihe 3,400 French inhabiunu of cape Breton, independently of the
garrison, 1,700, in accordance with their desire, were sent to France ; ihe re-
mainder conlinned in the island, and accepted the new government.
; Can. Ateh., Series A. & W. I„ Sj.3, p. 363.
-abvG00»^lc
1758] PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND. 149
into importance within the last ten years. Its greatest length
is 130 miles ; its greatest breadth, 34 miles : in its narrowest
part, towards the centre, it is but four miles wide. At the
time of Law, in 1719, a company was formed to develop the
fisheries and to place settlers on the land. The count de
Saint-Pierre, first equery of the duchess of Orleans, was the
chief personage of the project : at the same time he obtained
the concession of the Magdalen islands and of ile Miscou.
The enterprise failed, and ile Saint Jean ceased to attract
attention.
After the treaty of Utrecht, de Saint Ovide took steps to
establish the Acadian population on the island : nevertheless,
in 1720, there were only seventeen families, numbering about
one hundred of a population. During the following fifteen
years the number only increased to 541. In 1749, there were
about 1,000 souls.* The capture of Beaus^jour and the
deportation of the Acadians in 1755 led to several of the
latter seeking a home there. When lord Rollo took pos-
session of the island, there was a population of 4,100 souls.f
He describes the farms as being in good order, some of them
yielding annually i,200 bushels of wheat : he found 10,000
head of cattle on the island. The principal market for its
produce had hitherto been Louisbourg ; there had also been
* Canadian census 1870-71, p. zi,
t It vat reported by lord Rollo u follows : —
^ Point le Prince. 700
St. Peiet's 700
North point 500
N. E. River z.ooo
Wen and North River 200
4,100
The last-named places were settlements on the waters leading to the present city
or Charlotteiown. Point le Prince is evidently intended Tor point Prim. The
whole of these waters was known as port la Joye by the French. The Acadian
families which remained soon abandoned the island. In 1764 the surveyor-
general, captain Holland, wrote to the earl of Hillsborough : "There are about
thirty Acadian families on the island, who are regarded as prisoners, and kept on
the same footing as those at Halifax. They are extremely poor, and mabtain
themselves by their induilrr in gardening, hshing, fowling, etc"
-abvG00»^lc
I50 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['758
some intercourse with Quebec in the supply of com and beef.
The island had exercised the mischievous function of furnish-
ing an asylum to the Nova Scotian Micmacs, and to such of
the Acadians who, disguised as savages, participated in their
expeditions. It was but a few hours' paddle or sail from any
part of the main land ; and inroads into Nova Scotia, effi-
ciently organized, could be easily made. Lord Rollo found
the trophies of these expeditions in the form of several scalps
of the Nova Scotian colonists, and of soldiers of the garrison
caught away from their barracks. They were a portion of the
ornaments which decorated the governor's residence.
Rollo's instructions were to follow the policy observed with
regard to the civil inhabitants of Louisbourg : to send back
to France such as were not desirous of becoming British sub-
jects, and to permit those to remain who were willing to
swear allegiance. Rollo had to deal with the compound of
national and religious feeling, which, even under favourable
circumstances, had refused to accept British sovereignty ; but
this bitterness of sentiment had been exasperated by the
sufferings which the Acadians had undergone. The popula-
tion was with few exceptions Acadian. About 1,500 were
embarked on transports to be carried to France. On the
northern part of the island several French sloops, some of
which were armed, received many of the inhabitants and
their effects, and carried them to Canada and MiramichL
There was little attempt to interfere with these operations :
had such been the policy, the naval force was of sufficient
strength to have driven off these vessels. Owing to some of
the parishes being far distant from the place of embarkation,
the inhabitants failed to reach the ships, aud they remained
on their farms without interference.* On the completion of
a fort, so that the garrison could be placed in safety, lord
Rollo returned to Louisbourg, and the island was placed
under government of Nova Scotia. f
" Lieuiennm I,eslie to Wolfe, 30lh Oct., 1758, Chiiham correspondence,
I., p. 384.
-t The official praclamalion was not i)sued until 7ih October, 1763, after th«
-abvG00»^lc
1758] THE SAINT JOHN. 151
Major Dalling was sent with a strong detachment to port
d'Espagnol, now Sydney, to hold the harbour, to prevent the
establishment of an Acadian population, which would refuse
to take the oath of allegiance.
Three hundred regulars and some rangers landed at cape
Sable under major Morris to break up a settlement of
Acadians which had commenced to be troublesome ; two
armed vessels were stationed off the shore to prevent escape
by canoes. Captain Goreham surprised and took prisoners
between sixty and seventy men, women and children, who,
with a Roman catholic priest named Desenclaves,* were sent
to Halifax.
Monckton.with the 35th, the and battalion Royal Americans,
some rangers and artillery, sailed for the Saint John.f He
landed with his force without opposition, and took possession
"f the fort which had been abandoned, and hoisted the British
colours. He subsequently heard that two hundred Indians
nad been awaiting his arrival. Their chief would not allow
"•em to fire ; so their priest, father Germain, expecting
9ue/gues coups de trahison "• on their part, marched them off to
Canada. The site of the fort was objectionable, inasmuch as it
^y of Paris. In November, 179E, aa act was passed to change the name to
Police Edwarf Ulind, in honour of the duke of Kent, father of her majeslf, who
™* arrived there during the year. The royal consent was obtained on the isl of
ebruaiy^ 1799, and was promulgated bjr the I ieul ..governor Fanning on the 13th
"Jon,. ,,55.
Jean Baptiste Dcsenclaves originally arrived from France in 1728 ; he had,
^'"efoie, been thirty years in the country. He had seen the mischievous intet-
^^''c^ of the priests with the political condition of the Acadians, and from his
■^"^eration he was disliked by Le Loutre and his successor, father Germain.
Uwing (0 J letier of Desendaves to Mascarene, which afGrmed that " ye Spiritual
"* So connected with the temporal as sometimes not to be able to be divided."
■"ascarene replying in a friendly spirit [i June, 1741, Nova Scotia Archives,
"' '"-III], pointed out that the "missionaries have too often usurped the power
^'^''c themselves the sovereign judges and arbitrators of all causes amongst the
'^P'*."" . . . so as " to render themselvestheonlydistributorsof justice amotigsl
^*"P'* bred up in ignorance," adding " that this is one of the blocks on which I
■^ **'^*" fcre"*"**^ y°" "*" to stumble." In 1759 Desenclaves was a prisoner
"* other Acadians in Massachusetts.
'•' C«n. Arch., Series A. 4 W. 1., 87.8, p. 397.
-abvG00»^lc
IS2 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
was overlooked by some high ground from which it could be
attacked. On the other hand, it was convenient for landing,
and commanded the harbour. Its possession was therefore
maintained ; it received the name of fort Frederick, and six
hundred men were set to work to place it in repair.
As the vessels in which Monckton had arrived drew too
much water to ascend the river, some sloops of light draught
and whale boats were obtained from fort Cumberland. On
the 2ist of October Monckton passed his vessels above the
falls ; in doing so, however, the sloop " Ulysses " was wrecked,
and the crew was only saved with difficulty. Leaving captain
Bellew in charge of the fort, Monckton embarked his force,
i,2oo strong, and with a fortnight's provisions. He reached
Grimrosse, on the western bank above Jemseg. It was a
settlement of forty or fifty houses, occupied by inhabitants
who had escaped from Beaus^jour. On the appearance of the
troops they took to the woods. The houses were burned.
Some fifty hogsheads of lime were found ; they were recc^-
nized as part of the cargo of a schooner bound for fort
Cumberland, taken by a privateer fitted out, it was believed,
at this place. At ile Mettis, higher up the river, some canoes
laden with com were discovered. The corn was taken for use
and the canoes burned. Monckton endeavoured to ascend
beyond this point, but the vessels ran aground, and it was
found impossible to proceed, so he returned towards the fort,
destroying Jemseg and all the houses on the banks as he
descended the river.
Major Scott with the light infantry and rangers were sent
to the river Petitcodiac to uproot the settlements there, and
to destroy some privateers which had been mischievous, and
which had, it was reported, taken refuge in the river. Scott
found a schooner and a sloop of this character in two different
creeks at the head of the stream ; at the same time he made
prisoners of thirty men, women and children. The houses
were all empty ; they had, however, the appearance of having
been lately evacuated. They were burned, with much grain,
and the cattle killed. The houses and barns were numbered
-abvGoO»^lc
1758] THE SAINT JOHN. I S3
at one hundred and fifty. Many of the inhabitants remained
lurking in the woods, and a lieutenant and three men of the
force, stra^ling from the main body, were seized and carried
away,
Monckton sailed for Boston on the 17th of November,
leaving a garrison of three hundred men in the fort under
major Morris.
A few months later, an expedition was undertaken up the
river Saint John against the settlers above the point reached
by Monckton. On the 19th of February a detachment
started, under the command of captain McCurdy. As he was
killed by the fall of a tree, lieutenant Hazzen assumed com-
mand, and proceeded to the attack of the settlements above
Saint Anne (Fredericksburg), Some resistance was experi-
enced, when six of the French were killed, and six taken
prisoners ; five escaped. Hazzen burned upwards of one
hundred houses with other buildings, and killed the cattle, so
as to make the continuance of settlement impossible. Thus
the whole valley of the Saint John was freed from the presence
of any of the Acadian population. Some of the young men,
who were established there, had escaped from Annapolis
in i755.«
Wolfe was ordered to Gasp^ with the 15th, the 28th, and
the s8th regiments: he sailed on the 29th of August. The
fleet convoying this strong detachment consisted of seven ships
of the line and three frigates, under sir Charles Hardy. On
the 30th of September Wolfe reported from Louisbouig that
he had fulfilled the duty Intrusted to him. The instructions
he received were to ascend the Saint Lawrence river and
destroy the settlements along the banks, in order to disturb
the minds of the enemy at Quebec, and to pave the way for
a definite expedition in the spring. Not a serious duty, as
Wolfe wrote his father,f to rob the poor fishermen of their
nets and to burn their huts. When reporting its accomplish-
ment to Amherst, Wolfe describes the equipment as "improper
* Can. Arch., A. & W. I,, 89.2, p. 455.
t 2ltl Aufput 175S. Wright, p. 455.
-abvG00»^lc
154 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
for the business ; and the numbers, unless the squadron had
gone up the river, quite unnecessary." " We have done a
great deal of mischief," he continues, " spread the terror of
his majesty's arms through the whole gulf, but have added
nothing to the reputation of them."
If Wolfe dealt sternly with the property and the provisions
he was to destroy, he was careful that the inhabitants were
treated with consideration, and in no way abused or personally
injured. There were large quantities of dried fish in the
stores, " 30,000 lbs. of the finest dried cod." It is to be presumed
that it was eaten by the men of the expedition. The maga-
zines were stored with corn, dried fish and barrelled eels,
designed for transportation to Quebec. The supplies, which
could not be brought away, were burned with the buildings.
The main object of the expedition was to alarm the govern-
ment for the safety of Quebec, so that the troops should be
disposed to be available for its defence, and not marched
against Abercrombie. This service over, Wolfe returned to
Louisbourg, and sailed thence in the " Namur " with Boscawen
for England, to arrive there on the 1st of November.
There is a passage in Wolfe's life in connection with this
voyage to Gaspe which, from his personal eminence, and as
the protagonist in the conquest of Canada, in my humble
view, may be regarded as a part of the history of the time.
By Amherst's instructions, Wolfe was ordered on his return
to proceed to Halifax, where, writes Amherst, " I imagine you
will receive orders from England." A postscript is added,
" As you tell me that by your letter of service when you left
England, you think yourself authorized to return to England
as soon as the siege of Louisbourg is over, you will leave
the above orders with the eldest officer whenever you think
proper to go after your return from the river St Lawrence."
The orders in question were the destruction of the settlements
at Gasp^.
From what follows it is plain that, in spite of this friendly
communication, Amherst sent an unofficial communication to
Pitt, announcing Wolfe's proposed return, and strongly op-
-abvGoO»^lc
I7S8] LORD HARRINGTON. ISS
posing it. It is not an incident to throw a favourable light on
Amherst's character, for he privately conveyed information ■
which undoubtedly created a prejudice in Wolfe's disfavour.
The consequence was that a letter was written from the war
office on the2ndof October to Wolfe, giving him positive orders
not to return to England, which can only be read as the lan-
gu^e of censure.* The letter was not received by Wolfe until
the following year at Louisbourg, when he was on the point
of starting for Quebec, and he replied to it from the " Neptune
* The following i( the Wit of Lord Dan-inglon's letter and Wolfe's reply ; —
" and October, 1758.
"Sir, — Mr. Secretary Pilt having acquainled me that he finds by a letter from
General Amherst that jrou had (old the general that you thought yourself autho-
rized by your letter of service, dated 33rd January last, to return to England as
soon as the siege of Ixniisbourgh was over, that he was a stranger to any such
pover given to you, and was apprehensive of the greatest prejudice Co the King's
service in case you should, on your relum I0 Hallifai from the expedition up the
St. Lawrence, so interpret your letter of service and return lo England accord-
ingly without the King's orders for so doing. I am much surprised at this, there
being no such meaning in, the Idler of service dated 13rd January last, which I
wrote 10 you : but to clear all doubt whcncesoever it may arise. I do hereby signify
to you His Majesty's pleasure thai you do not return to England from America
without farther orders from His Majesty or your superior officers there.
"Barrikgton."
■' To Brigadier Wolfe."
" My Lord, — Since my arrival in America, I have had the honour to receive
two tetters Irom your Lordship, one of old dale, concerning my stay in this country,
in answer to which I shall only say that the Marshal told me I was to return at
the end of (he campaign ; and as General Amhersl had 110 other commands than
to send me to winter at Hali&x under the orders of an oflicer who was bul a few
months before put over my head, I thought it was much belter to get into the way
of service, and out of (he way of being insulted; and as the style of your lordship's
Ie(ter is prcdy strong, 1 must lake the liberty lo inform you that, (bo' I should
have been very glad 10 have gone with Gen. Amherst lo join the army upon the
lakes, and offered my services to carry reinforcements 10 Mr. Abercrombie, if
Quebec waa not (o be attack'd, yet, rather than receive orders in the government
of an officer younger than myself (iho' a very worthy man). I shou'd cer(ainly
have desir'd leave to resign my commission, for, as I neither ask nor expect any
favour, so I never intend to submit to any ill-usage whatsoever.
-awGoOi^lc
156 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
at sea," on his way thither. His emphatic protest against this
treatment must be read with deep sympathy, and with no
ordinary interest, especially when the circumstances under
which it was written are brought to our minds. The date is
within a trifle more than three months of his death, when on
his way to achieve the triumphal service which has made his
name immortal.
During the period that operations were being carried on
against Louisbourg events had happened on the shores of lake
Champlain, in the disputed territory between Canada and the
state of New York, which, although without ultimate influence
on the war, had added to the national exultation of the French,
reawakened their hope, and cheered and encouraged them
in their firm determination not only to defend New France
from attack, but vigorously to extend its frontier, When Pitt
had resolved to attack Canada, at all points he applied to the
colonies to furnish 20,000 men, undertaking that the expense
would be participated in by the imperial government. For the
time the provinces were to clothe and furnish the pay of the
soldier ; the arras, camp equipage and provisions were to be
supplied by the British government. The number of troops
voted by the provincial legislatures was 17^480, of which
number Massachusetts furnished two-fifths, 7,000 men,*
Pownall, then governor, showed great energy in the emer-
gency and the province answered his powerful appeal. The
number was not obtained entirely without difficulty, and in the
other provinces many delays intervened. The troops were
assembled towards the end of June; between the 7th and 20th
7,510 arrived from Massachusetts and Connecticut Pownall
established good discipline in the Massachusetts regiments?
* The following u (he deuil o( the levies : —
New Hampshire 800
Miusachuselts 7.000
Rhode Island 1,000
Connecticut 5>ooo
New York a,68o
Kewjeriey 1,000
Total 17,480
DiqitizeabvG00»^IC
1/58] ABERCROMBIE. 157
He abolished the custom of officers acting as slop sellers and
sutlers ; he made efficient arrangement for the issue of cloth-
ing and necessaries, he recommended to Abercrombie to try
any officer by court-martial who carried on " suttling." There
was a great want of arms and tents. Abercrombie could
obtain but a limited supply of the former, even by purchase ;
accordingly the old arms were sought out, and all that were
available were repaired and placed in good condition. The
tents were an easier matter ; the material for them was pur-
chased and they were made. The Hudson* furnished the
channel of communication. It was necessary to provide boats
for the navigation of lake George, which any expedition to
Canada must descend. The work of constructing them was
given to Bradstreet, who energetically carried out the duty.
Fifteen hundred boats were necessary for the advance : by
the end of May nine hundred were finished, and the
remainder required little work for their completion. A
special corps of eight hundred bateau men was raised ; but
only four hundred and fifty were enrolled, and the number
wanting was partially supplied by volunteers from the regulars
and provincials, and partially " pressed."
Owing to Abercrombie's repulse in the attack,f his name
has been mercilessly dealt with by writers who have not
investigated the causes of the reverse. He has, accordingly,
come down to us with the reputation of l>eing incompetent,
inert and irresolute : even his personal courage has been called
in question. However his generalship on this occasion may
be censured, Abercrombie deserves no such blame. He was
of the school of officers who meet difficulties by stubborn
courage rather than by skilful combinations, and he certainly
• There were three portaps between Albany and fort Edward ; the first, in
certain seasons, «ii miles in length, never less than three, was between Half Moon,
the mouth of the Mohawk, and Stillwater ; the second, two miles above Sara-
toga, was a quarter of a mile long ; the third, five miles higher up, opposite fort
Miller, of four hundred yards.
t Some writers describe Abercrombie's failure as a "defeat." The proper
word appears to me to be " repulse," there being a distinct difTereoce, to my mind,
in the meaning of the two expressions.
-awGoOi^lc
IS8 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['758
entirely misunderstood the character of the defences which
he undertook to storm. His correspondence shews that he
was an intelligent and efficient officer ; in a position where his
duty was plain, and a gallant obedience to orders the first
essential, he would have acquitted himself with ability and
credit His generalship on this unfortunate day can only
be remembered to his disadvantage, for it is a proof of his
ignorance, and of his miscalculation of the character of the
war in which he was engaged. His fault lay in attempting
what was impossible. It is difficult to believe that the expe-
dition was unprovided with artillery. But such was the case.
This one fact was the cause of his misfortune ; and it is the
strongest censure which can be passed on a general, that his
force was improperly constituted, owing to his want of foresight
and intelligence. Some artillery is mentioned as being
mounted on rafts, but the few guns were simply designed to
cover the landing of the troops.*
* Thefaci is dearly proved bf the siaie at the zgih June, a few days before the
inarch o( the troops to Ticonderoga.
37th, Blakencf's 664
4ind, Lord John Murray's 1,000
44ih, Abercrombie's 970
46th, Thomas Murray's 665
55th, Lord Howe's 683
60th, 1st Battalion Royal Americans, Slanwin's 568
6o(h, 4Ih Battalion, " " Prerost's 932
Col. Gage's Light In&ntry 403
Rangers 520
Pro-inclrt. ^'^^^
Massachusetts, Colonel Ruggles 449
" Doty 869
" " Peeble .515
" William WiUiams. 563
" " Partridge, Lt. Inraniry 442
2.848
New York " De Lancey 1,715
New Jersey ....-.' 921
Connecticut 475
5,960
No artillery is named in the stale as being present.
The force reported by Abercrotnbie in his despatch at the nth or Julytsset
forth as 6,367 regulars, 9,034 provincials, including 6a/eau men.
-abvG00»^lc
1758] WEBB'S CAPITULATION. Ijg
In no quarter was there any theory expressed of its neces-
sity, and it is to this deplorable want of judgment that the
repuise must be traced. The incompetent engineer who
accompanied the troops, on viewing the intrenchments from
the height at the opposite side by the mouth of the river,
pronounced that it was practicable to storm them. Aber-
crombie accepted the opinion. Had even the few guns with
the expedition been brought up, and a breach made, that a
storming party could have entered, it is not quite improbable
that there would have been a different result.
Abercrombie was engaged from the i ith of May, when he
arrived in Albany in the organization of the expedition.
During this time the French continued active in their attacks
of la petite guerre. Early in the month eighty Indians sur-
prised the settlement on the German flats, and scalped thirty-
two of the settlers, retreating before even their presence was
known at the neighbouring fort, and the troops called out.
Abercrombie arrived at fort Edward on the 9th of July, and
lord Howe was placed In command at Half-way brook, with
the 42nd, 44th, S5th, and four companies of rangers. It was
known that many parties of the enemy were out, with the
design of intercepting convoys. A party of 200 men was
placed at each of the stations of the Half Moon, Stillwater,
Saratoga, and fort Miller. A stockaded fort was constructed
on the site of fort William Henry at lake George, with another
work on the rising ground to the east. Brigadier Stanwix
was posted at the carrying-place of the Mohawk with the four
New York independent companies, 1,400 provincials, and a
company of rangers.
Before commencing the campaign one duty was imperative,
the establishment of the position of the troops who had been
included in the capitulation of William Henry. The British
authorities contended that the conditions had been broken by
the French. A long correspondence took place between the
respective commanders. Finally, on the 2Sth of June, 1758,
Abercrombie issued a general order * from fort Edward,
" Can. Arch., Seriei W. Si A. I., 87.1, p. 3.
-abvG00»^lc
l6o THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [I7S8
stating that the capitulation of the 9th of August had been
" broke in a most notorious and flagrant manner, consequently
major-general Abercrombie declares the terms of the capitula-
tion ' null and void,' and the officers and soldiers included are
empowered and commanded to serve as if no such capitulation
had been made." The order was to be read at the head of
every corps. Not only in Canada was the manifesto pub-
lished, it was also made known to the army before Louisbourg.*
• Knox, I., p. 486.
-abvG00»^lc
1758] DESCENT OF LAKE GEORGE.
CHAPTER II. ■
With the exception I have named, the absence of artillery,
a]l accounts agree in the completeness with which the ar-
rangements were made. When Montcalm engaged in the
attack of Oswego and William Henry, he brought with him
heavy guns, and it was owing to the service of his artillery
that he had succeeded. Had his attempt been made without
this provision, he would have fared no better than the oppo-
nent he repulsed at Ticondcroga. There was no great
difficulty in moving the guns up the Hudson : the serious
labour commenced at the first portage north of Albany, and
after reaching fort Edward to carry them by land to lake
George. The cannon, which had previously been at fort
William Henry, had been taken or destroyed at the siege of
1757 by Montcalm.
Abercrombie has himself given an account of the embarka-
tion. He tells us that the artillery, stores and provisions were
placed on the rafts and bateaux on the morning of the 4th.
I cannot discover that there were any other guns than those
named as mounted on rafts to protect the landing. There
were 900 bateaux, with 135 whale boats. The tents were
struck at daybreak of the sth. The numbers embarked were
6,367 regulars and 9,024 provincials including the bateau
men. At five in the evening they reached Sabbath day point,
25 miles from the head of the lake, and the troops remained
here five hours to rest, and to bring the expedition together.
The start was again made at ten at night, and the boats
reached the landing-place of the French position at ten in the
morning of the 6th. There was no opposition to the
landing.*
* Lake Geatg«, visited Tor the beaul]' of its scen«r7, at the same time return
iti hUtorical iDterest. It hu been frequently meiitioDed in this histoiy. These
-awGoOi^lc
l62 THE mSTORV OF CANADA. [l7S8
During June the attention of the French had been directed
to Abercrombie's movements. The prisoners brought in by
the partizan leaders gave the information that 20,000 men
were being assembled. One circumstance had confirmed the
opinion that a forward movement by the British force would
be made. Wolf, a French officer who had been sent by de
Vaudrcuil with a party carrying a flag of truce on the subject
of the exchange of prisoners, had been detained some days:
a proceeding looked upon as unnecessary. It was therefore
supposed that the step had been taken with the design of
preventing his return, when he would undoubtedly have
notified Montcalm of the preparations which he could not fail
to have observed. Indeed, he only reached Carillon on the
10th, two days after the attack.
Montcalm arrived at Ticonderoga on the 30th of June.
He ordered de Bouriamaque to occupy the ground where lake
George discharges into the little river by which its waters
descend to lake Champlain. De Bouriamaque was there
encamped with the battalions of la Reine, Guienne and B^arn.
Montcalm had established himself at the saw mill at the foot
of the falls with the battalions of la Sarre and de Berry, placing
two battalions on the left of the stream. The troops of the
marine and the Canadian militia were quartered at the stone
fort His next duty was to select a spot for an intrenched
camp. The engineer, M. de Pontleroy, was instructed to
trace it out, and the second regiment of de Berry was set to
the work of constructing it.
Lake George gradually narrows towards the south, until the
little river by which it discharges itself is reached. The
waters formed the toule which Ihe Iroquois followed in iheir irruplion into Cuiada,
afler leaving ihe Hudson, where the portage was made. It was iheir route to
take Champlain and the Richelieu. It was originall]' known as the lac its
Iroquois. " lloricon," as ibe lake is called on some maps, is evidently a cormp-
tion of this word. Jogues, who, in 1646, was killed in the neighbourhood, when
on his journey to establish a mission [Ante. Vol. I., 189J, described it as
" lac du Saccement," and it was so known by Ihe French until the conquest.
Afler the repulse of Dieskau by sir William Johnson, Ihe name was changed lo
lake George, by which these waters are now only known.
-abvG00»^lc
DiqteMwGoOl^lC
-awGoOi^lc
I7S8] THE LANDING. 163
rapids follow the half circumference of an irregular oval, and
from the last fall, the water, with a slight current, runs
smoothly into lake Champlain. The carrying-place was
formed directly across the chord of the semi-oval, and was
used as the travelled road by which the waters above the
rapids were reached. Following the stream, the distance
between the two lakes is about eight miles. There is about
two miles of quiet water before the rapids commence. The
latter are some three and a half miles in length, descending
in the distance some 265 feet ; the last fall is about 25 feet in
height, and it was here that the saw mill had been built.
The distance thence to lake Champlain is about two and a
half miles by the stream.
The fort was constructed at the extreme point where the
lake widens out from the discharge of Wood's creek, which
has its source not far from the neighbourhood of fort Edward.
The fort Carillon, commenced in 17SS, was not perfectly
completed, and was not defensible for any length of time
against heavy artillery. The ruins still remain of the massive
masonry, shewing that it was capable of resisting an ordinary
attack. It must be borne in mind that the attack was not
made on the fort, but on the intrenchment, 3,500 feet distant
from it.
Parties of observation had been sent out to watch the lake,
with instructions immediately to report any hostile movement.
On the evening of the 5th de Langy, who was in command,
brought in the news of the British advance, and in consequence
de Bourlamaque, at five in the evening, sent out a detachment
of three hundred men, under the orders of captain Tr^pezet,
to observe the enemy, and, if possible, to oppose the landing.
On the approach of the armament, de Bourlamaque, seeing
that with his force he would make no efficient resistance to
Abercrombie, abandoned his position, and retreated upon
Montcalm. Upon learning the strength of the British force,
Montcalm passed over to the left bank of the river, and took
ground at the new intrenchment, destroying the bridge in
his march.
-abvGoO»^lc
164 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['758
In the morning Tr^pezet sent for orders ; his messenger
was taken prisoner, and did not return. Thus left to act as
he best could, he endeavoured to join the main body, but in
his march he found that the British columns had crossed his
h'ne of communication. He was without a guide, his Indians
having abandoned him, and he lost his way.
It was under these circumstances that the landing of the
British force had been made without opposition. The troops
were immediately formed into four columns, the regulars in
the centre, the provincials on the flanks.
A strong force was sent on to the carrying-place at the
head of the rapids, where the French advance posts, composed
of one battalion, had been established in a camp intrenched
by a barricade of logs. The camp was deserted. The French
had set it on fire, and endeavoured to destroy it. The attempt
was imperfectly carried out, and many articles belonging to
them had been left uninjured. One prisoner and a dead man
were found in the camp.
The main body of the force advanced to the west of the
small river through the woods, with the view of marching
against the French position. The forest was filled with heavy
timber and the brushwood was exceedingly thick, so that the
passage of so large a body of men became very difllicult, and
the columns consequently were disoi^anized.
It was from this rapidity of movement of Abercrombie that
the return of the French party was impeded. The advance
guard of the British came unexpectedly upon them, it was the
right centre column headed by lord Howe. There was an
interchange of shots. Four only of the British force fell,
among them lord Howe. The French, outnumbered, were
immediately dispersed. They suffered severely : forty or fifty
were killed, one hundred and forty-eight taken prisoners,
among whom were five officers and three cadets. A mere
remnant of the force only rejoined the main body.
The death of lord Howe was felt in every rank of the army.
Abercrombie, even in his official report, speaks of the grief and
-abvGoO»^lc
i;S8] DEATH OF LORD HOWE. 165
consternation his fate called forth.* His character was much
that of Wolfe. He was an ardent student of military science,
and had the faculty of identifying himself with all ranks. He
was particularly careful in showing consideration to the
provincial officers. In social life his charm of manner was
everywhere felt No name is more affectionately remembered
at this date in the United States. His reputation has survived
him. Massachusetts, not forward in the admiration of
imperial officers, erected a tablet to his memory in the south
aisle of the nave in Westminster Abbey. He possessed rare
qualities, he was the soul of personal honour and truth, and
the first thought of his life was unselfishly and chivalrously to
fulfil his ob ligations. f
The news of his death reached Louisbourg in August,
Wolfe wrote to his uncle, J that by his death there was an end
of the expedition, for he was the spirit of the army, and the
very best officer in the king's service. On two or three occa-
sions in his correspondence this opinion is repeated.
I cannot myself see, that had he lived there would have been
any change in the result of the day. This opinion has,
however, been advanced by writers who command respect
The fault lay in the composition of the force, as I have pointed
out, being unprovided with artillery. It is difficult to under-
stand how the order of attack would have been different,
unless it had been determined thaf'none should be made ; in
• C«n. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 87.2, p. 3o6.
t George Aupiatns Howe, third viscount in the peerage of IreUnd. His body
WIS taken to Albany and buried. Abercrambie wiote : " I caused hil body to
be taken off the fitid of battle and sent to Albany, with a design to have it
embalmed and sent home, if his lordship's relatioos had approved of it, but the
weather being very hot, Brigadier Slanwix was obliged to liave it buried." The
monument in Westminster Abbey has the following inscription : " The Province
t>r Massachusetts Bay, in New England, by an order of the great and genera,!
Court, bearing date February ist, 1759. caused this Monument to be erected to
the tnemoty of George, Lord Viscount Howe, Brigadier General of his Majesly'i
forces in North America, who was slaiti July 6th, 1758, on his march to Ticon-
deroga, in the 34th year of his age : in testimony of the sense they had of his
services and military virtues, and of the affection their officers and soldiers bOTe
to bis command."
; Wright, p. 448.
-awGoOi^lc
l66 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['758
Other words, that nothing should be done. It is not possible
to form any such opinion.
It has been stated that Howe had been sent out specially to
influence and to control Abercrombie. It is a view not war-
ranted by facts. Howe was colonel of the 5Sth, In the
autumn of 1757, before-Pitt was in power as chief minister,
he was in command at Schenectady, when de Bellaitre
attacked the palatine settlement. Lord Loudoun was then
commanding-in-chief. On the recall of the latter, Aber-
crombie assumed the command in March, 1758. There is
nothing to shew that lord Howe had any duty assigned him
beyond his position as brigadier ; as an ofllicer of his rank.
Montcalm's force consisted of 2,900 regulars and 600 of the
colonial corps. The fort, narrow in its accommodation, was
incomplete ; the stock of provisions was limited. As a sci-
entific soldier, Montcalm could not have contemplated that
the advance of a British force would be made without artillery,
and the means of carrying on the siege. In his judgment, the
occupation of the fort would have subjected him to the fate of
William Henry of the previous year ; cut off from his com-
munications, when his provisions had been exhausted, he
would have had no alternative but that of surrender. At one
time he contemplated the abandonment of the position, and
retreating to Crown Point ; the course pursued the following
year on the advance of Amherst with a force of less strength
than that of Abercrombie. Correctly judging the depressing
consequences of so acting, he determined resolutely to make
a stand, and to fight where he was. It was the resolution of
desperation. Of the two courses open to him, he took the
boldest r from the bad generalship of his opponent, in attempt-
ing an assault uiisustained by artillery, it proved the safest.
The intrenchments can still be distinctly traced, and the
spot where the struggle took place is easily recognizable.
The present earth works, however, were of subsequent erec-
tion. The ground is of a higher level than the adjoining
plain, a mamelon without being a pronounced escarpment
It is distant about 3,500 English feet * or so from the fort.
* 550 French loises.
-abvG00»^lc
1758] THE ABATIS. 167
The southern lines are about 500 feet from the river, which
quietly flows beside it towards lake Champlain. In that
direction there is a more rugged, abrupt descent. The
intrenchments were protected at this place by a battery of
six cannon. The whole ground was surrounded by an in-
trenchment of about eight feet in length, laid out in the form
of bastions. It was formed of fallen trees, squared, so that
they could be placed one on the other, pinned into position ;
a defence sufficient to protect those behind it from musket
shot, but which a few discharges of cannon would have rapidly
destroyed. The main defence lay in the mass of fallen trees
placed in front, with their slighter branches cut off ; the larger
were pointed, and placed outwards. Row succeeded row
of these "abatis," so that their removal, even under ordinary
circumstances, would have been a work of immense labour.
Under a heavy continuous fire, they impeded all advance. It
was impossible to penetrate them ; they were a series of
gigantic ckevaux de frise. The arrangement for the supply of
water and provisions had been prudently carried out.
The British force bivouacked on the night of the 6th in the
woods where they then were ; the greater part of them under
arms. On the morning of the 7th they were much fatigued.
They had been in the boats during the night of the sth until
early in the morning of the 6th, when they landed. They
had been on their feet for the whole period since that hour.
Several of the men likewise, in the difficulty of moving through
the forest, had thrown away the provisions they were carrying.
Under these circumstances it was considered advisable to
return to the landing-place, at which the troops arrived at
eight o'clock in the morning.
About eleven, Bradstreet was sent olT with the 44th regi-
ment, six companies of royal Americans, the bateau men and
some rangers, and a regiment of provincials to take possession
of the saw mill. He found the bridge destroyed ; accordingly
Bradstreet, with the readiness and efficiency for which he was
distinguished, replaced it by a new structure, so the stream
could be crossed, and the left bank of the river reached, on
-abvGoO»^lc
l68 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
which the intrenchment was situated. On Bradstreet sending
a report of his proceedings, Abercrombie moved up the force,
and established himself on the night of the 7th at this place.
The information obtained from the prisoners led Abercrombie
to believe that Montcalm was intrenched with eight battalions,
some colonial troops and Canadian militia, amounting in all to
6/xxJ men, and that de L.ivis was hourly expected with a
reinforcement of 3,000 men. He accordingly drew the infer-
ence that it was important for the attack to be made before
the arrival of de L^vis. He was but a short distance from the
intrenchment and there was no reason to defer his advance if
it was expedient to make it
Early on the morning of the 8th, Mr, Clerk, the engineer,
was sent across the river to ascend the high ground on the
opposite bank, known as Rattle-snake hill, to reconnoitre the
enemy's intrenchments. This engineer officer was simply a
lieutenant of the 27th infantry, in the casualties of which
regiment his name appears as the one officer killed ;• he must
have been a young man for he had not a year's service-f This
fact will give some idea of the imperfect constitution of the
expedition. The regiments, numerous and well disciplined,
behaved with gallantry, as the unfortunate consequence of the
attack attested ; but the engineer was a subaltern, without
experience, and there were no guns. Clerk reported that the
works were incomplete, and that if attacked before they were
finished it was practicable to carry them. It was resolved to
storm them without delay.
It is difficult to see that the presence of lord Howe would
have changed matters. It was too late to repair the original
imperfection of the force. The fire of guns, concentrated
on a narrow limit, would have shattered the abatis and have
made a practicable breach; moreover, the open intrenchments
themselves being shelled would have become untenable.
* In the first statement the engineer officer is reported as wounded. Tbe
infeience is he died from his wounds.
t Malhew Clerk, commissioned snb-engineer and lieutenant the 4th of
January, 1758.
-abvG00»^lc
I7S8] THE ATTACK. 169
As a contemporary French writer remarks: "If Mr. Aber-
crombie had advanced his artillery at the head of his columns,
the effect alone of the splinters carried about from the trees
would have gained him the victory."" There was no such
provision, and it was resolved to storm the intrenchment with
the bayonet
The French had been encouraged on the night of the 7th
by the arrival of de L^vis. On the 28th of June de Vaudreuil
had been informed by Montcalm of the threatened movement ;
he immediately ordered de L^vis to sustain Montcalm with
what troops he could bring together. A detachment of his
force detailed for the west was already en route, and had
reached Lachine ; they were recalled. On the 4th of July de
L^vis left with de S^nerzergue and 400 men. With all the
despatch which he could use, he was only able to reach
Ticonderoga on the night of the 7th and 8th. No arrival
could have been more welcome. The confidence felt in his
character added to the courage of the defenders ; and the
reinforcement, though small, increased their confidence- De
L^vis joined Montcalm in council as to the distribution of the
troops. He was placed in command of the right defence of
the camp t although exposed during the four hours of the
attack, he came out of it uninjured ; two balls, however,
passed through his military cap. De Bourlamaque, who was
placed in charge of the left, was severely wounded. Montcalm
retained the chief command in the centre.
Abercrombie, having resolved upon the attack, made his
dispositions to carry it out. The rangers, the light infantry
and the right wing of the provincials were ordered out of
cannon shot, and to form line in rear of the attacking column,
their right towards lake George, so that the columns could
reform in their rear. Abercrombie massed the regular troops
in three columns, and it was to them that the duty of storm-
ing the intrenchments was assigned. The order was given to
■ " si M. Abercromby ellt feil porler de i'flrtillerie k la lete de ses colonnes le
scul effel d« fcUti des arbres Ini enl fait remporter ta victorie." Uemoiret depuU
'749'i''i<iue^ 1760, p. III.
-abvG00»^lc
170 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l7S8
march briskly, to rush upon the enemy, and not to fire until
within the breastworks. They reached the abatis to discover
that they could make no further progress ; they became
entangled in the labyrinth of branches, and as they endeav-
oured to clear away the fallen trees were shot down. The light
infantry with the rangers and bateau men skirmished from
the vef^e of the small clearing, and kept up a fire upon the
intrenchment. The storming parties again and again advanced,
and in the fruitless attempt to make their way through the
abatis not only failed, in their efforts, but suffered severely
from the fire poured into them. These attacks commenced at
half past twelve, and were repeated for four hours until nearly
five. The French relate that some sorties were made with the
design of reaching the rear of the attacking columns. They
were without importance and had no influence on the action.
The loss of the British was experienced in the vain attempt to
penetrate the abatis.
Some barges had been brought over the portage and placed
upon the river below the rapids, from which an attack on the
escarpment was commenced. There were twenty boats so
engaged. Two were immediately shattered by the guns in
position so the attempt was discontinued and those engaged
in it retired. The Canadians who were stationed at this part
of the defence were not again assailed, and their fire was
directed against the attacking columns.
The losses of the regular troops show the courage and
determination with which the assault was made, and its four
hours' duration is an equal proof of the tenacity of purpose
with which it was persevered in. Finally, the fact became
recognized that it was an impossibility to enter for any distance
within the thicket of this defence under the fire of thirty-six
hundred men, whatever the force sent forward to make the
attempt The long continuance of the fight and the heavy
losses furnished the painful proof that no success could be
hoped for, and the order was given for the columns to retire.
These repeated attacks, in every way failing in the result
sought, cannot be placed on record without great blame being
-abvG00»^lc
1758] THE REPULSE. I71
cast upon the capacity of Abercrombie. One element of
generalship is surely to judge what is practicable and possible :
whether the non-attainment of a purpose is the consequence
of want of conduct of those attempting it, or that the object is
in itself unattainable. In this emergency the sense and
capacity of lord Howe might have been successfully exercised.
If, however, he made no expostulation regarding the con-
stitution of the expedition, and the evidence is against the
supposition, he might, with Abercrombie, have been unable
to understand how futile the attempt was, whatever the gal-
lantry with which it was made, until conviction had been
forced upon him by the shattered condition of the repulsed
battalions. As Abercrombie is alone responsible for per-
severance in the attack, the censure of its continuance must
rest upon his memory, Had he, with the eye of a general,
early discovered the wealtness of the assault against the
opposition to be overcome, his remedy was easy of attain-
ment His overpowering force against Montcalm was weak
in the one element of artillery. He was in command of the
lake. His line of communication was perfectly free from even
a prospect of interruption, and his supply of provisions was
sufficient. Had he early in the day withdrawn his force, and
intrenched himself within easy reach of the lake, and sent
messengers to fort Edward for artillery to be forwarded night
and day until it should reach him, he could in a few hours
have advanced to the attack to cannonade an opening by
which the intrenchment could have been stormed. The neglect
of this course is the capital fault of Abercrombie ; not that on
the following day after his heavy losses with his dispirited
battalions he did not recommence his most unwisely con-
ceived attack, again to experience a repulse, and to meet losses
possibly increased in magnitude.
When the retreat was determined, it was orderly and well
conducted. The light infantry and rangers were formed to
cover the march of the main body, and the skirmishing was
continued until half past seven when they themselves retired.
Early in the morning of the 8th sir William Johnson arrived
-abvGoO»^lc
172 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
with three hundred Indians. They posted themselves on
Rattle-snake hill, whence, from time to time, they fired a volley.
Otherwise they took no part in the action, and in the evening
they withdrew.
The troops retreated to the saw mills where the head-
quarters had been established and a provincial regiment had
been left The wounded, as they were collected on the battle-
field, were sent to this spot They were now carried to the
landing-place and placed in the boats. As they amounted to
1,357 in number it would not be surprising that some of those
who suffered severely had been left unattended to in the belief
that they were dead. Some few may have fallen in inaccessible
spots and could not be recovered. In a subsequent corres-
pondence Montcalm informed Abercrombie that thirty-four
wounded prisoners only had been taken after the attack and
had been sent to Montreal.*
The main body bivouacked at the saw mill. Early on the
morning of the 9th the main body marched to the landing-
place and embarked to return to William Henry. These dates
entirely destroy the narrative of a precipitate and disorderly
retreat. When the head of the lake was reached, the wounded
who could be removed were taken to Albany.
No attempt was made on the part of the French to interfere
with the embarkation of the British troops. They indeed
looked forward to the recommencement of the attack on the
following day, and they passed the night in strengthening
their position and in cleaning their arms. Their loss was 14
officers and 92 rank and file killed, with 18 officers and 248
wounded, being 106 killed and 266 wounded, the total hors de
combat being 372.
On the loth de L^vis advanced to the saw mill, and satisfied
himself that no enemy was present ; the British force was
entirely re-embarked, and had reascended the lake. He
speaks of the traces of a hasty retreat ; but all he specifies of
the stores left behind is some quarters of flour, which had been
thrown into the lake, which he was successful in obtaining
• Can. Arch., Series A. & W, I., 87.2, p. 213.
-abvG00»^lc
1758] THE BRITISH LOSS. 173
On the I ith the French buried the dead. De Livis represents
them as 8cx> in number; the real number was 551. He
estimated the British loss at 4,000 ; in reality it was 1,945.*
United States writers have been lavish in blame on Aber-
crombie, and have endeavoured to cover his name with
ridicule, for the reason that, with his preponderating force, he
did not renew the fight in the morning. Abercrombie
believed that he had been opposed by 6,000 troops, and that
a reinforcement of 3,000 men was hourly expected., The
* The following is the official deUil of the killed and wounded in the repulse
of the 8th of July. [Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 87.1. p. 213.]
Regulan. " Orti«n- — - — .— h — — Bank and File.- — .. Tcml.
zjth, Blakeney's
42nd, Lord John Mumfs . . 7
44th, Abercrombie's I
46th, Thomas Murray's 8
55th, Lord Howe's 5
60th, 1st Battalion i
" 4lh " Prevost's. i
Light Infantry I
Rangers
69 438 87 1049
Colonel Preble's. . . ,
'• Ruggle's...
" Williams'...
" Doty
New Vorlt
New Jersey
Colonel Babcock.. . .
" Fitch
" Wooster...
" Partridee...
Grand total, 34
n 1086 strong ; they therefore proximately lost every
-abvG00»^lc
174 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['758
losses had amounted to nearly 2,000 men, so the strength of
his army was 1 3,500: a formidable body of troops, in itself also
an argument to shew that the retreat was in no way precipi-
tate. The repulse of the 8th, however, had clearly established
the fault of Abercrombie in commencing the campaign without
proper preparation. There was no error as to the disposition
of the forces for storming the intrenchments ; the gallantry
with which the attempt had been made was unquestionable.
An assault which lasted four hours, during which 2,000
men had been placed hors de combat, could not be considered
to have failed for want of courage and conduct. The attempt
had been made as resolutely as soldiers could make it, and its
failure had established that the impediments to be overcome
were insuperable. To have repeated the attack on the follow-
ing day would have been to court a similar disaster, with the
additional risk that the French might have become the
assailants, and the British army have greatly suffered. Had
Abercrombie shewn half as good generalship in the organiza-
tion of his force as, when recognizing the impossibility of
success, he ordered a retreat, there would be no such unfor-
tunate chapter in the records of British history. The fact is
that the strength of the abatis had been not only underrated,
but its character was unknown. A repetition of the attempt,
to force them, would have been little short of madness; never-
theless, the French looked for the renewal of the attack, and
when the scouts brought the news that the British force had
departed, it seemed to the French that a miracle had been
wrought in their behalf.*
An incident happened during the attack, which is testified
to by an eye-witness-f A captain of the Royal Rousillon,
■ The profound sensalion caused by this repulse throughoul Ihe army was
]>ainful to Ihe last degree. Forbes at the time wrole to Bouquet, 23rd July,
[Can. Arch., A. & \V. I., p. 157.] " I send jrou enclosed a melancholy list of
our killed and wounded at this very, very sad affair." Wolfe wrote 10 Rickson
on his return to England months after the event, 1st Dec, 175S : "This defeat
at Ticonderoga seemed to slupify us that were al Louis bourg." Indeed, it appeared
inexplicable as it remains lo-day, unless we accept ihe cause as stated in the text
(o be Ihe absence of artillery.
+ Pouchot, I., p. 113.
-abvG00»^lc
I7S8] POUCHOT. I7S
having placed a red flag at the end of a musket, waved it
towards the British column. It has been represented that it
was done without design, as a freak of the moment, but it
was attended with serious consequences. It was accepted by
the British as a signal for surrender. Accordingly, they
advanced, holding their guns in the air and crosswise on their
breasts as a proof of peaceful intention. The French troops
regarded the proceeding as an abandonment of the attack,
and as a desire to be received within the intrenchment as
prisoners. The firing, accordingly, ceased on both sides, and
the men placed themselves along the intrenchment to wait for
the British to come in. One of the officers, M, de Fontbonne,
called to his company to tell the men to drop their arms and
they would be received. Pouchot, who had been temporarily
absent, returned at this crisis, and, judging the situation differ-
ently, calling out " Don't you see that these men will take
you?" ordered them to fire. The French, consequently, fired
a volley which, according to Pouchot, placed from two to
three hundred of the advancing column hors de combat. The
French were reproached at the time as having been guilty of
an unpardonable want of military conduct.* There does not
appear to have been any deliberate breach of good faith on the
part of the French, and it may be accepted in the form it is
narrated. It was a crisis in the event of the day ; had the
men of the column obtained a footing within the intrenchment
the probability is that they would have held their ground.
All that Pouchot can describe as having been gathered from
the retreat, is 500 pairs of shoes and buckles left behind in the
boggy ground, with 700 quarters of meal taken from the lake
in which it had been thrown. Lord Mahon magnifies this
statement as many boat loads of provisions.-f- Smollett tells us
that Abercrombie's attack " was condemned as rash and his
retreat as pusillanimous" : \ a question of his generalship, not
of a disorderly retreat.
* Entick.v, III., p. 257, gives an account of the incident inamannerunravoui-
able 10 the French.
+ History of England, IV., p, 136.
; Chap. 19, 7,
-abvG00»^lc
1/6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
The facts related clearly establish that Abercrombie with-
drew from the attack without interference from the French,
and that with deliberation he took the steps which he conceived
necessary to his own safety. It is not impossible that he may
have contemplated the renewal of the assault, but better
counsel eventually prevailed. The embarkation of the troops
on the morning of the 9th was conducted in a regular and
orderly manner. The troops were in no way demoralized, and
they retreated up the lake with the same discipline with which
they had advanced to the attack, however depressed they may
have been in spirit.
It would be difficult to find any writer of military history,
received as an authority, who can recognize the wisdom of the
proposition that Abercrombie should have abandoned his basis
of operation at the head of the lake, sacrificing the advantages
of being within reach of his supplies, without the slightest
improvement in his position, to occupy^ spot difiiicuit of access.
To have abandoned his lines of communication would have
been madness. The argument has been advanced that
Abercrombie could have looked for the immediate arrival of
Amherst. Those who so write must be ignorant of the fact
that the capitulation of Louisbourg took place nineteen days
after Abercrombie's repulse ; indeed it was only known to
Abercrombie on the 28th of August.* Whatever the first
fault of Abercrombie, after the repulse he acted with judgment,
and his conduct is beyond reproach.
The news of the disaster on reaching England on all sides
caused great emotion. Pitt was greatly depressed. The fact is
plain by the letters written him by Bute and George Grenville.
Bute wrote that the troops had done their duty, and that to
him might be attributed the revival of the courage which had
cost some brave lives. George Grenville endeavoured to com-
fort him by the reflection that although this misfortune must
be sensibly felt, affairs still had a promising aspectf
• Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 87.1, p. 355.
t Chuham correspondence, I., p. 335.
-abyG00»^lc
1758] COLONEL NICHOLS.
CHAPTER III.
No advantage was gained by the French from the repulse
of the British at Ticonderoga. Abercrombie continued to
hold his position at the head of the lake, which he fortified.
His force was so large that it was inconceivable to the French
that he should remain passive and defensive. He constructed
a sloop, armed with six guns, for cruising on lakeGeorge, and to
watch any movement from Ticonderoga. The French generals
believed that Abercrombie would revisit them. Montcalm
described himself as threatened with a second attack, and
wrote that the only thought of the French was the protection
of that side of the frontier during the campaign."
One duty was imposed on Abercrombie, to safeguard the
convoys, for much activity was shewn by the French in their
incursions. The Massachusetts' regiment of colonel Nichols
was placed at Half-way brook, specially charged with the duty
of sending out scouting parties ; his instructions were imme-
diately to notify Abercrombie at the lake of any trace of the
enemy's approach. Nichols so badly fulfilled his duty, that a
party often were attacked near the post, nine of whom were
scalped ; one escaped to give notice of the attack. A detach-
ment was turned out in pursuit, and came up with the enemy.
The men are reported to have behaved badly, and to have
deserted their officers, who in vain appealed to them to follow
them to the attack. Of the officers three captains, two lieu-
tenants, and one ensign were kitted ; of the men nine privates
and two non-commissioned officers ; three were wounded,
seven missing. Abercrombie heard of the affair too late to
send out a reinforcement ; Nichols, however, was relieved
• Montcsim to deCremille, Carillon, list October, t7s8 {N.Y. Doc., X., p.
885]; alio de Bougainville to the same, lb., p. 8ES. De Cremille had been
appoinled minister of wac in connection with de Betle-Iile in April, 1758.
-abvG00»^lc
178 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
from his post, and replaced by 200 regulars, with some
rangers and provincials.*
A colonel Hart, of New Hampshire, does not figure credi-
tably in the records of the time. On the day of his arrival at
fort Edward, the 27th of July, he was called upon to convoy
thirty ox teams with provisions on the following morning.
He excused himself, on the ground that his men had marched
the preceding day, and were greatly fatigued, as the extent of
this depressing effort had been sixteen miles the reply
attracted attention unfavourable to him. The teams were dis-
patched with an escort of 170 men ; they had gone about
half way to the brook, when they were attacked by 300
Canadians and Indians. Several of the escort were killed,
several taken prisoners in the surprise and the petty skirmish
which followed.
A system of signals had been established, by which these
attacks could be made known, when assistance was required, so
that a force to support any detachment in difficulty could be
sent out On the concerted signal being heard, colonel Hart
was ordered to go to the assistance of the escort. He came
upon the scene of the attack to find that the cattle had been
killed, the teams rendered useless, and much of the provisions
scattered about. Many of the Canadian party had freely
partaken of the liquor they had captured. The fact was after-
wards known, that several of them were incapable of resistance,
and with resolute men against them they might have been
cut to pieces and destroyed. Hart refused to follow on the
trace of the enemy ; he would go no further, and the Canadian
detachment escaped with their spoil and their prisoners.
Hart's conduct was universally condemned. He was subse-
quently tried by a court-martial- of provincial officers, of
which colonel Schuyler was president.
On hearing of the affair, Abercrombie sent out a party of
700 men, under Rogers, with instructions to intercept the
French at a narrow pass at Wood's creek. They left at two
in the morning. A further detachment of i,ooo men followed,
■ Can. Arch., Serie* A. & W. I., 87,8, p. 297,
-abvG00»^lc
1758] THE SKIRMISH. 179
under Haviland, to cover them. Haviland returned with the
report that Rogers and his party, in spite of their diligence in
reaching the place, were two hours too late in their attempt to
intercept the French.
As it was evident that there were parties in the field from
Ticonderi^a actively watching every opportunity to attack
detachments, when not_of sufficient strength to resist them,
Rogers, with a force of the rangers, major Putnam, and
some Connecticut men, and a wing of the light infantry
under captain Dalzell, in all about 700, was ordered to sweep
round the country and come out at fort Edward. The de-
tachment took post at South bay, but failed to intercept any
of the enemy ; but on the 8th of August they came up with a
party of Canadians and Indians, under Marin, of about 450
in number. Marin had received information of the presence
of Rogers in the field, and not knowing the strength of his
force, determined to intercept him. He had heard shots in
the morning, and placed himself in ambush within two miles
of fort Anne. The Connecticut regiment was in front,
followed by the light infantry, the rear being brought up by
the rangers, with Rogers. Owing to the difficulty of move-
ment through the thick bush, the line of march was straggling,
and the French force, having chosen their ground, had the
advantage of surprise and their masked position. Putnam,
who was in front, before he was aware of any attack was seized
by some Indians ; an officer and three men who were near
him were likewise surprised. The Connecticut men fell
back until the light infantry and the rangers could come
to their help. After a fight of two hours, the French gave
way and retreated, carrying away their prisoners. It was at
this critical moment that Putnam's absence was felL He had
been missed early in the fight ; his corps amounted to nearly
half the force, and there was nobody to command it, one of the
lieutenants being absent. It was the more unfortunate, as the
men had been Putnam's own selection, and they could not be
collected to pursue the French force. The loss on the British
side was forty-nine killed. They were buried where they fell;
-abvGoO»^lc
l8o THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
the wounded were taken on Utters to fort Edward. Abcr-
crombie reports the loss of the French at 1 50 killed : only two
prisoners were taken. Many were scalped. The scalps were
numbered by Abercrombie as fifty-six, fifteen of which were
Indians. A party was sent from fort Edward to bury the
French dead, and it is to be presumed that it was from this
source that the official number was given. Rogers was highly
spoken of by Abercrombie for his " great calmness and officer-
like conduct." *
Abercrombie learned from the prisoners taken that most of
the regular troops in Canada were still at Ticonderoga. They
consisted of eight battalions of 500 men each, some colonial
troops and Canadian militia, with 600 Indians, making a total
of 13,000 men. The fact was corroborated by some deserters
and by some prisoners who had made their escape. Fresh
intrenchments with new batteries, had been added, and the
defence of the abatis generally increased. The fort had been
strengthened. A strong force was placed at the head of the
portage and at the saw mills, and strong intrenchments
thrown up at the landing place to oppose any attempted
disembarkation.
If the failure at Ticonderoga had proved dispiriting to the
British provinces, and had created fears of an invasion qf
northern New York, the French were equally perplexed as to
the designs of Abercrombie. The large British force which
remained at the head of lake George, and the active prepara-
tions which were known to be continued, were interpreted by
the French as the design to recommence the attack under
different and more favourable conditions. Accordingly, the
concentration of the French force was continued at Carillon,
and the paralyzing influence of this uncertainty was the cause
that all other operations were neglected. The projected expe-
dition to the Mohawk under de L^vis was abandoned. The
detachment detailed to ascend the Saint Lawrence, which had
been stopped at Lachine, was not replaced : thus fort Fron-
tenac remained imperfectly garrisoned. The French, however,
felt that their possession of lake Ontario was unassailable.
* Can. Arch., Seriu A. & W. I., 87.3, pp. 304-6, \yi\i August.
-abvG00»^lc
'7S8] WINTER QUARTERS. l8l
On hearing of the arrival of Amherst in Halifax, Aber-
atimbte informed him of the disaster at Carillon, and asked
that, if active operations were not to be carried on in the east,
troops might be sent to Albany by the way of New York.
The letter did not reach Amherst, for he had left Halifax for
^ton. The troops landed at Boston, and marched overland
'fom Albany. They disembarked on the 13th of September;
they commenced their march on the i sth, and reached Albany
on the 3rd of October.
The lesson which Abercrombie had received had taught him
•he necessity of obtaining artillery. In a letter to Amherst
he stated his great need in this respect, the guns having
™n taken to accompany Loudoun's expedition. He likewise
asked for engineer officers. He set forth these requirements,
lot in the view of, any aggressive movement, but as necessary
to the defence of the territory from lake George to the
Wudson ; and on the Mohawk to the carrj'ing-place. Aber-
^fombie had formed the opinion that any attempt upon Ticon-
oeroga could only be undertaken with greater preparation, and
1"^* the place must be approached in a regular siege, and with
"•^'plined artillery under competent engineers : moreover,
^' the operations would require more time than the season
° the year would admit before the approach of winter. He
""^^ still the general- in-chief, and he directed Amherst to
^*ve his command with the senior officer, and proceed to
^^ George, to discuss the course to be followed. Amherst
*^iVed on the sth of October ; a council was held, at which
"^Sa-dier Gage was present, when it was determined that the
^ '^^nnpt should not be repeated that year. The troops lately
*'''^Wed were accordingly placed in quarters opposite to Albany,
'Wd Amherst again went eastward.
An event, however, had taken place, which, although not
attended by the renown which gratifies and flatters national
pride, nevertheless achieved important political results,and was
indirectly the cause of more important consequences. Indeed,
it may be named as the first step towards the entire destruction
' Can. Arch., Series A, ft W. I., Sy.i, p. 381.
-abvG00»^lc
l82 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
of French power in the west and on the lakes. It must ever
be a matter of surprise that the French left the important fort
of Cataraqui or Frontcnac so perfectly unprotected, and that its
value as a depot for the west, at the foot of the lakes, did not
suggest its protection, so that it could resist an ord inary attack
until relief could be sent. Its value in all respects was known,
even for aggressive purposes. It had been the starting point
of Montcalm's attack on Oswego, and it had been selected as
the place of assembly for the projected expedition of de Levis
to the Mohawk river: it was the point from which the
reinforcements, with provisions and stores, could be most
advantageously despatched to Detroit and to the Ohio: it
was the magazine where the provisions could be best collected
to be sent in schooners to Niagara, or by canoes to lake Erie
From its central position it conferred great advantages ; indeed,
it was the first fortified place above Montreal ; la Presentation,
or Ogdcnsburg, being merely a mission with its Indian village.
In the autumn of 1757 Bradstreet had proposed to Loudoun
to attempt the conquest, but the proposition was not enter-
tained. After the repulse from Ticonderoga Bradstreet again
submitted the offer to Abercrombie. In the depressed con-
dition of the army, and owing to the many attacks of the
French parties from the head of lake Champlain, in which the
convoys suffered loss, Abercrombie was ready to welcome
any movement which promised to cast a gleam of good fortune
upon the British arms. Peisonally, he had full confidence in
Bradstreet, which had been called forth by his unexceptionable
conduct. As it was necessary to determine the strength of
the several garrisons for the rest of the year, at the time
Bradstreet advocated the expedition Abercrombie agreed to
place 3,000 men at his disposal for the attempt. Bradstreet*
proceeded to the Oneida carrying- place to complete the
organization. General Stanwix was there in command,
engaged in the construction of the fort which bore his name.
The expedition did not immediately promise success. Aber-
crombie wrote to Pitt on the igthof August* that he had heard
• Can. Arch., Series A, i: \V. I., 87.8, p. 308,
-abvG00»^lc
-awGoOi^lc
Skeleton Map
allowing thm
comwdum
•f
Lake Ontario K^River Saint L
wiA At
River Sudson and Lake Chamj-
DiqitizeabyC )0»^|C
I7S8] BRADSTREET. 183
from Stanwix that Bradstreet's force had been greatly reduced
by sickness and desertion : nevertheless that the latter had said
if " the Numbers be reduced so low that we cannot malte out
above 1,000 men fitt to proceed to Lake Ontario with them,
I will do my best." As Abercrombie heard that there was
little opposition to be met, he communicated the information to
Bradstreet through Stanwix, at the same time adding that he
did not mean to encourage the undertaking, unless Bradstreet
himself thought it practicable. On the 20th Stanwix reported
that Bradstreet had started • and had reached Oswego, and
that the force was about to embark on lake Ontario. On
September the 8th he heard that the place had been taken.
The news came in the form of a private letter, but the
particulars were so circumstantial that they could not be
doubted. Two days later Bradstreet's report arrived.-f- The
narrative is brief He landed on the 25th of August, about six
in the afternoon. That night the men lay under arms. Next
morning they placed their cannon in position within 400 feet
from the fort As little damage was effected, it was resolved to
make a nearer approach, and the guns remained silent for the
rest of the day. At night, possession was taken of an old
" The following is ihe detail of Bradstreet's force as il is given in the slale
of the isth of August, 1758. [Series A. & W. I., 87.2, p. 370.]
Royal artillery 3 24
Regular troops.,,. 8 146
Col. Williams' battalion 19 . 415
" Dotj's 10 132
" de Lancey's 38 1055
" Johnson's 16 389
Babcock's. 24 293
Rangers i 60
119 2.614
Sa/tauratn 300
Indians 70
Total 2,984
i The letter was addressed by lieutenant Arch. McAuley to captain Horatio
Gates. [Can. Arch., A, & W, 1., 87.2, p. 372.] Bradstreet's despatch is dated
3i« August, Oswego. [lb. 87.2, p. 374.]
-abvG00»^lc
l84 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
intrenchment close to the fort, from which at daybreak the fire
was opened. It was so effective that at seven the surrender
was made. There were about one hundred and ten men in the
garrison, besides women and children. Nine vessels armed
with from nine to eighteen guns, were taken, seven of them
were burned, with the fort, and its contents which could
not be removed. Sixty pieces of artillery were found in the
fort with a great quantity of stores and goods. Fourteen of
the besiegers were wounded, none were killed. There were
seven Indians in the fort who made their escape. Much of the
provisions and stores and most of the goods were destined for
the posts on the Ohio. It was admitted by the prisoners that
the seizure of these stores would greatly embarrass the western
forts. The destruction of the vessels left the French without
a single ship on lake Ontario.
The garrison surrendered as prisoners of war, to be ex-
changed for equal numbers with the observance of rank.
Bradstreet's first intention was to have taken them to Albany ;
he however considered it more advisable to allow them to
proceed to Montreal on parole, the exchanges to be sent to
lake George.
Abercrombie subsequently stated that at least 800,000 livres
worth of booty had been taken. It consisted of furs, and
goods for trade with the Indians, and to be delivered to them
as presents. They were distributed in equal proportions
among the men ; Bradstreet in no way reserved a share for
himself, or in the least obtained material profit from the trans-
action. The vessels in which he brought them to Oswego
were burned ; the guns and powder taken by him were
delivered at fort Stanwix.*
The French commandant was M. Noyan :f among the
• Can. Arch., Series A. Si W. I., 87.1., p. 391.
+ The coitimandant de Payan de Noyan, of an ancient Normandy famil]', was
lieutmaiit ilt toy at TTiree Riven, The post at Frontenac had been given him
that he mighl belter his fortunes, which were in a bad condition, for the position
had been looked upon as below his merit. He was a man of much culture, fond
of science, and had included medicine in his studies ; he was a poet, and his veri
di soticli, often having the piquancy of ill-natured satire, had created for him
-awGoOi^lc
I7S8] FORT FRONTENAC. 185
ladies were Mde. du Vivier and Mde, Barillon. The prisoners
taken were eventually exchanged for colonel Schuyler and
others, who reached fort Edward under a flag of truce.
The importance of fort Frontenac was well known to the
French officers: a contemporary writer describes its destruction
as of greater injury to the colony than the loss of a battle.*
The danger had in vain been represented to de Vaudreuil.
With the Canadians of the colony, he believed that the British
were without the strength, or the courage to attack this part of
the territory. The news, therefore, that Bradstreet had landed
caused great feeling in Montreal ; at the same time, much
irresolution was felt as to the course to be taken. Finally, de
Vaudreuil despatched Duplessis, major of Montreal, with
many enemies. He nts ihen sixiy-eight. Age bad brought wiih il some physical
inlirniiiy, but the keenness of his intellect vas unimpaired. He had seen
de LoDgueuil when on his Indian mission, and he had learned from him that the
fort might be attacked. De Longueuil had promised lo represent the fact to
■de Vaudreuil, and had left with de Noyan, a member of his stafT of some ability,
to aid de Noyan in his transactions with the Indians. Several ot the Oneidas,
seeing the preparations at fort Slanwii, had also given notice ot the proposed
a.ltBck. In this certainly of being assailed without means of defence, de Noyan
iti^ntly pces&ed de Vaudreuil to [cinfotce the garrison. All (hat de Vaudreuil
would do was to send up a single man, d'Imon la Ptanle, full of courage, but
without talent and eiperience, with one aim, disabled. On no assistance being
sent lo de Noyan, in conformity with his earnest demands, correctly judging the
situalion, he asked to be relieved from the fort, preferring that the surrender,
which he saw to be inevitable, should be made by another. De Vaudreuil, on
receiving the letter, shrugged his shoulders, with the expression " that this ofheer
The penally of the loss of Cataraqui fell upon de Noyan, who allowed himself
to be persuaded by de Vaudreuil, whom in no way he distrusted, lo leave to
de Vaudreuil the narrative of the cause of the disaster. De Noyan had no ground
for self-reproach : the cause of (he failure lay with de Vaudreuil alone.
Accordingly he gave no ofRcial written account of the surrender, leaving de Vaud-
reuil to make his own explanations. The governor threw the whole blame on
de Noyan, slating that age had weakened his judgment, at (he same time asking
for his retirement The advice was acted upon, and de Noyan became the
dupe of his good failh and generosity of character. When he was informed
of the course taken wiih regard to him, be complained to the court in France. It
was the old sloiy : justice and eonsideraiion were refused, and all his expostulation
was unavailing.
" " ct nuisit plu« par celte expedition 4 la eolonie que n'auroit fait la perte
d'une bataille." M^oires 1749-1760, p. 116.
-abvG00»^lc
l86 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
3,000 Canadians and all the Indians he could collect, on his
route to fort Frontenac* Duplessis heard of the surrender
when a few miles above Lachine. He, however, continued
his voyage to La Presentation and waited for orders. The
engineer-in-chief of the colony, de Pontleroy, with a detach-
ment, went as far as fort Frontenac to observe its condition :
he reported that it could be re-established at no great expense.
The walls generally remained in good condition : six cannon
had been left behind, with many utensils. Duplessis was
instructed to send a detachment under de Montigny to rein-
force Niagara. He himself went as far as Frontenac, with the
view of retaining the Indians under French influence. After
remaining some days, he left on the 26th of October. On his
arrival at La Presentation, he found orders waiting for him to
send chevalier Benoit to Frontenac, with a detachment of
troops and some Canadian mtlitia. The fort was to be rebuilt
to protect the canoes arriving with provisions. Benoit is
described as being of a Parisian family ; one of those men of
no account, because they know themselves to be so ; chimeri-
cal in his views, a devotee, with some capacity, but little
education, affecting the tone of a philosopher, possessing
courage, and capable of obtaining credit in the discharge of
his duty. The construction of two schooners was ordered,
and de Cress^, aide constructeur, was sent to Frontenac to
superintend the work. The necessary timber could not be
conveniently procured, so he descended the river and estab-
lished himself on the north shore, at a place known as Point
au Baril, some short distance above La Presentation. + Benoit
was subsequently removed from Frontenac and put in com-
mand at La Presentation, replacing de Lorimer. Fort Fron-
tenac was thus entirely abandoned. Point au Baril was
considered more defensible than La Presentation ; it was
accordingly selected for a permanent establishment, and the
* This number is mcniioned by de Levis. Journal, p. 149. The writer of
the mimaire states that 1,500 were sent.
t Point au Baril is described as being about seven and a half miles above
Ogdensburg. Its site must have been in the neighbourhood of the present
village of Maitland.
-abvG00»^lc
1758] DE RICAUD. 187
buildings were intrenched. For the time it took the place of
fort Frontenac. The events of the following year caused its
abandonment, and the place passed out of notice for half a
century.
Bradstreet obtained some important information affecting
the Indians from the prisoners taken at the surrender.
From what he learned, it was evident that the French had
succeeded with the Six Nations, to a great extent, in obtaining
their confidence, and in alienating them from the British
alliance. The disaster at Ticonderoga must have greatly
impaired their faith in the strength of British power. The
Indian cannot be blamed for his desire to be on the strongest
side On the part of the French there was always an influence
to appeal to his imagination. The Roman catholic missionary
was ever present to administer the rites of his church, and to
place in prominence all that could console the devotee ; at the
same time proclaiming the punishment which would follow
any want of faith in the teaching given him. Thus enthusiasm
was awakened for the French cause as representative of the
true religion.
Politically, the French were unceasing in their attempts at
conciliation. The value of the Indian in the inroads of
destruction into the enemy's country was well known. In
July of the present year de Vaudreuil despatched de Rigaud
with a detachment, and nine canoes of merchandise as presents,
to meet the Six Nations in the spirit of conciliation. In his
journey, hearing of the repulse at Ticonderoga, he went as
far as Chouagen (Oswego). He was accompanied by de
Longueuil, who had lately succeeded his father, and had much
experience in Indian affairs. He had there an interview with
some Oneidas and Onondagas. His presents were accepted,
and he strove to retain their adherence to France. He had
the satisfaction of being received in state and with friendliness,
and for a time it looked as if his mission had been successful.
The capture of fort Frontenac was a powerful argument
against him, to counterbalance the courtesies of many such
meetings.
-abvG00»^lc
l88 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
There was another powerful inRuence which' seriously
affected the Indian. There was with the two European
peoples a cardinal difference in the relationship with the
native race. The Canadian, readily domiciled in the Indian
wigwam, took a squaw as his partner in life, and made no
attempt to make a settlement on the hunting grounds of the
tribe. The British population had difficulty in recognizing
these rights, and they did not see that any infringement
upon them was regarded by the Indians as an intrusion to be
resented. There was consequently in the British provinces a
constant attempt to gain possession of land as property. So
long as the trader dwelt among the Indians, confining himself
to buying and selling, and making himself rich by petty
frauds, which the Indian did not understand, or if he did see
through them, was not painfully shocked, for they accorded
with his own ethics, so long there was neither dissatisfaction
nor complaint The Indian continued his relationship with
the traders, as he could obtain goods cheaper from them than
from the French, and the rum was as palatable as French
brandy, and cheaper. But when the population at the limit
of settlement attempted to push forward and occupy land,
without treaty or permission from the Indian, and in spite of
his protest, the hold of the British on the Indian mind became
weakened. In some cases it had been entirely alienated ;
such had been the case on the Ohio, where settlement had
been attempted far beyond the mountains. The desire to
drive back this settlement, with other causes, had powerfully
influenced the Ohio Indians to join the French in their
expeditions against Pennsylvania and Virginia. The defeat
of Braddock had done much to exalt French prestige. So
pertinacious had been their attack under French organization
during the succeeding years, that in Pennsylvania settlement
lad been driven back to Carlisle. In Vii^iniaand Maryland
he limit to population was fort Frederic or the Potomac. The
six Nations, with no friendly eye, looked on the establishments
vhich were being made on the Mohawk, and late events,
oined to their own doubts and fears, had led them to incline
-abvG00»^lc
175^] ABERCROMBIE RECALLED. 189
to France, as much from the spirit of self-preservation as from
any other feeling.
Bradstreet's information was of importance, as it established
the extent to which these influences were at work. He
learned, on what he regarded to be good authority, the fact
that the Six Nations had promised, with 2,000 men, to meet
de L^vis at Oswego. The design was to attack the Mohawk
settlements ; 500 Oshawas and some Mississaguas had been
gathered at Montreal. They were to proceed to Frontenac
and there receive provisions and necessaries, guns and ammu-
nition The whole of the Six Nations had shown such an
inclination to accept French interests, that vigorous measures
were required to avoid the evii consequences of their taking
this step.
By the middle of October the autumn rains were making
the roads impassable for heavy vehicles ; accordingly, on the
17th the artillery, ammunition, stores and bateaux were
removed from the head of lake George to the Hudson. Some
of the latter boats left behind were scuttled, the naval stores
were buried in the encampment The sloop which had been
constructed since July was dismantled and sunk; the whale
boats were hid in the woods.*
On the 20th of October Abercrombie himself left lake
George, leaving Gage to bring up the rear. The troops went
into winter quarters, many of them suffering from scurvy.
The fort at the Oneida carrying-place, fort Stanwix, was
now complete. It contained casemates for 400 men, with a
ditch and glacis. It was fortified with guns en barbette.
Abercrombie's letter of recall, dated the 1 8th of September,
reached him on the ist of November. There can be little
doubt but that it was caused by the events of the 8th of July.
General Amherst was appointed his successor, . No displeasure
was expressed in the communication ; for in acknowledging
it, Abercrombie thanks the minister for the expression of
good wishes and for the assurance that a just sense of his zeal
for the king's service is entertained.f
• Can. Arch., Series A. & W. 1., 87.3, p. 384.
+ C«n. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 87.2, p. 376.
-abvG00»^lc
I90 THE HISTORY OK CANADA. [l758
The French remained at Ticonderoga uncertain what course
to take. On the 28th of October Wolf had been sent to fort
Edward with a letter from de Vaudreuil. On his return he
reported that it was evident the British force was leaving lake
George for winter quarters. Montcalm sent out two parties :
one under de Florimond, to make a reconnoissance along the
road to fort Edward ; the second under de Charly, who, from
the heights overlooking the British camp, was to observe its
condition. A deserter arrived on the 30th and confirmed
Wolfs statement. De Charly returned and reported the camp
to be abandoned. De Florimond brought back a prisoner
belonging to the rear guard ; possibly a straggler. De
Florimond, however, represented that he had attacked the
detachment and killed seven or eight. From this prisoner the
news was confirmed, and the French learned the arrival of the
battalions from Louisbourg.
Having heard from the deserter that the British had made
caches of provisions and utensils, of their boats and bateaux,
Montcalm sent captain de la Pause with a party to William
Henry to see what could be found. What of value was dis-
covered was brought away ; the other property was burned.
The finishing blow was given to the intrenchments which the
British had imperfectly attempted to destroy.
The French troops went into winter quarters. Four hun-
dred men, under d'H^becourt, were left at Carillon, and two
hundred at fort Saint Frederick, Crown Point, under de
Lusignan. On the 4th of November Montcalm and de L^vis
started for Montreal and arrived there on the 9th. Shortly
afterwards they heard that Abercrombie had been recalled,*
• * Journal of de Levis, pp. 159-161. 1
-abvG00»^lc
I7S8] BRIGADIER FORBES.
CHAPTER IV.
The attack of fort Dusquesne, included by Pitt in the
season's campaign, was in no way looked upon as an object
of secondary importance. Indeed, it had been placed in equal
prominence with the siege of Louisbourg and the advance
upon lake Champlain. It embraced in itself more than a
struggle for the valley of the Ohio : it involved the sovereignty
of the west. The French, once firmly in possession of the
river and its northern tributaries, would have closed access to
further advance westward of the British provinces, and im-
posed upon them the Aileghanies as a boundary.
The three provinces directly interested were Pennsylvania,
Maryland, and Virginia ; they had fully felt the destructive
influence which the French fort had exercised on their condi-
tion. In the three years which had followed the defeat of
Braddock, the country west of Carlisle, in Pennsylvania, and
effort Frederick, in Maryland, had been devastated by Indians
headed by French officers, accompanied by French troops.
Wherever there was an unprotected settlement, it had been
surprised, and the dwellers in it killed, or carried away to
servitude. Step by step settlement had been driven back, for
no effectual effort had been made to restrain these inroads ;
and the inhabitants who had occupied the country had aban-
doned it, when it could only be held at risk of life.
The officer placed at the head of the expedition was briga-
dier Forbes. There is scarcely an illustrious name less known
in English history ; nevertheless, he was a man of rare and
noble qualities, and there are few who have been distinguished
by more important services rendered to the commonwealth.
In spite of broken health and physical suffering, he carried out
the duties entrusted to him with unrelaxed tenacity of pur-
pose, with judgment and with ability ; it was to his skill as a
-abvGoO»^lc
192 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['758
diplomatist and his foresight as a soldier that the end desired
was fully attained.
John Forbes was born in Petincrief, in Fifeshire,* He
entered the army in 1710. On the 29th of November, 1750,
he became lieutenant-colonel of the 2nd dragoons, the " Scots
Greys," In 1757 he succeeded general Richbell as colonel of
the 17th foot, and the same year arrived at Halifax with
Hobson's force in the expedition designed against Louisbourg.
Owing to its postponement,"!- he remained in Nova Scotia
until instructed to relieve Stanwix in South Carolina, who had
been appointed to duty on the Mohawk. On the 14th of
April he received orders to proceed to New York, and thence
to Philadelphia, in view of the approaching campaign to be
undertaken against fort Duquesne. He was to endeavour to
reconcile matters between the governor and the assembly, and
to obtain a vote for one hundred thousand pounds towards
the expedition. Forbes was directed to address his despatches
personally to Pitt.
No feature in the character of Forbes comes more into
prominence than his diplomatic talents. Always courteous
and considerate in his intercourse with the provincial authori-
ties, particularly with the officers, he gave full attention to
their representations, but when he had maturely weighed the
policy which he considered it was his duly to follow, he adhered
to it, even when not in accord with provincial opinion, as a
rule avoiding unpleasantness and embarrassment.
The bill passed, and the provincial troops were ordered to
* Forbes is not included in the talest edition of British biography, itlthoagh
several pages are given to eminent men of the nune. In the United States
biographies he is represented to have been bom in 1710, and to have died in his
49Ih year. This slalement is made on the authority of the Pennsylvania Gatttle
of the ISth of March, 1759. The narrative in the teit is taken from the official
record of ihe imperial iTlh regitnent, [p. 51]. No doubt, as was the custom in
Ihose days, he obtained his commission in his fourteenth or fifteenth year, so he
must have been about sixty.rour at his death. We are told by United States
writers that he was on the staff of lord Stair, general Ligonier, general Campbell,
and was quartermaster-general under the duke of Cumberiand. He is likewise
represented as having practised medicine. This statement cannot possibly be
correct, seeing the early brc at which Forbes entered the army.
+ Anle p. 35.
-abvG00»^lc
I7S8] ORGANIZATION OF FORCE. 193
be augmented. There were frequent misunderstandings', how-
ever. Forbes described the situation " as everything going on
siowly except disputes, which arose daily."* In 1757 Mary-
land had voted that the troops should be disbanded. Had
not lord Loudoun pledged the credit of the imperial govern-
ment to meet the cost of the garrison of fort Loudoun, it
would have been abandoned, and its fate would have been to
have been seized by the French. In this emergency the
legislature agreed to vote ;f8o,ooo, but as Forbes explained,
little would be available for use, as they would vote £25,000
or .^30,000 for the services of the assembly, and the remainder
would be consumed for arrears and pay.
Vii^inia voted that the provincial troops should be increased
to 2poo. There were three independent companies in South
Carolina, but their presence was required in the western part
of the state, near Georgia. The regular troops at Forbes'
command were thirteen companies of Montgomery's hjgh-
landers, and four companies of the 1st battalion of the Royal
Americans. There was no artillery, and a scarcity of arms
and tents. It was Forbes' duty, out of this chaos, to organize
a fighting column, to see that it was clothed, fed, and cared
for, and to march it through an uninhabited country of two
hundred miles.t
• C«n. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 87.2, p. 44S.
t According la a writer in "Olden Time," II., p. 284. the following was the
full strenglh of the force when finally constituted ! —
1st Battalion Royal Americans 363
6ind R^ment of Highlanders 1,367
1,630
1st Virginia R^ment 781
1,484
3 North Carolina Companies 141
4 Maryland Companies Z70
tsl Battalion, Pennsylvania. 7$$
md " " 666
Jfd " " 77'
The three lower counties. 163
2.4SS
-4.35"
Total 5,980
-abvG00»^lc
194 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['758
Abcrcrombie had sent to Forbes, an officer of artillery, with
nine men ; with this nucleus he endeavoured to form a siege
corps. He "scraped together" guns of different calibre, and
caused some howitzers to be cast ; he bought and borrowed a
good many firelocks. He took care every man should have
a blanket, and his determination was to obtain provisions
for three months for 6,000 men, before the advance should
commence.
At the end of April, Bouquet, second in command to Forbes,
had arrived at Carlisle to examine into the question which
route should be followed in the campaign. The road, which
Braddock had opened out, more or less existed: it had become
somewhat cumbered up, and had fallen into a bad condition.
In that point of view it was to be preferred to a new route
which had to be cut out of the forest and entirely formed.
What impressed Forbes was the strong objection that fort
Cumberland, 122 miles distance from fort Duquesne, was to be
held as a base of operations. Early on his arrival the quarter-
master-general, sir John Sinclair, had pointed out that a
preferable route lay through Pennsylvania. Forbes had
formed the theory that a stockaded camp and blockhouse,
with magazines for provisions, should be constructed every
forty miles ; so that if it were not thought expedient to make
settlements on the Ohio, such posts would furnish protection
to the road, which thus would remain practicable ; and in case
of retreat in any expedition, they would furnish refuge to
the troops if hard pressed.
The matter of route was in itself a revival of the old terri-
torial dispute between Virginia and Pennsylvania. Virginia
saw with extreme disfavour the prospect of opening out an
independent line of road in the neighbouring northern pro-
vince, and strongly advocated that the line of communication
from fort Cumberland only should be maintained. It is plain
from Forbes' correspondence that he was only desirous of
wisely selecting the route, and that both his judgment and
feeling were utterly untrammelled by what he had heard in
Philadelphia. Virginia became greatly interested in the dis-
-abvGoO»^lc
17S8] QUESTION OF ROUTE. ip;
cussion ; no one in the province would give the least con-
sideration to the idea, that a more eligible route could be
found than the one advocated.
Washington strongly partook of this feeling. No one knew
better the necessity of uprooting fort Duquesne, and that the
attack could only be made with a sufficiently strong force.
He had turned into great ridicule the proposal of one major
Smith, who had undertaken to advance against it with a force
of one thousand men. Fort Duquesne he described as " the
source of ali our ills." He was now twenty-six years old. On
hearing of Forbes' appointment he asked Stanwix, who was
then leaving for the Mohawk, to mention his name "as one
who would gladly be distinguished in some measure from the
common run \sic\ of provincial officers, as I understand there
will be a motley herd of us." f At this early date he advised
that the place of assembly for troops should be fort Loudoun
[Winchester], evidently with the opinion that the march must
be by Braddock's road, deprecating the idea that fort Frederick
on the Potomac, thirty-five miles to the southeast, should be
the spot. One ground of the objection was that all the
country people in the neighbourhood had fled : the conse-
quence of the Indian attacks, settlement having been driven
back easterly of this point, as had been the case at Carlisle in
Pennsylvania.
All beyond this limit, to the west, was without inhabitants.
Except water and forage for cattle, everything had to be
carried. It became, therefore, imperative to establish the
point at which the final organization should be made and the
line of march which should be followed.
Raestown, ninety-three miles from Carlisle, was chosen as
the spot. It was so called from one Rae, who had made an
attempt to establish a plantation there, but he had failed in the
endeavour. The spot was in no way different from the
wilderness in which it stood. Bouquet had been sent forward
to oi^anize the troops as they arrived. A road was cut to
* Washington [oSlanwiK, mount Vernon,4tb March, I7SS. Sparks,It.,p.273.
f loih April, 1758.
-abvG00»^lc
196 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l/SS
fort Cumberland, from which it was thirty miles distant ; so it
was still possible for the Braddock road to be followed, or
if expedient a new route could be traced out through
Pennsylvania.
The troops commenced to assemble. On the 8th of June
Montgomery's battalion arrived at Philadelphia ; some arms,
tents, ammunition and artillery came three days later. North
Carolina sent a small force by sea to Alexandria, and it was
to march thence to fort Cumberland. Early in July Forbes
was at Carlisle, and by this time Montgomery's battalion had
reached this station, while some provincial troops had been
marched forward to Raestown.
The plan of Forbes' campaign is easy to be understood.
As he considered fort Cumberland to be at too great a dis-
tance from the Ohio, he determined to make his basis of
operations on the shorter route, at the spot found to be best
fitted for the purpose. He was desirous of keeping his
determination secret, and to mislead the French; Washington,
who still remained at fort Cumberland, received instructions,
with a body of troops, to proceed along Braddock's road.
This order Washington looked upon as portending a division
of the force, and he called Bouquet's attention to the imprac-
ticability of effecting any junction of troops, passing by differ-
ent routes, before reaching Salt Lick creek, within forty miles
of fort Duquesne ; at the same time, he expressed his perfect
readiness to obey all the orders he received.
Washington, however, could only see mischief in any change
of route, and to the last prophesied failure. He wrote to
Fauquier, governor of Virginia, that the Pennsylvanians,
believing it to be their interest to have the line of expedition
carried through their province, " because it secures their fron-
tiers at present and their trade hereafter, a chain of forts being
erected," • had prejudiced Forbes against the old road, and
led him to believe that " we (the Virginians) (sic) were the
partial people," Public feeling in Virginia became so dis-
satisfied, owing to the constant representations of the favour
' Sparks, H., p. 30S.
-abvGoO»^lc
Map
Shewing route followed by the force under Brigadier
Forbes fyom.3edfbrd, Penn8tflvania,to Fbrt Duquesne,
-abvGoO»^lc
DiqteMwGoOl^lC
I7S8] WASHINGTON. I97
shewn to Pennsylvania by Forbes, and of the injustice which
the province was experiencing, that when the assembly met
on the 14th of September, it passed an act to withdraw, on
the ist of December, the ist Virginian regiment and station
it on the frontier, as a protection to the province. This vote
was subsequently rescinded.
After assisting in cutting the road to Raestown, Washington
sent out a party to open Braddock's road. He reported that
few repairs were required, and earnestly recommended that
it should be followed, representing that it would not be pos-
sible to obtain a direct road from Raestown. A meeting took
place at the end of July between Washington and Bouquet,
at which the latter stated that it had been definitely deter-
mined to follow the new line. Washington predicted that by
so doing all would be lost, and, in accordance with the desire
of Bouquet, gave in writing the reasons for this opinion. He
considered that Raestown should be left on one side, and that
the troops should march by fort Frederick to fort Cumberland.
The distance from Carlisle to both places was practically the
same, being 93 miles to Raestown and <yj miles to fort Cum-
berland. He did not, however, correctly state the further
distance to fort Duquesne ; by the Braddock military road it
was 1 22 miles, by the Raestown road less than 90, making the
difference 32 miles shorter, whereas Washington estimated it
as only being ten miles.
Washington, although feeling strongly on the point that the
choice was both a mistaken policy and unjust to Virginia,
and believing that it had been determined by the influence of
Pennsylvania intrigue on the general's mind, nevertheless
stated his views with great moderation and ability.*
• Washington sustained his view by the siatement thai when trade had been
commenced with the tribes on the Ohio, in order to obtain the best line of com-
manication, a reward hud been ofTered to the Indians to discover the most
bvountble location. After much pains, thejr declared that the road leading to
Wills' Creek was to be preferred. , As such, it had been the route followed bj the
Pennsflvanian traders. The Ohio company in 1753 opened out the road. In
1754 it was improved by Washington himsetl, and in 1755 Braddock widened and
completed it. It was now, he at^ued, in good condition, and could be at once
-awGoOi^lc
198 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
The success of Forbes' generalship is estabHshed by de
L^is, who records the surprise of the commandant, de
Ligneris, at Grant's attack.* He had looked for the arrival of
the force by Braddock's route, and had not conceived it
possible that a second line would be opened out. It was on
gone over, whereas the Keastown route would enact lime and labour for its com-
plcLion, and time so taken wouid prevent the blow being mode during ihe season.
Washington further argued that the statements of want of forage on Ihe Bnddock
road were exaggerated, and that the danger threatened by the overflow of the
rivers which the road crossed was not worth mentioning. Moreover, that Ihe
shortness of distance of the new line did not do away with the disadvantage of
cutting a new road. While admitting that there were defiles in the Biaddock
line, not unattended with danger, Washington contended that there were none
which could not be safely travelled. He therefore expressed the opinion, that
iheoldroad was infinitely preferable, and he recommended that "Great meadows"
should be made a first point of deposit, and " Salt lick," thirty miles further, a
second depot.
The ai^umenl of Forbes was to the effect thai fort Cumberland was at too
great a distance aa a base of operation, Reaatown being the place of deposit. The
distance to fort Cumberland was thirty miles, Rnd the fort was 122 miles from fort
Duquesne, whereas the distance from Reastown to Loyal Hannan was forty miles,
which was itself fifty miles only from fort Dui^uesne. The line of road to Loyal
Hannan required only ordinary labour, which, with Ihe numbers at command, was
not a matter of consideration. Further examination had established that Ihe road
across Laurel Hill was unattended with extraordinary difficulty, and accordingly
no great time would be necessary in the construction of the new route, and it
offered the advantage of furnishing forage throughout.
The objeelions to the old road were, the want of forage which would be eiperi-
enced, the defiles to be passed exposing the column to attack, the condition of the
streams, which after the rains would ovetfiow. In the sixty-four miles from
Cumberland to Gist's there were not three localities where forage could be found :
by the end of October the frost would have destroyed the grass, and when the
rivers became overflowed, communication would be cut off from the rear. Bouquet
wrote 10 Forbes that Washington could not satisfactorily answer these objections.
The letter is in French : " Je n'y ay rien apiis de satisfaisant. La plupart de ces
Messrs. ne connoissent pas la difference d'une parly et d'une aim^e et troure facile
tout ce que flatte leurs id^es, saulanl par dessus toutes les dithculles." [lie]. [Can-
Arch., Bouquet collection, A., 10, p. 165].
By ihe end of August the station at Loyal Hannan was completed and estab-
lished, Grant being placed in command there. The impediments which happened
to the expedition arose from his ill-judged and ill-directed attach which took place
on the 17th of September. Laurel Hill had been then passed. The advance of
Forbes to fort Duquesne from Loyal Hannan, made in the short time of at the most
sixdays, establishes that nodifiiculty was met belweenihatpointand fori Duquesne.
* Journal de L^is, pp. 162-163.
-awGoOi^lc
I7S8] THE ROAD FORMED. 199
that occasion he learned that 6,000 men were on the march,
and within forty-five miles of his post
The Indians were troublesome allies to Forbes, for they were
unreliable and uncertain. Early in the season the Cherokees
and Catawbas joined the expedition in some numbers, and
were difficult to control. Forbes soon discovered that their
friendship could be maintained only by presents, and that
their equipment was a matter of cost. At the same time he
sympathized with their fears of the future, and the many
trying circumstances in which they were placed. He expressed
his views to Pitt on the subject, and contended that they
should be treated with honesty and prudence. The policy he
advocated has been the invariable rule with the imperial
government, and was the cause of much of the desire to be
free from home control in this matter, which played so great a
part in the American revolution. It is now the governing
principle in the dominion."
Strong parties were now engaged on the road through Penn-
sylvania from Kaestown, and redoubts were built for the
working parties at proper distances. It was not anticipated
that insuperable difficulty would be experienced, although it
would prove a work of great labour to form a road for the
passage of artillery and wheel vehicles, especially in crossing
Laurel hill. One deficiency constantly claiming attention was
the want of waggons and the inferiority of the horses. The
* Forbes' Tiew od this point is wonhj of preservation : " And this leads me (o
think that had those Indians, who were our friends, been managed with common
prudence and honestf, that they must have caiilinued so, as we could more easily
■nd at a cheaper rate, have supplied them with provisions and theit other necessarys.
But by allowing them to be most grossly cheated and abused by the saddest of
mortal), called Indian Imders, in place or having a fair, op«n Marketl, under the
eye and diiection of the government, and by allowing of a rage and madness in
stretching out our settlement into their hunting countries, the Only resource they
had tor sustenance, and that without any ptetioua contract or agreement with them.
TTiey have thereby been driven into the arms of the French, who, with their usual
chicane, make them believe they do not come to drive them out. but 10 build Forts
among them to protect them against us. But I beg pardon for this digression 10
you, sir, who knows (itV) all those sad truths from better authority than I can pre-
tend to you." Can. Arch., Series A. ft W. I., S7.3, p. 463.
-abvG00»^lc
200 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
Pennsylvania officers, knowing the feeling of Virginia regard-
ing the route, volunteered to aid, with such information as they
possessed. Major Armstrong was sent up with a trader named
Dunning, who had often passed over the route. He started
with an escort of a hundred volunteers to make the examina-
tion, with instructions to use great caution. In a fortnight
Bouquet was enabled to report that the road across Laurel
hill was less objectionable than the road from fort Littleton to
fort Cumberland, and that no difficulties presented themselves
after the passage of the mountain.
While Bouquet was working at the road, Forbes remained
at Carlisle, in the worst of health, unable to move, prostrate
with sickness. In the beginning of August he had somewhat
recovered, and had he consulted only his health and ease,
he would have sought quiet and repose. In the middle of
August, Forbes managed to reach Shippensburg, twenty-one
miles from Carlisle, When here, he heard of the fall of
Louisbourg, and fired a feu dejoie in honour of the event.
Bouquet had arrived at Loyal Hannan, forty miles from
Reastown ; he had resolved to leave Grant in charge of the
post, while he himself would carry on the road. Early in
September Forbes was again seized with sickness. It was from
this place he wrote, as to dividing the army he would consult
Washington, although perhaps he would not follow his advice,
as his behaviour about the roads was in no way like a soldier.*
His letters shew his embarrassment from the jealousy with
regard to the route, f On the 17th he heard of Bradstreet's
success at fort Frontenac, and he fired s./eu dejoie in honour
of it While he was noticing these matters from Reastown,
Bouquet on the same day was writing an account of the reverse
* Can. Arch., Uouquel papers, A. 10, p. £49.
t " I have seen wilh regret this some time past a jealousy and suspidon
subsisting on the part of the Virginians which they can have no reason for, as I
believe neither you nor I value one farthing where we geC provisions from, provided
we are supplied, or interest ourselves either with Virginia or Pennsylvania ; which
last I hope will be damned for Iheir trralmenl of us with (he wagons and every
other thing where they could profit by us as from Iheir impositions, altho' at the
risk of our perdition." Can. Arch., Bouquet collection. Series A. 10, p. 256.
-awGoOi^lc
17S8] MAJOR GRANT. 201
which had been experienced in an expedition undertaken by
major Grant.
The advancing force had been much troubled by the Indian
scouts, who watched their opportunity to scalp or make
prisoners any men out in small parties. The cattle and horses
were kept in the woods in the neighbourhood of Loyal
Hannan, and often when in search of them and when return-
ing, the men had been attacked. Bouquet ordered out two
parties, each of one hundred strong, for the Indians were
again extremely active, and captain Dagworthy and the
Indians attached to the force were not present. As the
detachments were preparing to march, major Grant, of the
highlanders, spoke privately to Bouquet, and remonstrated
against this step being taken, for it would only lead to the
loss of life, and would effect no result. He suggested that he
should be placed at the head of five hundred men, and be
detached to reconnoitre fort Duquesne, obtain reliable infor-
mation concerning the road, and learn the strength of the
garrison. From the reports he had received. Grant believed
that the French force, including the Indians, did not exceed
six hundred men, and that a sortie could not be made with a
force greater than that with which he would be present. He
hoped to draw the garrison into an ambuscade, so he could
obtain some prisoners. Bouquet gave his consent, it would
appear unwillingly. The two parties were countermanded,
and an informal council of war was held, at which colonel Byrd
and major Lewis were present ; it was there resolved that the
attempt should be made.
Grant started with 300 Highlanders, 100 Royal Americans,
150 Virginians, lOo Maryland and 100 Pennsylvanian troops,
being in all 750 men. His instructions were to proceed within
five miles of fort Duquesne, and to send out exploring parties;
to surprise the Indians outside the fort, attacking them with
the bayonet : this duty effected, or if it could not be under-
taken, he was to attract the notice of the garrison by beating
his drums, retire and place himself in ambuscade, so that he
-abvGoO»^lc
202 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l758
could advant^eously attack the pursuing party, and then
retire. If the plan in any way failed, he was at once to retreat.
Bouquet saw the detachment start in the best of spirits on
the loth. Escaping the enemy's parties, on the I2th about
three in the afternoon, Grant believed he was ten miles from
the top of the hill overlooking the fort, when in reality he was
sixteen miles distant. In the morning he detached Lewis
with one hundred men and some Indians, to post himself in
an ambuscade within five miles from the fort. Chew, an
ensign in the force, and twenty men were sent to reconnoitre
the ground, and draw the enemy into pursuit without unduly
exposing themselves. Chew's Indians leaving him, he was
obliged to conceal himself, and he only joined Lewis at eleven
at night. Grant continued his march the foiiowing day ; he
found Lewis advantageously posted, but he was twelve miles
from the fort The whole force started at six, expecting to
reach the hill over the fort at eleven ; they did not, however,
arrive until two in the morning. The Indian fires were then
burned out, and there was no indication where the attack
should be made, and nothing could be done.
Grant had now carried out his instructions, and his duty
was to retire ; but holding the opinion that the garrison was
too weak to risk a sortie, he resolved to become the assailant
He ordered Lewis, with lOO Royal Americans, 200 high-
landers, and 100 Virginians, to go forward and assail anything
they should meet about the fort. They were not to heed the
sentries, not to fire until close to the fort, and after the dis-
charge of their pieces to charge with the bayonet. He would
himself beat the retreat when it was time to retire, and they
could come towards him in any order they saw fit. The
distance did not exceed half a mile, and the men put on a
white shirt over their uniform, to prevent mistakes of recog-
nition. Grant placed himself with the remainder of the
troops opposite the fort, and waited in some uneasiness for
the indication that the attack had commenced. Major Lewis,
however, returned with his force in confusion, to report that
■ it was impossible to do anything, that the night was dark, the
-abvGoO»^lc
1758] grant's defeat. 205
road bad and cumbered with logs of wood, and that there had
been fences to pass, so the men had fallen into disorder, and
it had been a mercy that they had not fired upon one another.
Grant left Lewis in anger, and went to two of his officers,
McKenzie and Rhor, to give orders for them to be in readi-
ness to move, for, if practicable, he would attack. Feeling
desirous that something should be done, he sent a party of
fifty men to the spot where two or three fires had been seen.
They found no Indians to attack, so they set fire to the house
in the neighbourhood.
At daybreak of the 14th Grant ordered Lewis, with the
Royal Americans and Virginians, to reinforce captain Bullet,
who, with fifty men, had been posted to guard the horses and
baggage, with instructions to place the whole force in
ambuscade.
Owing to the fc^ at early dawn it was not possible to make
any plan of the fort ; at seven the weather became more clear,
and two officers were sent to sketch the works. They were
sustained by a detachment. Grant states that in order to give
confidence to the men he ordered the drums to beat the reveilU.
In less than half an hour he saw the French troops come out
of the fort in different parties, about 800 in number. They
advanced skirmishing, with little order, taking advantage of
any covering, moving forward briskly. Their attack was
directed against the men posted on the left under captain
Macdonald, Both he and the lieutenant, Campbell, were
killed. Lieutenant Macdonald was wounded and the detach-
ment, being overpowered, gave way. The 100 Pennsylvanians
posted on the right, left the ground without firing a shot. In
less than half an hour Grant's whole force fell in great con-
fusion, being attacked from all directions.
The French were now reinforced from the fort and the action
became more general. The British, however, continued to
hold their ground, when Grant, resolving to retire, sent word
to Lewis that he would join him where he had been posted, and
that he must make the best stand he could until Grant fell
back to him.
-abvGoO»^lc
204 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
, Lewis, however, had heard the firing, and urged by his officei^
had felt it his duty to advance in support of the main body.
In doing so, he took a different route to that by which he had
passed that morning. The latter was the route taken by
Grant in his retreat, so the two parties missed one another.
When Lewis had ascended the height his men were much
exhausted, and he came within the range of the enemy. Grant
had then retired, Lewis attempted to make a stand, but
overpowered, his men gave way before a greatly superior
force.
Grant came up with Bullet's small detachment. He had
been attacked, and had gallantly sustained an unequal fight
It was now persevered in, and it was here that Bullet reports
that Grant, when pressed to retire, replied that he would stand
so long as a man would fight with him. " My heart is broke,"
said Grant in his bitterness ; " I will not survive this day."
They were surrounded ; Grant was known, and the French,
calling on him by name, asked him to surrender. The French
shewed great forbearance : they were determined if possible
to take him alive. Bullet's party continued the fight with
• some confusion, for the men ceased to obey orders ; finally
they were seized with a general panic Bullet with some
others escaped. Grant, finding himself with about a dozen
men, accepted the quarter offered him. They were then about
two miles from the fort, and it was eleven o'clock in the day,
when the French were called back. Major Lewis was taken
prisoner, likewise two captains, four lieutenants, and two
ensigns : the Indians also carried away some prisoners.
-abvGoO»^lc
1758] RETURN OF THE TROOPS.
CHAPTER V.
Bouquet, made conscious of the reverse by the arrival of
stragglers, sent a force of three hundred men to cover the
retreat of those who had escaped. On the roll being called,
two hundred and seventy-three were missing, and of this num-
ber two hundred and thirty may be described as killed. The
loss of the French, by the report of de L^vis, was twenty men.
We also learn from him • that the French brought into
the field their whole force of 1,500 men ; 600 Indians are
mentioned as being present, but it is not stated whether
distinct or included in the number given.
The British loss was much exaggerated by the French,
being stated at five hundred. It was sufficiently severe, every
third man being placed hors de combat : a serious catalogue of
disaster.
Washington, with the Virginian regiment which had been
quartered at fort Cumberland, was ordered to Raestown,
where he arrived at the end of September The militia of
Maryland was sent to occupy the fort and to keep open the
line of communication.
The British force was in no way depressed by Grant's
defeat The desire was stronger than before to advance
against the fort. It was felt that the attack had been made
under misapprehension : it was now known that reinforce-
ments had lately arrived, and that their presence accounted
for the greater strength of the French than had been antici-
pated. The impression was also formed that several Delawares
and Shawnees were on their side in the action. One of the
consequences was the desertion by the Indians from the British
force. Bouquet himself looked forward to being attacked
* JoanuU, p. 163.
-abvG00»^lc
206 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1758
in his turn, and he wrote to Forbes that in two days he would
be ready to receive the enemy.
Grant's presence had first made de Ligneris aware that so
large a force was established on the line of road which was
being opened. He resolved, accordingly, to send a strong
detachment to observe Loyal Hannan, and, if expedient to
attack the post. Captain Aubry, of the marine service,
started, according to French accounts, with 600 men and some
Indians, about 900 in all. Bouquet was absent at the work
of opening the road, and colonel Burd, of the Virginia fort,
was in command. On the I3th of October, as the French
were marching upon Loyal Hannan, they came upon a picket
of fifty men, which broke and fled. On reaching Loyal
Hannan, the French commenced to fusillade the place. The
attack lasted two hours, and was without eflfect, the British
being protected by a breastwork with five cannon and
cohorns. Moreover, they were more numerous than the
French. No attempt was made at a sortie, and the garrison
remained content with a defence of the post. While the action
was going on many of the horses, which were in the woods,
and several cattle, were taken and driven ofif. Burd describes
himself as being harassed during the night, but the attack
could have only been a feint to cover the retreat. The
French carried off the horses they had seized with their
baggage and wounded. There was no attempt to follow them,
or to make reprisals. They inflicted no injury on the British
garrison ; on the other hand, little credit can be given to the
defenders of the fort, that the French were permitted to
return unmolested.
De Ligneris was fully awake to the danger of his position,
he was impotent to defend the fort, being without provisions.
Two months had elapsed since the destruction of fort Fron-
tenac, whence his supplies had been sent ; the importance of
Bradstreet's success was now manifest by the influence it
exercised, sufficient to counterbalance the consequences of the
disaster at Carillon. De Ligneris well knew that there was no
probability of relief, and a few weeks were only to pass before
-abvGoO»^lc
1758] TREATY OF EASTON. 20/
navigation would be clofeed by winter. One chance only lay
open to him : to repeat the exploit of de Beaujeu against
Braddock, and attack Bouquet on the line of march. The
conditions, however, were no longer the same. Had such a
course been otherwise feasible, the French were suffering from
the drawback, that they had lost their influence over the
Indians. They had ceased to be able to feed the hungry
crowd of expectants who came to the fort, and what greater
sign of weakness could appeal to the Indian understanding.
There were other causes which had led to this condition.
Among the many services rendered by Forbes, by no means
the least important, was the part taken by him in effecting the
Indian treaty at Easton. At the commencement of the cam-
paign he had entertained hopes of securing a strong force of
Indians. Generally they had shewn faith in the British
operations. At the end of April seven hundred had joined
the troops at fort Loudoun ; there were neither arms nor
equipment to give them, and their services could only be
retained by supplying their wants. From time to time they
left the force. In July two hundred were present: in September
eighty only remained.
As early as June, Forbes reported to Pitt that the French
Indians were in a starving condition, no provisions being given
them. His own difficulties had led him to apply to the
Pennsylvanian authorities. He was told that there was no
money, and that the expense of management must fall upon
the crown. He complained that he could obtain little assist-
ance either from sir William Johnson or from the southern
commissioner, Mr. Atkin : nevertheless it appeared to Forbes
that it was feasible to effect a peace with the Ohio Indians so
that their services would not be available to the French.
He formed the strong conviction that a convention should
be called, and measures taken to convince the Indians of the
advantages they would derive by sustaining the British. It
was the argument by which the Indian could be permanently
influenced ; however his imagination might be excited by the
ceremonial form of the religion taught by the French mission-
-abvGoO»^lc
208 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [175*
aries and by the catneraderU of those who lived among them.
One great cause of discontent with the French was from their
present inability to satisfy the inextinguishable greed of the
Indian requirements. Moreover the knowledge that a power-
fully equipped force was marching to the Ohio to attack the
fortress led many to waver in their fidelity.
Forbes' persistent assertion of the necessity of some step
being taken finally overcame the hesitation of sir William
Johnson, and he was equally fortunate with the provincial
authorities. A messenger was finally sent to the Indians of
the Ohio with offers of good will and friendliness. The per-
son selected was a Moravian brother named Post, who readily
accepted the duty, which, although its object was the estab-
lishment of peace, involved hardship and danger As might
be looked for, the French opposed all such negotiations.
Nevertheless, the meeting took place in October : representa-
tives of the Six Nations were present, and it was agreed that
a message inviting all the tribes on the Ohio to join in a
convention of peace should be sent to them. It was carried
by Post, accompanied by some white and Indian associates.
In consequence, a general council was held, and the offers were
accepted. The Ohio Indians ceased to range themselves on
the side of the French, and de Ligneris was without the
Indian support, which would have made it possible, efficiently
to oppose the British advance.
On the 30th of October, Washington arrived at Loyal
Hannan, and joined in the effort of opening out the road. In
the middle of October Forbes was at Raestown, suffering from
what must have been an attack of dysentery. He was unable
to sit a horse, or endure the motion of a carriage : he was
carried forward on a hurdle suspended between two led horses.
Prostrate from sickness, he continued to give orders for the
conduct of the expedition, and to urge the continuance of
effort. Naturally, he felt the responsibility of the choice of
route ; and that in case of failure, the discredit would fall on
him. Colonel Stephen, of the Virginians, had written to
Washington that the road beyond Loyal Hannan was im-
-abvGoO»^lc
175^] APPROACH OF WINTER. 209
practicable. Forbes communicated the fact to Bouquet, telling
him that Washington and Byrd would be glad if it were the
case,* He knew perfectly well, that out of Pennsylvania
feeling was against him : that in Virginia failure would not
wholly be unwelcome ; and he has left behind his strong pro-
test against this discontent and its misgiving.
It was from the sense of what was necessary to attain
success, that he continued to give his untiring personal
direction to all that was being done. There are few more
touching narratives in the history of this continent, than the
spectacle of this loyal, brave and devoted Scotchman sacri-
ficing all that made life desirable to the discharge of his duty.
Rest, quiet, ease, freedom from anxiety, were necessary to the
recovery of his health. The failure to obtain them was the
certainty of death. But there was no faltering in his purpose.
He sacrificed the very hope of his recovery to the destruction
of the fortress, which had brought such misery on the western
territory of Pennsylvania and Virginia. It was from its walls
that the bands of ruthless Indians had devastated the frontier,
to surprise so many homesteads, that the country had receded
to a state of nature. The object to be attained was its
uprooCal, and Forbes had determined, were life granted him,
the home of the destroyer should be swept away.
November came, with all its dreariness. The trees were
becoming bare ; the evergreens alone remained, motionless
by the scantily-clothed, brown-leaved beeches, whose foliage
every wind scattered. The swamps were unfrozen, but the
waters were icy cold ; the air was sharp with the first frost of
the season. The men were insufficiently clothed, unprovided
with all which makes a campaign in the commencement of
winter bearable. It had not been anticipated that the opera-
tions would last so long ; it now appeared as if the season
were to pass away and nothing more would be done ; that the
bulk of the troops would return to winter quarters, leaving
a garrison of strength sufficient to hold Loyal Hannan ; that
the attack of the fort would be deferred until spring, when
" Can. Areh., Forbes to Bouquet, Series A., 10, p. 268.
P
DiqitizeabvG00»^IC
210 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l7S8
the snow was gone and the woods passable, so that the march
could be renewed ; and that for the present all operations
should cease.
Carried on the hurdle, Forbes reached Loyal Hannan. In
his correspondence he made the best of everything ; there is
no doleful dread of failure. Frank in ordinary matters, he
made few confidants with regard to the future. Even with
men whom he fully trusted, such as Bouquet, he was reticent
when he felt it wise to be so. He was never one to cast the
blame on another. He had a kindly word for even misfor-
tune. He wrote of Grant after his reverse: "My friend
Grant most certainly lost his wits, and by his thirst for fame
brought on his own perdition, and ran great risque of ours."
He arrived at Loyal Hannan on the 5th of November. The
advance parties were in the field " blazing " the line.* Forbes
heard much irresolution and doubt, and being desirous of
obtaining a decided expression of current opinion, he called a
council of war. The council met on the nth, and the affirm-
ative and n^ative for prosecuting the expedition are placed
on record.f
The reasons for persevering were the hope of gaining pos-
session of the Ohio, the desire to obtain control over the
Indians who had previously ravaged the province, and to meet
public expectation by the capture of the fort.
Against continuing operations were : the want of proper
clothing, and the impossibility of obtaining it ; the scarcity of
provisions, and the uncertainty of supply ; the want of horses
and forage ; the necessity of husbanding the supplies ; the
risk of losing the artillery, if forced to retreat ; the impossi-
bility of holding the fort if taken, no provision having been
' This word, in use in Canada Co denote Lracing a waji through the woods by
making marks on trees with an vie leaving the cut apparent through the bark, has
be«n derived from the French word " ialisi." The lirsl meaning of ialiit is a s«a
mark, a beacon. In Canada the term was applied to the evergreens placed on
(he rivers and open ground to trace out Che winter roads on the ice and snow,
probably given by the settlers from the tea const of Briltanj. It is not a diflicuU
transLlion from "balised" to "blazed."
t The council was composed of colonels Bouquet, Montgomery, St. Clair,
Washington, Byrd, Armstrong, Burd and Mercer. Can. Arch., Series A., 13, p. 341.
-abvG00»^lc
I7S8] THE COUNCIL OF WAR. 211
made for that purpose ; the risk of the loss of a battle which
would expose the province to an Indian invasion. The con-
clusion ran : " The risks, being so superior to the advantages,
left no doubt as to the course which prudence dictates."
This euphemistic expression of opinion had little influ-
ence upon Forbes. The works upon the road were continued.
Washington's letters* show that on the 1 8th the road had
been advanced twenty-three miles, and that it had been traced
within twelve miles of the fort. Forbes now prepared to carry
out his purpose. The intelligence had reached him that the
strength of the garrison had been greatly reduced and the
supply of provisions almost exhausted. He selected from his
force 2,soo picked men ; they were to march without tents or
baggage, each man carrying his blanket and his haversack of
rations. The march commenced on the i8th or 19th and the
force was organized at Loyal Hannan, and it was from that
post the start was made. It was formed in three columns:
Washington on the right, Montgomery in the centre. Bouquet
on the left Flanking parties were carefully organized, and the
few light horse reconnoitred with the advance guard. There
was to be no second episode similar to the destruction of
Braddock's force. As the columns advanced the drums at the
head of each division beat their measured tap so the drum
could be heard if the force were not in direct view. By these
means, while the advance was regularly made, the line was
kept, order was preserved and confusion avoided.
Forbes on his hurdle, with an officer's guard, was carried in
advance of Montgomery's column. On the evening of the
23rd the troops were within twelve miles of the fort ; the
Indian scouts reported that a thick smoke extended up the
valley of the river. A few hours later the intelligence was
received that the fort had been abandoned and everything
burned. A halt was made on the 24th, in order that the true
situation should be known, and, it is to be presumed, to guard
against surprise.
* Thejr are dated Cbeslnut ridge, the l$th i Bushynin,the I7lh ; Armstroiig'i
Camp, the iSth.
-abvG00»^lc
212 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['758
Early on the morning of the 25th, with serried ranks, the
small force continued its march to the fort. As it entered
the clearing, the charred ruins of the building with its sur-
rounding tenements came into view. The fire had destroyed
all that had formerly been. The walls of the fort had been
undermined and were partially blown up. There were two
forts : one which stood at the confluence of the Alleghany
and Monongahela had been carefully and laboriously con-
structed, with strong works contained in a narrow space. The
second fort was on the bank of the Alleghany, in the form of
a parallelogram ; it was unfinished, several of the. outer
works only having lately been begun. About thirty stacks of
chimneys were standing to shew where houses had stood.
One magazine had been exploded with the walls, the other
was uninjured. Sixteen barrels of ammunition, a large
quantity of old iron, some gun barrels, and a cart load of
scalping knives were found there. It was difficult to deter-
mine whether the French had cast their cannon into the river,
or carried them away on bateaux. At a later date Amherst
describes them as having been found in the river.*
The dead bodies of those slain in Grant's attack still lay on
the field unburied, within a quarter of a mile of the fort. The
fact speaks little for the humanity of the French, or their care
for the health of their own garrison, f
On the 25th of November the British took possession of
the ground on which the ruins stood. It was the last day of
French rule on the Ohio.' Within a few hours of the event
• Amherst to Pill, 4th February, 1759. Can. Arch., Series A. & VV. I., »ol-
89, p, 107.
+ Captain Heslet, in a letter to Ibe Rev. Dr. Alison, stales thai a boy Iwelve
years old, who had been iheir prisoner, escaped on the znd [? iindj inslant,
inrormed itiem that they had carried a prodigious quantity of wood into the fort,
and that five prisoners Inlten at Grant's defeat had been burned on the parade.
Olher prisoners had been g^ven to the Indians, who tomahawked thcni on the
spot. The slory is not authenticated. Il has also been staled ihal the Indians
had placed upon poies ihe heads of the hiifhlanders killed in the skirmish with
Grant's force, and in derision hung their kilts around Ihem. It appears to me to
be a romance o( after production : it is not confirmed. I do not myself consider it
worthy of credence.
-awGoOi^lc
1758] PITTSBURG. 213
the site was called Pittsburg, in honour of the great minister.
Posterity has accepted the baptism, although few remember
the name and services of the general who conferred it. Forbes
related how the old title had passed away through conquest,
and that the spot in future would be identified with Pitt's glor>'.*
After the return of Aubry from his expedition, de Ligneris
saw that his only hope lay in the lateness of the season ; that
an attack before spring would become impossible. He re-
solved accordingly to reduce the strength of the garrison,
retaining such a force that he could feed, with the hope that
during the winter he would be cared for. Aubry returned to
the Illinois with his detachment ; Saint Ours carried the men
of his force to Montreal, where he arrived at the end of
November; de Betlaitre started for Detroit with the troops he
had brought. There now only remained 400 of the garrison
with de Ligneris. Some of the artillery and the invalids he
sent with Aubry to the Illinois, descending the Ohio.
As the scouts informed de Ligneris of the march of Forbes,
that each hour the three columns were advancing nearer to
enclose him in their fold, he resolved to destroy the fort, and
to abandon it. On the 23rd of November he sent off his
canoes with all he could remove to fort Machault, at the junc-
tion of the Alleghany, with French creek ; about one hundred
miles from Pittsbui^, now known as Venango.-f- When all
' "I have u$ed the frecdoni of giving four name to Ion du Quesne, as I hope it
was in some meanire the being actuated b; your spirit thai no»- makes me maslet
of the place. Nor could I help using the same freedom in the naming of the two
Other forts that 1 built ; (plans of which 1 send you) the one Fort Ligonier, the
other Bedford . I hope the name-fathers will take them under their protection, in
which case those dreary deserts will soon be richest and most fertile of any possesl
by the British in N" America." Forbes to Pitl. Pittsburg, 17th November,
1758, Can. Arch., Series 87.2, p. 489.
* In captain Lee's journal, t9ih September to 4th October, 1759, the follow-
ing distances are given in Bouquet's handwriting r —
From Niagara to Presqu' Isle 23a miles.
Presqu' Isle to le Beuf 21 "
Le Beuf to Venango 172 "
Venango to Pittsbui^ 140 "
[Can. Arch., Bouquet Coll., Series A., 14-i, p. 583.]
-abvG00»^lc
214 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['758
had departed, he blew up the walls, and burned the outer
buildings.
It remained for the British to establish themselves at the
abandoned fort. It was not possible to follow de Ligneris up
the Alleghany to fort Machault, for winter had commenced,
and there were no supplies. Such an expedition itself called
for preparation, and it remained a duty to be undertaken in
the spring. Moreover, the force was three hundred miles
from Philadelphia, the men without warm clothing, exposed to
the severe cold. There was no fear of any permanent want of
supplies ; the road was open, and the convoys could be suffi-
ciently protected. The men had submitted without a murmur
to their privations, and could be perfectly relied upon ; but it
was plain that the operations could not be extended, and all
that could be done was to secure the conquest.
A spot was selected and protected with a stockade and made
as defensible as possible. Lieutenant-colonel Mercer was
placed in charge with a force of provincial troops,
Forbes wrote to governor Denny, of Pennsylvania, the day
after he had taken possession, congratulating him upon the
event, adding that he would be compelled to leave two hundred
of the Pennsylvanian troops to join a proportion of Virginians
and Marylanders. " I hope," added Forbes, " the Provinces
will be so sensible of the great Benefit of this new Acquisition
as to enable me to fix this noble, fine Country to all Perpetuity
under the Dominion of Great Britain." He asked for instruc-
tions with regard to the provincial troops ; and that the gov-
ernor would remember that Montgomery's battalion and the
Royal Americans, after so long and tedious a campaign, "were
to be taken care of in some comfortable winter quarters." " I
flatter myself," continued Forbes, " that if I get to Philadelphia
under your Cares and good Companys, I shall run a good
chance of re-establishing a health, that I run the risque of
ruining to give your Province all the Satisfaction in the Power
of my weak Abilities."
It was not to be. Forbes' health had been too rudely
• New York Doc., X., p, 905.
-abvG00»^lc
ir^^^^ Fort Jf-Uftteene
*\i^* [PiUahwgl
Skeleton map skewtng Ohio forts
DiqitizeabvG00»^IC
-awGoOi^lc
1759] FORBES' DEATH, 215
affected by the severity of the weather and the fatigues of the
inarch to recover from the exhaustion which his strength had
suffered. He was carried back on the hurdle with the troops
in their homeward march. At a halt, where necessary, a
chimney was built in advance, so that a fire could be lighted
for his warmth and sustentation. On one occasion, at a place
called Tomhack camp, the chimney was not built, the damp
wood would not burn, and Forbes had to sit shivering and
suffering in the cold. In spite of the severity of the weather,
he continued his journey ; it must have been a period of trial
and paip. On the second of January he left fort Bedford, as
Raestown was now called ; a week later he passed through
Carlisle, to arrive at Philadelphia shortly after the 14th of
January. Owing to his bad health, he had applied for leave
of absence, and he had received an answer that the leave
would be granted. He still performed his duty, and, to shew
his satisfaction with the conduct of the troops composing the
column in the campaign, at the end of February he ordered a
medal to be struck, to be presented by him to every officer in
the expedition.*
It was to be one of the many unfilled purposes with which
history abounds. The hand of death was on Forbes ; he had
not a month to live. He was to witness no one of the trium-
phal consequences of his generalship ; he was to pass away
before even the commencement of the important operations
of the year, which were to prove one series of successes. He
struggled between life and death for some three weeks, to die
on the loth of March, 1759, at Philadelphia. He was buried
in Christ Church, of that city.f
* LienUnantJames Grant to Bouquel. Philadelphia, zoth Febniacy. "General
Forbes hw ordered a medal for ihe officers who have been in ihe last campaign.
The medal has on one side the representation of a road, cut through an immence
(lie) forest, over rocks and mountains, Ihe rnotto. ' Per tot discrimina ; ' on [he
other side ate represented the confluence of the Ohio and Monongahela rivers, a
fort in flumes in the forks of ihc rivets at the approach of general Forbes, car-
ried in a litter, followed with the arro7 marching in columns wilh cannon. The
mocto ; ' Ohio Britannica Consilio Manuque.' This is to be worn round [be neck
with a dark blue ribbon." [Can. Arch., A., 14, p. 81.]
t The statement of the Pennsylvania GatttU, that he died on the Sunday
-abvG00»^lc
2l6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
No monument is erected to Forbes, either in Christ Church,
where he was buried, in his native place, or at any spot in the
empire which he served so faithfully. NoCam^Santo, devoted
to the memorj- of the illustrious dead, displays a tablet to
record his services, his abnegation, and his undaunted resolu-
tion. Pennsylvania and Virginia, and Pittsburg which he
founded, have not only forgotten all that he achieved, but
have ceased to remember even that he lived. Notwithstanding
this neglect, his name will ever remain prominently emblazoned
in its own nobility in the page of history as that of one, whose
genius, firmness, and patriotism secured for the British race
the valley of the Ohio, with the southern shore of lake Erie,
and the territory extending to the Mississippi.
berore 1h« 15th of March (the iith) is incorrect. I am inilebted 10 Dr. Edward
A. F<^go, rectot of Christ Church, Philadelphia, fot the precise date of brigadier
Forbes' death. Dr. Ft^go was good enough to take much trouble in this matter
at mjr request. I leam frotn him that the recoid simply reads " Brigadiet General
Forbes," ivith the date. Forbes was buried near the south wall of the church
building on and street, between Market and Arch streets. Dr. Ft^go has care-
fully pointed out that this is not the lai^er cemetery at 5th and Arch street, where
Franklin and other prominent men were buried. The ground about the
church on the south side has been levelled, and laid over with brick ; many stones
which project are still to be seen ; no one, however, shews the spot where the
remains of Forbes lie. Tradition places his resting place near the building in
the centre of the lot. I am sure there are many who with myself will acknowledge
their obligations to Dr. Fo(^o.
-awGoOi^lc
J759]
CHAPTER VI.
The belief was firmly established throughout Canada that
Quebec was unassailable by water. Men who were little
beyond middle life remembered the failure of Walker in 1711,
and to all it must have been a familiar tradition. From the
miserable collapse of that expedition, the opinion prevailed
that no English ships, without competent pilots, would attempt
the ascent of the Saint Lawrence. The intricacies of the
channel between tie aux Coudres and the island of Orleans
were regarded as making navigation impossible, unless by
those acquainted with them ; and no one doubted that, the
landmarks being removed, an attempt to ascend it must end
in disaster. The feeling was- likewise entertained that the
defence of Quebec was particularly the duty of the French
navy ; that it was to France its protection was confided.
Accordingly little care had been given to guard against any
possible dangers of the future. The main obligation of Canada
was considered to be the safeguarding of lake Champlain ;
and if opportunity permitted, to attack Albany. In the west
the possession of lake Ontario was regarded to be indispensa-
ble in order to admit of supplies being delivered at Niagara,
whence they could be forwarded to the Ohio, to Detroit, and
to the further western posts. Montcalm during the war looked
unfavourably on the maintenance of forts at extreme distances,
as the duty of garrisoning them dissipated the strength of the
province. The general feeling was in their favour, for they
were regarded as the mainstay of the fur trade, and so many
were interested in its profits that the policy of protecting these
posts obtained almost universal support.
There was one strong sentiment in the Canadian mind
which could always be called forth, the intensity of belief in
the truth of the form of worship universally professed, joined
-abvGoO»^lc
2l8 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^759
to a sentiment amounting to contempt for those who diHered
from it. They held that they were possessors of the only
pure faith, and such peoples who did not entertain it, were
wanting in true civilization and entitled to little consideration.
There was no great philosophy in these views, for, except the
" Uvre d'heures" there was scarcely a book to be seen in
French Canada, certainly outside the higher ranks of society;
. but be the sentiment what it might, it was powerfully felt and
it had been earnestly appealed to. The conviction had become
certain that Canada was under the special protection of the
Vii^in. There were frequent processions of large numbers to
implore the intercession of " Notre Dame," and private prayers
were alike offered for the destruction of the heretic, should he
attempt an invasion of the sacred soil. Large sums of money
were given to obtain the supplications of the clergy, and all
that was hoped for as obtainable from persistent devotion, was
earnestly implored in every city, parish and household, at least
by devout women.
During the first months of the year there was no serious
dread of any special danger to which Quebec was exposed:
it was even considered that some aggressive steps might be
taken against Louisbourg. De Boish^bert went to Cape
Breton, but he was quickly made sensible of the impossibility
of any such attempt. He learned that the British were too
firmly established on the Saint John to be assailed ; that the
fort had been placed in repair and garrisoned, and the French
driven from their settlements even as far as the modern
Fredericton, and that their settlements on the Petitcodiac
had been uprooted and burned. De Boish^bert accordingly ■
ascended the river some seventy-five miles, and, leaving Saint
Simon in command at a post which he established, he
returned to Quebec. De Boucherville he placed at Miramichi.
De Benoit commanded at La Presentation. In February he
sent word to Montreal that he expected that both his own
fort and Point au Baril would be attacked, for, having been
informed of the activity of the British, he concluded some
movement was threatened against these posts.
-abvGoO»^lc
•759] PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENCE. 2ig
Montcalm arrived in Montreal on the 7th of March, and
preparations were commenced for the next campaign. All
the grain that could be gathered in the government of
Montreal was brought_in. During the succeeding six months
8,000 minots only had been obtained ; it had been estimated
that the supply would amount to "tftfxxi minots. By making
a perquisition on the mills, and taking possession of what was
assigned to the dime, 4,000 additional minots were considered
available.
It was resolved also to strengthen the western posts. On
the 26th of March, Pouchot, with five hundred Canadians, was
detached to command at Point au Baril. He was to finish
the vessels being built there for service on lake Ontario and he
was afterwards to take command at Niagara. De Villars, a
captain of " la Sarre," was ordered, with five hundred land
, troops and five hundred Canadians, under Marin, to leave on
the 1st of April and reach the Cedars on the ice, so that in the
opening of the navigation they could go forward to Point au
Baril. The guns and the rigging for the vessels were carried
with them. Pouchot was immediately to proceed to Niagara
with seven hundred men and to send on supplies to the Ohio
forts.
In April Pouchot arrived at Niagara and relieved de Vassan.
He had authority to move the troops from Presqu'ile, de Bceuf
and Machault, so that in case of attack on himself, he could
mass three thousand men at Niagara. Pouchot, hearing of no
movement, and believing, from the report of the Indians, that
none was designed, sent on reinforcements to de Ligneris, for
the hope remained that fort Duquesne could be retaken ;
Pouchot himself remained at Niagara with between three and
four hundred men.
Preparations were made for the defence of lake Champlain.
Xebecs* were constructed at Saint John's, armed and manned
to cruise on the lake. What was feared was, that while an
advance was made against Carillon there might be a descent
of the rapids by an overpowering force to attack Montreal. At
* Smill, Uiree-muted vessels : tbej' are mosily in use in the Mediterranean.
-awGoOi^lc
220 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
this time there was no great anxiety for the safety of Quebec.
The supply of the troops was the most serious consideration.
The provisions would soon be entirely consumed, and unless
ships bringing relief arrived from France, there would be posi-
tive destitution. There were only 8o,0CX) lbs. of powder in
the colony. There were 4,000 land troops available for
defence, and it was considered 10,000 or 12,000 habitants were
capable of bearing arms, and could be brought into the field.
On the loth of May de Bougainville arrived in Quebec
from France. The squadron consisted of two frigates and
eighteen transports, with a limited supply of provisions, about
6,000 quarters of wheat, and some munitions of war. He
brought also some reinforcements ; he was the bearer of
several brevets of promotion : De Vaudreuil received the
grand cross ; Montcalm was appointed lieutenant-general
and commander; de L^vis, man'chal de camp; and Dumas,
major-general ; with many less important appointments. De
Bougainville was also the bearer of the important information
that Quebec was to be attacked, with the depressing certainty
that no further assistance would be sent from Versailles ; that
no aid was to be hoped for. Quebec, accordingly, demanded
the greatest attention, and it was determined to concentrate
for its defence, all the force of the country which could with
safetj- be withdrawn elsewhere.
Previous to Montcalm leaving Montreal, the final arrange-
ments were made for the defence of lake Champlain. De
Bourlamaque was sent in command, with twenty-five hundred
men, of a force variously composed of the battalions of "la
Reine," "de Berry," and twelve hundred Canadians. His
secret instructions were, that if extremely pushed, he should
make a pretence of defending Carillon, and while doing so he
was to undermine and, when ready, blow up the fortress. The
same proceeding, if necessary, was to be followed at fort Saint
Frederick, Crown point. The force should then retreat to
He aux Noix, the fortifications of which were immediately to
be commenced. De la Come, with 1,200 men, was sent to
the head of the Galops rapids, the first of the series, seven
-abvG00»^lc
1759] SYSTEM OF DEFENCE. 221
miles below Prescott and Ogdeiisburg.* He established him-
self at the largest island of the small group, now known as
Galops island, by the sides of which the first short rapid
passes. He was to guard the river and watch Oswego.
Every attention was now bestowed on the defence of
Quebec. De Vaudreuil arrived there on the 28th of May,
having been preceded by Montcalm on the 23rd ; de Livis
arrived towards the end of the month. Plans of defence were
considered, in which de L^vis took a leading part. It was
determined more efficiently to enclose the exposed parts of
the city. Fire ships and rafts were made, a floating battery
was constructed, capable of carrying from ten to twelve i8-prs.
and 24-prs. Several boats were constructed to carry one
6-pr. or 8-pr. It was resolved that the river side should be
intrenched from the Saint Charles to Montmorency falls, and
redoubts constructed at intermediate distances. The troops
were encamped on the right bank of the Saint Charles, some-
thing more than half a mile from the city. The regiments
present were "La Sarre," "Royal Rousillon," " Languedoc,"
" Guicnne," and " B^arn," while the militia of Montreal, Three
Rivers, and Quebec were formed into three battalions, officered
by men from the marine corps.
On de Levis' arrival a council of war was held. The
channel of the river Saint Charles, a short distance from its
mouth, was closed by two sunken vessels, on which batteries
were constructed ; a bridge of boats was thrown over the river
Saint Charles, to connect the two banks. De L^vis was sta-
tioned at the extreme east, with the Montreal battalions,
having under his charge the line from Beauport to Mont-
morency. De Bougainville was ordered to assume command
at Beauport, and to direct the operations to the middle of the
plain. The five battalions of the regular troops and the Three
■ These rapids, aboul a mile ^nd a half in length, rarely exceed in force aa
eilrencly swift cuttent. After hnlf a mile of quiet waler the rapids of point
Cardinal succeed, known in modern times as " Fanen'a poinl rapids." In con-
nection with ibe Iroquois rapids they are overcome by a canal 7^ miles in length,
with a guard lock and two lift locks. Their total mean height is 15ft. gin. The
island in question is within the United States territory.
-abvG00»^lc
222 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
Rivers corps were stationed in the centre. The Quebec
battalion was placed on the right. De Vaudreuil and Mont-
calm estabHshed their headquarters in the centre of the plain.
The traverse was sounded with the view of sinking a dozen
vessels there, and making the ascent of the British fleet
impossible. The design, however, was not carried out, but
all the indications and landmarks were removed. To assure
the safety of the ships, they were sent up the river to near
the Grondines. The crews of these vessels, fourteen hundred
in number, were retained in the city to aid in its defence,
specially to be used in working the guns.
De Vaudreuil's instructions were urgent, that in all cases the
women and children should retire to the woods with the
cattle. His orders on this subject were marked by the
exaggeration habitual to him : " Tell them," he said,* in a
letter found in one of the houses in the neighbourhood of
Quebec, " that the order had been expressively given him by
the king. It was the only way to prevent the melancholy
fate which the English had resolved to make the inhabitants
undergo. It was their design to massacre everything that was
Canadian, without distinction to sex or age." Everyone
capable of bearing arms over fifteen years of age was called
into the field, and ordered to hold himself in readiness to join
the army ; the cur^s were directed to aid in carrying out these
orders as fully as possible. According to the statement of
Joannas, the major of Quebec, in many instances the cattle
were found out by Wolfe's parties, so the British troops in no
way wanted beef.
While in England the successes at Louisbourg, at Frontenac
and at fort Duquesne in some measure counterbalanced the
deplorable failure at Ticonderoga, the emotions awakened
by that gigantic blunder did not rapidly pass away. It may
be said that so long as past events are read and studied by
those who can identify themselves with the narratives which
they read, the episode of Ticonderoga must ever remain a
painful chapter of Canadian history. Pitt's nature was not
• Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 88, p. 13S.
-abvG00»^lc
I7S9] APPOINTMENT OF WOLFE. 223
one to be daunted, however much it might have been affected
by this painful reverse, and he resolved in the spring to organ-
ize an expedition which would indisputably affirm British rule
in North America. The French were to be followed home in
their remaining strongholds and driven out from the posses-
sion of them throughout the valley of the Saint Lawrence.
On Wolfe's arrival in London, hearing of the design " he
wrote to Pitt stating his readiness to serve in America. He
was then in bad health, as he told his friend Rickson ; he was
suffering from gravel and rheumatism. His desire was to
serve in Germany. " If," he said at this date, " my poor talent
were considered, they would place me in the cavalry, because
nature has given me good eyes and a warmth of temper to
follow first impressions."
The system of those days was to give as little consideration
to the officer as could be given. The principle of local rank
was introduced, so that the duties of a higher and more
responsible position were exacted without the pay, rank and
allowances which should accompany them. Thus Wolfe had
merely been a brigadier in America, and when he returned to
England he reverted to his position as a colonel.-f
Wolfe rejoined the regiment of which he was colonel, the
67th, at Salisbury. The 20th regiment, of which he had been
the lieutenant-colonel, was in Germany, destined to gain the
highest honour the following year at Minden, on the ist of
August. Wolfe's feeling led him to desire service on the
continent.:!: The 67th soon felt the influence of Wolfe's
• I2nd of November. 1758.
+ n was thewme principle in the navy; Ihus arter the close oflhesi^^of Quebec
Saunders ordered lord CoIviUe, then in conimand of the "Northumberland," to
Halifax with bis own vessel, four more ships of the tine and two or three frigales,
with instructions to ascend to Quebec as early as ihe season would permit. " I
propose," added Saunders, " to appoint a captain to the ' Northumberland,' urvder
Lord Colville, and to order his Lordship to hoist a Broad pennant." [Can. Arch-
ives, A.& W. 1., SS, p. 4S.] Thus making Lord Colville perform admiral's duty
on captain's pay.
; He wrote to captain Parr, a captain of the loth, on the 6lh of December :
" It is mj fortune to be cursed vrith American service, yours to serve in an army
commanded by a great and able Prince, nhere I would have been if my choice
and inclinations had been consulted." [Wright's Life of Wolfe, p. 468.]
-awGoOi^lc
224 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
genius, for he introduced the system which had made his
former regiment what it then was. He was absent in Bath,*
where he received a letter from Pitt summoning him to town,
and the offer of the command was made to him. It appears
that Wolfe had authority to select his subordinates. Towards
the end of December he wrote to Pitt, pointing out that a
squadron of eight or ten sail, proceeding to Bic, would prevent
all relief reaching Quebec this season : the policy subsequently
followed by sending admiral Durell and a strong force to the
Saint Lawrence in advance of the expedition.
On the list of the staff being submitted to the i;ing, he
objected to the name of colonel Guy Carleton, afterwards
lord Dorchester, who played so prominent a part in Canadian
history, Carleton had incurred the royal disfavour, owing to
some remarks which it was reported he had made unfavourable
to the Hanoverian guards. The king in the first instance
" scratched " Carleton's name ; but he was finally induced to
waive his prejudice, on being told that, in order to make a
general, employed on confidential service, fully responsible,
and that he should have no ground for excuse in case of
failure, his recommendation with regard to the subordinate
appointments should be accepted.
Wolfe now became major-general, remaining subordinate
to Amherst as commander-in-chief in America. It was an
important matter, for his pay was but £2 a day, whereas as
commander-in-chief it would have been ;^io, with £1,000 for
extraordinary expenses. All Wolfe obtained in the latter
head was ^500. Lord Barrington, then secretary of war
however, assured him that any extraordinary expenses he was
forced to incur would be repaid him.
■ At Bath VVolle met Kntherlne, daughter of Mr. Robert Lowther, who bad
been governor of Barbadocs ; her luicle, sir James Lowther, became the first lord
Lonsdale. Miss Lowther was an heiress. The courtship was not long, and thej
became engaged. It was not impossible, as has ofleti occurred in military Ur«,
[hat it was the separation which Wolfe's command occasioned, requiring him to
leave in the middle of February, which led to a sudden expression of feeling that
in ordinary life might have taken months to elicit. When he sailed with his
command Wolfe wai the accepted suitor of Miss Lowther, and he carried her
portta.li to America. After Wolfe's death Miss Lowther became duchess of Bolton.
-awGoOi^lc
1759] GEORGE TOWNSHEND. 225
The brigadiers were Monckton, Townshend, and Murray.
Robert Monckton, the senior officer of the three, was the
second son of John, first viscount Galway : he was likewise a
nephew of the second duke of Rutland : accordingly he held
a high social position. Monckton had served some years in
America ; he had conducted the operations against fort
Beaus^jour and received its surrender from de Vergor. Sub-
sequently he had been appointed colonel of the fourth battalion
of the 6oth, or Royal Americans. This regiment had con-
stituted a portion of lord Loudoun's force in 1757. He was
present at the siege of Louisbourg as colonel of the second
battalion of the 60th. Monckton had thus had much ex-
perience, and possessed great ability: throughout the campaign
he acted cordially with Wolfe. The second brigadier was
George Townshend, afterwards the marquis of Townshend.
He was a man of some capacity, but his talents took rather a
social than a military turn. He had much local reputation,
and being the eldest son of viscount Townshend, and heir to
the title, he was not particularly patient of authority. His
vanity was intense. He was a caricaturist,* and like many
men with this gift, was perfectly callous how he exercised it,
and careless of the feelings he wounded. He had been
attached to the party of the duke of Cumberland, and had
received favours from him. He had abandoned the cause of
the duke to join that of the prince of Wales. Some of the sub-
sequent caricatures attacking the duke were the production of
Townshend, and his talents appeared more in this respect than
any other. These were days when a title could do much for
its possessor, and when Townshend olTered his services to the
war department, some of the letters written to him, in modern
times would be held to be fulsome in the extreme of bad taste.
Sir Richard Lyttleton wrote him, " that as a friend zealous
for your glory, he had nothing more to do than to applaud
with all mankind a resolution that you yourself have taken,"
The most extraordinary letter was that of Amherst, com-
mander-in-chief, who told him, in acknowledging his letter,
* AdIc, p. 96.
-awGpOi^lc
226 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['759
that "your kind assurances of friendship to me, of which I
have so often had proofs, make me very happy, and [ shall
try to prove myself deserving of the continuance of it. . . .
I won't flatter myself you will remain in this part of the world.
I would be sorry you did any longer than you like."* He
was of little help to Wolfe : a contrast to Monckton, who
personally was a man of high honour, and a soldier in every
sense of the word. Monckton's dangerous wound brought
Townshend Into prominence ; otherwise his name would be
scarcely mentioned in history, f
His own letters shew that at an early date he had lost all
" New York, April J4tli, 1719- Townshend MSS., p. 307.
t No better lype can be given of Townshenil's cbaracter ihan the teller to his
wife, Lady Ferrats. It is dated from Point Levis. In justice to Townshend's
memory, I give it unabridged. ToBmshend papers, p. 308.
"My Dearest Charlotte, I hope M'. Perceval will arrive safe & bring you
these two letters from me. The Happiness of writing to you is beyond all I
know. My Concern for your sutTerings, tny afTeclion for you & your Dear little
ones, convince me how unlit I am for this Sceene, which another Month will,
thank God, give a Conclusion to. The Captive Women & Children which I
see every Day brought in here, often tell me what I am & who belong to me,
but above all the malencholly News I received the Day before yesterday,
upon my arrival here from the cursed camp of Montmorenci, of my poor Brother's
death, has reproved me for not consulting my own nature more, when I ask'd
you to [let me] return to the Army. Il had then pleaded for you, when you did
not plead for yourself, & I had not been novr in a Sceene of Ambition, Con-
fusion & Misery, and you oppress'd, as I know you must be, with Terrours &
affliction. I dare say poor Lady Tounshend too now starts at every knock at the
Door. Let us look up with hopes, my Charlotte, to the Disposer of all things, &
trust he will in his Mercy & Cioodness do all for the best. I have wrote a line
to poor Lady Tounshend, to comfort her by convincing her of my own Health
& safety. One month more will put an End to our Troubles. I never served
so disagreeable a Campaign as this. Our unequal Force has reduced our Opera-
tions to a Sceene of Skirmishing, Cruelty & Devastation. It is War of the
worst Shape. A Sceene I ought not to be in ; for the future, believe me, my dear
Charlotte, I will seek the reverse of it.
"Gen'. Wolf's Health is but very bad. His Generalship, in my poor
ODinion — is not a bit better ; this only between us. He never consulted any of us
the latter end of August, so that we have nothing to answer for, I hope, as to
success of this Campaign, which from the Disposition the French have made
heir force must chiefly fall to Gen'. Amherst & Geri*. Johnson.
" God bless you, my most Dear Wife, my blessing to mj Children, my good
•rge in particular, and thank him for his Letters. I have constantly [hanked
-abvG00»^lc
I7S9] JAMES MURRAY. 22/
heart in the campaign. He looked forward to its closing, in a
few days, in failure. In his view, all that remained for the
army to do was to re-embark with the fleet and to return
safely to England. Townshend was naturally a weak man ;
pampered by prosperity and flatter)', his thoughts were
centred in his comfort and ease. He forms the greatest
contrast that can be furnished to Wolfe's patriotism, patience
and courage. Walpole in his letters speaks of Townshend as
thrusting himself into the service, and as far as "wrong-
headedness will go, very proper for a hero."*
The third brigadier was James Murray, son of the fourth
lord Elibank. He occupies a high place in Canadian history,
having been the first governor general of Canada after the
treaty of peace, for Amherst's position can scarcely be so
described. He was present at the expedition against Roche-
fort, and served at the taking of Louisbourg. Wolfe had
formed the highest opinion of his courage and conduct. He
appears at one time to have fallen under the influence of
Townshend. One of his letters shews unfriendliness to
Wolfe. It is plain that something was said to the disadvan-
tage of himself and Townshend. Whatever the character of
this unfriendly criticism, no trace of it remains ; it has
passed from the page of history. Removed from Townshend's
influence, the character of Murray returned to its original
loyalty. There is a letter extant from Murray to Townshend t
God for the succes in the Innoculation, a most comfortable circumstance for ;ou.
M'. Barker hai been slightly wounded. M'. Gay quite recover'd & join'd us.
Our Campaign' is just over. I shall come back in Ad'. Saunders' ship, 4 in
two months shall again belong to those I ought never to have left. Adieu. Your
most affects Huabood & faithful! friend,
"Gbo. Townshend."
■ Letters to Sir H. Mann, vol. III., p. 356.
+ " 1 shall look for the letter you mention, take a copy of it and deposite the
original nith you. Since so black a lye was propogated, I think myseir very
bappf that you will be on the spot lo contradict whatever Ignorance or Faction
may su^esl.
"I have no copy of the paper I sent by you to Gen", Wolfe concerning his
Scheme of landing between Point au Tremble and St. Augustin, but ibe publick
orders are a sufficient proof of his intention lo do it, and likewise of the sudden-
-awGoOi^lc
228 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. U759
which suggests some unpleasantness with Wolfe, the conse-
quences of which they did not regard with satisfaction.
ness of the ihoughl of landing when we did. Indeed his Orders throughout the
campaign shows little stability, stiatagem or fixt resolulian. I wish his friends
had not been lo much our Enemys, hii Memory would probably have been dearer
to his Counlrythan now it can be. We are acting on the defensive, you have th«
Execution of the plan, I am well perswaded you will manage il with as much
tenderness to the memory of the poor Gen", as the natiue of things will admit of."
Murray to Townshend, 5th of October, 1759.
Townshend papers, p. 316.
-awGoOi^lc
I7S9] ADMIRAL SAUNDERS.
CHAPTER VII.
The remarkable feature of Pitt's administration was the
energy and despatch with which he carried out his purpose.
No sooner was the determination formed to proceed against
Quebec than measures were taken to organize the expedition,
detach vessels for the service and appoint the naval officers for
the chief positions.
The command of the fleet was given to admiral Saunders.
During the whole period of the siege his conduct was so
unexceptionable, as to establish his claim on the respect of
posterity : nevertheless with that perverse indifference to merit
so frequently manifested, when a great name has called forth
a nation's homage, the escutcheon of Saunders has obtained
little emblazonry from after-fame. Although of great promi-
nence and distinction in his day, no dictionary of biography
even records his name. The omission is the more striking
that during his whole life he was actively engaged, on all
occasions displaying pre-eminent ability, while the service
rendered by him in the Saint Lawrence was only secondary
to the masterly generalship of Wolfe, It is scarcely possible
to find a better example of professional skill, devotion to
duty, loyalty and hopeful co-operation in a common effort
than in the assistance rendered by the navy in the operations
of the siege, and yet modern biographical histories make no
mention of the admiral who performed this service.
We learn from contemporary writers that he first attracted
attention as the lieutenant of the celebrated " Centurion," of
which lord Anson was in command, when he left England
in 1740, in his expedition round the world. In February of
the following year Saunders became commander of the
" Tryal," sloop of war In his passage round Cape Horn,
Saunders, out of his crew of eighty, lost thirty-four seamen.
-abvGoO»^lc
230 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['759
When at the island of San Juan Fernandez, he made a
reconnaissance survey of the bays and inlets. Some Spanish
prisoners who were brought there expressed their surprise,
that in so short a time the British had built a brig, for they
could not suppose it possible, that so small a vessel could navi-
gate the stormy waters round cape Horn, when so many
of the large ships of Spain were obliged to turn back. He
accompanied Anson as far as Macao, in China, whence in
November, 1742, he was sent with despatches to England.
His presence in this position established his reputation, and
was the precursor of the good fortune and distinction which
he attained. In 1745 he was in command of the " Sandwich "
90. Subsequently, on being transferred to the " Yarmouth "
64, he took a leading part in the victory of Hawke of the 14th
of October, 1742. In 1750 he became member for Portsmouth.
In 1752, in command of the "Penzance," he proceeded to
Newfoundland to protect the fisheries. Two years later he
became treasurer of Greenwich hospital. In May of that
year, on the election of the new parliament, through the
interest of Lord Anson, he was returned for Heydon, in
Yorkshire, which he represented in every change of parlia-
ment until his death. At the breaking out of the war he had
been appointed to the fleet of admiral Hawke. Subsequently
he was selected by Pitt to the command of the fleet in Wolfe's
expedition.*
On the 8th of January Saunders received his appointment.
Two days later he was instructed to send admiral Durell, one
of the junior admirals, to Halifax with not less than four
" It is Efalifying' to ^ able to slale that Saunders, during his life, was the
recipieni o( full honour from the crown. On his return from Quebec, he was
appointed iieutenanl-genenil of marines, and on taking his seat in the house of
commons, he received the thanks of the speaker. He was again appointed in
command of the Mediterranean fleet. In r762, sir Charles Saunders became
knight of the bath. For a short period in 1766, he acted as lirsl lord of ihe
admiralty. He finally rose, in 1770, to the highest rank, as admiral of the fleet.
He died ihe 7th of December, 1775, of gout in the stomach, leaving a lai^e
fortune. Among his heirs were admiral Keppel, who was with him in the
" Centurion," and sir Hugh Palliser. The bulk of his properly went to his niece.
He was buried in Westminster abbey privately, near the monument of Wolfe.
-abvG00»^lc
1759] SAILING OF THE FLEET. 231
ships of the line. In a few days he was told that the
departure of these vessels was not to be delayed in the
" Downs " by the separation of the stores and arms deliverable
at Halifax, but that the ships should sail to New York, and
that, at that port, as the list directed, the stores and arms
should be given over to Amherst. The transports, fifty-nine
in number, with ordnance ships, were immediately to sail
convoyed by four sail of the line and as many frigates. The
spirit in which Saunders entered upon his duty can be con-
ceived,when we read that he recommended sending Folkeston
cutters "to examine creeks and bays in the Saint Lawrence."
Saunders was at Portsmouth until the 3rd of February.
On the l6th he wrote from Plymouth sound, under sail. All
the ships were together, with seven victuallers and four
months' provisions for five thousand men. The fleet, seventy
sail in all, weighed anchor on the 14th, and kept well
together until the 24th ; early on the 2Sth a storm, which
lasted for two days, separated the vessels, so that on the 2nd
of March they could number only forty-three. On the 10th
Saunders wrote to Pitt that Durelt had been ordered to the
Saint Lawrence to watch the mouth of the river ; he also
forwarded a copy of a letter to de Lancey, then governor of
New York, in which he pledged himself that men on the
ships bringing provisions to the fleet should not be pressed.
Seamen were, however, required, and Saunders called upon
the governor to obtain men by all legal means ; especially
pilots for the Saint Lawrence.
Although it was the end of April when the fleet arrived at
Louisbourg, owing to the ice the ships were unable to enter
the harbour, so they sailed to Halifax, where they anchored on
the 30th of the month. Durel! was preparing to start, and
he left Halifax on the 5th of May, Saunders sailed on the
13th. The first transports with troops arrived under convoy
at Louisbourg on the 17th of May. Even at that date there
was an unusual amount of ice in the harbour. Indeed, the
severity of the winter had greatly retarded the expedition.
Cruisers were immediately despatched ; the " Lizard " to
-abvGoO»^lc
232 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
move between the northwest of Anticosti and the southern
shore ; the " Nightingale " between North cape, cape Ray and
the Bird islands. ~
The letter of Saunders had the effect of obtaining some
additional strength to the navy. Two hundred and forty
seamen joined the fleet from Boston. Some of the victuallers
returning home, the opportunity was taken of sending to
France some French prisoners and several of the inhabitants
who had remained at Louisbourg. When Saunders reached
Louisbourg fifteen transports had not appeared.
The object in ordering admiral Durell to the Saint
Lawrence was to prevent the construction of fortifications at
ile aux Coudres,* by means of which the ascent of the Saint
Lawrence might be made more difficuU through the waters
west of it known as the " traverse." This island is opposite
Saint Paul's bay, about thirty-six miles east of the island of
Orleans ; the ile aux Grues intervenes in the middle of this
distance, and is succeeded by a series of smaller islets.
Accordingly, the channel is directed across the river towards
the south of the island of Orleans, and, although wide and deep,
is in many spots intricate, and a knowledge of these difficulties
is indispensable to its safe navigation.
The opinion had been formed that this part of the river
might be fortified by the French, and that resistance at this
point might be experienced. Durell's expedition had been
sent to prevent any such attempt, and it was accompanied by
a land force under the command of Carleton,the quartermaster-
general. Durell arrived at the ile aux Coudres on the 6th of
■ ile aux Coudres was so named by Cattier in hia second voyage, 6ih June,
1535. [Voyages, Que. Hisl. Doc., p. 27.] It attracted the allention of Champlain
in his ficst voyage of 1603. He speaks of the island as i( il were well known ;
" qui t'app<lUiU aux Couilres" [p. S7, Laval Champlain], suggesting that some
mariners wete witli him, *ho had previously ascended tlie Si. Lawrence. It
is not possible to suppose that il could have been identified from its mention in
Carlier's narrative of seventy years previously. So far u our knowledge goes,
Canada had been abandoned during the whole ol that period, but the language
of Champlain suggests ihe continuation of such voyages. Champlain again
described the island in his voyage of 160S. The name of the island is attributable
to the profusion of hazel nuts originally found there.
-abvG00»^lc
1759] *LE AUX COUDRES. 233
June* The fact was immediately made known at Point L^vis
by the lighted beacons. The first report magnified the force,
but the true strength was soon known : ten British ships of
war convoying the transports.
Durell landed some of his force on the island, and securely
established himself there. The consequence was that it was
abandoned by the inhabitants, who passed over to the north
shore. Their property was in no way injured, but the houses
were taken possession of by the troops.
It was soon noticed that the new occupiers wandered care-
lessly about the island, and some of the inhabitants of the bay
of Saint Paul saw that the opportunity was offered of taking
some prisoners. A few of them landed unobserved, and,
placing themselves in ambush, surprised three young officers
who were riding about the island, among them the grandson
of Durell. They were mounted, and were proceeding to place
the British flag on a height. Their horses were shot, and
they were made prisoners and carried to Quebec. They were
interrogated, and the information given by them did not tend
to quiet the public feeling. They informed them that there
would be twenty-five vessels of the line, twelve frigates and
two hundred transports, and that the army would amount to
twenty thousand men, and had little doubt of its ultimate
success. After having been kept some days at Quebec and
kindly treated, they were sent to Three Rivers.
The effect of this news was to cause great vigilance on the
island of Orleans, whence the women and children were sent
to the woods with the cattle. De L^ry was selected to carry
out the duty, Durell was too late to prevent the arrival of
the spring fleet, and eighteen vessels, with recruits and
provisions, convoyed by two frigates, reached Quebec. It
was in one of these ships de Bougainville arrived. Durell
was, however, fortunate enough to take two victualler ships,
which contained some stores and supplies, which proved
of much use. An attempt was made with two barges to land
* De Vaiidieuil's intercepled lelter, 7ih of June, Caii. Arch., A. & W. I.,
«8, p. 131.
-abvG00»^lc
234 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['759
in the bay of Saint Paul. But the small force was so vigor-
ously opposed by the armed inhabitants, that the effort was
discontinued.
Duretl lost no time in buoying out the channel of the
traverse, and attempting its passage. On the 26th of June
some of his ships were seen from the city • and their appear-
ance hastened the establishment of the camp at BeauporL
As there was no attempt to ascend the river, and the seamen
were busied with its survey, the truth began to dawn upon
the defenders of Quebec, that Durell's squadron was only the
forerunner of a larger and more powerful force.
De Courtemanche, with six hundred men and some Indians,
was placed on the island of Orleans to observe the boats
engaged in sounding, to intercept them or destroy them,
as might be practicable. It is astonishing that in every
operation the Canadian mind clung to the theory of la
pelite guerre, a.nd never could be induced to abandon it. The
results which it obtained had no influence on the contest,
beyond the unfortunate consequence of greatly embittering
all who suffered from it. It never had any effect beyond the
destruction of those who were surprised, killed and scalped.
It was regarded with detestation by every able French ofliccr
present with the troops ; nevertheless, it was persevered in
until the final surrender at Montreal, De Courtemanche
could in no way hope to impede Durell's operations ; he
might kill a few of the seamen. Watching his opportunity,
he succeeded in surprising a boat containing eight men, which
had become separated from the rest, and in carrying them
away prisoners.
A more legitimate attempt was made to destroy Durell's
squadron, but the means taken failed entirely to effect
what had been anticipated. Le Mercier, with some artillery,
established himself at the eastern point of the island, and
discharged red-hot shot at the ships. The guns were ol
insufficient calibre, or possibly Durell was careful to keep out
of their range. His own fire was equally ineflective. So far
■ Journal de L^vis, p. iSo,
-abvG00»^lc
1759]
THE TROOPS IN THE FIELD.
235
as he was able, Durell continued his examination of the
channel. On his arrival he had seized some vessels, out of
which he had taken the pilots, and they were forced to assist
in pointing out the channel under the threat of being hanged.
Beyond the petty operations I have detailed, there was no
attempt to interfere with Durell.
When Wolfe's force was organized in England, it had been
determined, that it should be increased, by a strong contingent
of the regiments in garrison in Nova Scotia, On examining
the condition of the troops obtainable in the province, W'olfe
found that the number was less than he looked for. When
the regiments detailed for the defence of the province, five
hundred in number, had been deducted, two thousand could
only be added to the strength of the expedition. Wolfe
stated the case clearly to his uncle.*
In England his army was called 12,000 men, it did not reach
9,000. The total number of Wolfe's force on leaving Louis-
bourg was 8,53S.-t- There were some marines, if the admiral
■ 19th of M«y, 1759.
f Embarkation rslum. Expedlli
1 general Wolfe. Louisbourg, June, 1759.
I Slh AmherM's 34
iSlh Bragg's 16
3Sih Oiway's 36
43rd Kennedy's 29
47t)l Lascelles' 36
4Sth Wolfs 36
SSlh Anstrulber's 27
6«h a Moncltton's 17
3 Lawrence's 29
78th Simon Fraser. 50
3 Companies Louis-
bourg Grenadiers, Murray r3
Rangen, C«pt. Gurham 7
" Slaik 3
" Brewer. 3
•■ Hizmn. 3
Royal Artillery, Wilkinson 21
38I
601
67,
777
»o
»,
616
SK>
5«i
-awGoOi^lc
236 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
could spare them. For his engineering assistance he relied on
Carleton. The remaining acting engineers were indifferent,
and of little experience. The army Wolfe looked upon as
too smalt for the undertaking, but it was well composed, the
men having been brought under fire at the siege of Louisbourg.
There is a passage in this letter to be read with the greater
interest when Wolfe's death is considered. As the general in
command, he had clearly no business to be where he was, when
he fell at the head of the bayonet charge of the Louisboui^
grenadiers, and it could only have been the desperate
circumstances in which he was placed, that caused him to
lead the attack.*
A correspondence between Wolfe and Whitmore, which
took place at Louisbourg, may be accepted as typical of the
sentiment of many officers towards Wolfe. In certain quarters
there was great jealousy of his success, and envy added to this
ill feeling. On May the ist he had written to Amherst asking
to be reinforced, giving him the extraordinary information
that he was totally unprovided with funds. The condition of
the force in this respect will be seen, that when the fleet, after
the conquest, was leaving Quebec, owing to the want of money
the officers of the army and navy were appealed to by Murray,
to advance to the government, as a loan, all that they could
spare from their private means. Wolfe asked, that instructions
should be given to Whitmore to transfer to his command the
company of light infantry, for that any serious loss would
reduce the expedition to a division.-t- Amherst promised to
furnish three hundred pioneers from the Boston militia ; they,
however, arrived too late to embark with Wolfe. With regard
to the light infantry, Amherst stated that he had received no
instructions, but he was convinced brigadier general Whitmore's
zeal in the service would induce him to grant them.
• " You may be assured that I shall take all proper care of my own person,
unless in the case of the last importance, where it becomes a duly to do otherwise.
I never put myself un necessarily into the way of danger. Young troops must be
encouraged at first. What appears hazardous sometimes is really not 50, (o people
who know the country" [? contrary.] Wright, p. 499.
+ Wright publishes this word as 'diversion.' The letter is in Can. Arch.,
A. &. W. 1., 90, p. 233.
-abvG00»^lc
1759] BRIGADIER WHITMORE. 237
Wolfe consequently earnestly addressed Whitmore, asking
him for the company of light infantry omitted in the orders
sent from England. He had been disappointed in the regi-
ment expected from the West Indies. Several regiments
were weaker, than in England they were thought to be, and
he pointed out that it was good troops only which can make
amends for want of numbers. He continued : " It is there-
fore my duty to signify to you that it would be much for the
public service to let the other two companies of light infantry
embark with the army under my command, upon condition of
being replaced, man for man, by some of the rangers and
some of Frazer's additional companies, who are not so proper
for the field, though very efficient for the defence of a fortified
place. If there was any reason to apprehend that this change
might have the least ill consequence, I should not venture to
propose it. Mr. Lawrence, who has a very bad fortress and a
very weak garrison, accepted of the sick and recovering men
of the two American battalions as part of the joo regulars
intended for the defence of Nova Scotia, knowing very well
that upon the success of our attacks in Canada, the security
of the whole continent of America in a great measure
depends."
To this appeal, setting forth the emergency with manliness
and dignity, and only in view of the public service, which it
was the duty of Whitmore to safeguard, as it was that of
Wolfe, Whitmore returned the coldest and most official denial.
The letter was forwarded by Wolfe to England.*
Whitmore had previously received instructions from England
to use the utmost diligence in executing the orders he should
* ir brigadier Whitmore is lo be remembered, it U proper that (hii answer
shonid be prnerved. His answer is, therefore, given entire.
" I.ouisbaurg, 19th May, 1759.
" Sir, I have the Honor of jours of this dale vherein you acquaint me that
b the Diitribulion of the Forces for the Invasion of Canada, it was r^ulated that
Bragg's Reeimcnt, three companies of Grenadiers and one Company of Light
In&ntry besides the rangers should be taken from Louisbontg. By His Majesty's
Instnictions to me, I am to obey the orders I shall receive fcom Major General
Amherst or the commander-in-chief of His Majesty's Forces in No. America.
" I have not asycl received any orders from Major General Amherst to detach
-abvG00»^lc
238 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
receive from the commander-in-chief. By his instructions of
January the 18th, 1759, the words had been added "or other
his superior officers," They were not included in the sub-
sequent letter. In spite of what passed, Whitmore wrote to
Pitt with reference to the Quebec expedition, remarking " that
the inferior force of the enemy renders it extremely improba-
ble that any inconvenience can arise by the exchange of
regulars for provincials ;" himself furnishing the condemnation
of his conduct.
It has been said that Amherst wrote to Wolfe that he would
send him three hundred Boston pioneers, and, accordingly, he
appealed to Thomas Hutchinson, the lieut.-governor of Massa-
chusetts to obtain them. Hutchinson greatly exerted himself
in despatching them and wrote to Wolfe advising him to
borrow the troops from the provincials of the Louisbourg
garrison, to be replaced by the Boston pioneers. Wolfe
accordingly applied for them, Whitmore again shewed his
bad spirit ; instead of making a selection and ordering the
men to join Wolfe's corps he contented himself with asking for
\olunteers. As none offered to go he would give no orders
and none went.
On the 1st of June the fleet sailed out of Louisbourg har-
bour. The soldiers were in excellent spirits and they cheered
with all their hearts as the bands played what may be called
the national air as troops are sailing from home, "The girl I
left behind me." Knox, who was a captain of Kennedy's, the
43rd, tells us that at every mess table that night, of every rank,
the toast drunk was, " British colours on every French fort, post
and garrison in America.'-*
a Company of Light Infantry from this Garcison. Bia^'t R^ment, three
Companies of Granadiers and all the Rangers are ordered to embark when yoo
seeflt.
" Ed. Whitmore.
" Major Geni. Wolfe."
Can. Arch, A. & W. I., 88, p. 78. Whitmore's letter is not given by Wright.
Whitmore was drowned in a voyage from Louisbourg to Boston, in Januarr,
1763. The ship, by stress of weather, put into Plymouth. Whitmore is
represented as accidentally falling overboard.
* The name of captain R. N. Knoi will frequently appear as an authority daring
-abvG00»^lc
I7S9] THE SAINT LAWRENCE. 239,
Previous to sailing Wolfe wrote at length to Pitt He
related the rebuff he had received from Whitmore, and he had
the generosity to say that it had proceeded from a scrupulous
obedience to orders. He explained the reason of his applica-
tion, that he found the four new companies of rangers so bad
that he expected no service from them unless mixed with the
light infantry. Several transports had not arrived, but he
had taken flour from Louisboui^. He had applied for money
to Amherst, " but he could send me none. This is one of the
first sieges perhaps that ever was undertaken without it."
There were one thousand of the Boston militia at Louis-
bourg. It was from this body he asked for one hundred
pioneers. After the fleet had left he heard that three hundred
Massachusetts men were preparing to embark.*
The fleet under Saunders' command came in sight of the
coast of Newfoundland on the 29th of June. The snow still
lay upon the hills. Sailing between Newfoundland and the
north headland of Cape Breton, the ships passed the Bird
islands on the 9th, and on the 12th they reached the inhos-
pitable island of Anticosti, which for the centuries it has been
known is avoided by all but the lighthouse-keeper, the sports-
man, and the occasional fisherman, remaining to this hour
in its isolation. The fleet had now reached the waters within
a few miles of the scene, forty-five years previously, of the
Wolfe's campaign. He belonged lo Kennedy's, the 43rd. and was bom in
Edinburgh ; finallj' he established himself at Dalkeith, irtiere he died in 1790.
In 1769 he published two quarto volumes, the "Historical journals of the Campaigns
in North America, for the yean 1757, 58, 59 and 1760, etc."
* Hutchinson, in his history of the Province .of Massachusetts Bay, describes
these 300 men as "sent to Quebec." They do not appear to have gone further
than Louisbourg. The corps is not shewn on the several states, especially that on
the izlh of October, when the Tull force is given, amounting in all lo 8,817, >"
which (he only provincial regiments named are 5 companies of rangers. None of
the ringers were present before Quebec on the morning of the 13th of September,
or the 6,50a men raised by Massachusetts, 2,3oo were in Louisbourg and Nova
Scotia, the remainder served with Amherst. Wolfe spoke highly of Hutchinson's
real for the public service and very great knowledge of the affairs of his province.
His history of Massachusetts is one of the most valuable works we possess of
the annals of the American continent.
-awGoOi^lc
240 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['759
dreary failure of sir Hovenden Walker and " Jack " Hill, who
commanded the land troops. There was the same difficulty
for the British fleet in ascending the river, but admiral Saunders
had not been selected as the brother of the man midwife who,
in interesting circumstances, had attended the queen's female
favourite. On the i8th the ships arrived at Bic, where the
" Richmond," with Wolfe on board, had previously anchored.
By the 20th the fleet was at the mouth of the Saguenay.
A storm threatened for a time many of the transports, the
anchors of which were dragged, but the wind changed, and
the fleet arrived on the 23rd at lie aux Coudres. Here they
met admiral Durell, whose arrival has been recorded.
As the ships advanced, the signal fires were seen from
height to height, announcing at Quebec that the main English
Reet was in the Saint Lawrence. At that date Canada was
settled as far as Rimouski on the south shore. On the north
shore settlement reached Malbaie, some sixty miles below the
island of Orleans, The population, however, was scattered,
and not numerous.* As little faith could be given to the
pilots who had been pressed to perform their duty ; sound-
ing boats were sent in advance of the fleet, and the
navigation was undertaken by the seamanship of the several
• On the north shore selllemenl cilendcd to the ile aux Coudres, being some-
what continued to Malbaie, Les Eboulements and the bay of Saint Paul. In 1739,
the total population of these UsI-named parishes ia given as 445. [Census 70-71,
vol. IV., p. 6o.] In 1 765, two years after the conquest, the following pamhes are
named : tie aux Coudres, Eboulements, Bale St. Pan], Petite Kiviere, St.
Joachim, St. F^r^l, Ste. Anne du Nord, Chateau Richer, L'Ange Gardien,
BeaupoTt and Charlesbourg, with 901 familes and 4.946 of populalion. On the
aouth shore, below the island of Orleans, there were the parishes of St, Thomas,
Montmagny, He aux Gnies, L'Islet, Fort Joli, Ste, Anne de la Pocatiere, St. -
Denis, Kamouraska, Riviere du Loup, lie Vene, Trois PistoEcs and Rimouski.
By the census of 1765, settlements in addition are named at St. Valier, Berthier,
St. Fran9oi» du Sud, Cap St. Ignace, St. Roch and Riviire Ouelle. In 1739 the
popuUtion of the island of Orleans was 1,318, and from the island of Orleans to
Rimouski was 3,3i3> In 1765 the population of the island of Orleans was
3,303. No parishes arc named after Riviere du Loup suggesting that the settle-
ments east of that place had been abandoned. Including Rivjiredu Loup on the
north shore from St. Vallier, there were at that dale 1,415 bmilies and 7,890 of
population. [lb., pp. 64-65.]
-abvG00»^lc
I7S9] "OLD KILLICK-" 24I
captains.* The channel was laid off by different coloured
flags, and the ascent was successfully accomplished. On the
25th of June the vessels reached the east of the island of
Orleans, and advanced to the village of Saint Laurent. On
the afternoon of the 26th, Wolfe from the " Richmond," gave
* As the fleet was ascending 10 Quebec Knox was in the "Goodwill "transport,
the master of which was an old sailor named Killick. The pilot, who had been
one of the tnen talten prisoner, was ordered to cany ihe vessel through under
penaltf of death ; he was very angrj and showed so much ill-will that the sailors
would have thrown him overboard, except from admiral Saunders' order that no
prisoner should suRec ill-treatment. Knox understood French : had the pilot known
the fact be might have been mote guarded. "Some of your ships." said he,
"may reliirn to England, but they will have a dismal tale to carry, for Canada will
be the grave of the whole army, and I hope ere long to see the walls of Quebec
decorated with English scalps." Killick rightly gauged the situation or possibly
understood the man. The storj cannot be belter told than in Knox's own nrords :
" He vrould not let the pilot speak, but Eixed his mate at the helm, charged him
not to take orders from any person but hlmseir, and going forward with his trumpet
to the forecastle, gave the necessary instructions. All that could be said by Ihe
commanding officer and the other gentlemen on board was to no purpose ; the
pilot declared we should be lost, for that no French ships ever presumed to pftsa
there without a pilot. " Ay, ay, my dear," replied our son of Neptune, " but,
damn me, I'll convince you that an Englishman shall go where a Frenchman dare
not show his nose." The " Richmond " frigate being close astern of us, the
commanding officer called out to the captain and told him our case ; he enquired
who the master was, and was answered from the forecastle by the man himself,
who told him " he was old Killick, and thai was enough ! " I went forward with
this experienced mariner, who pointed out the channel to me as we passed,
shewing me by Ihe ripple and colour of the water where there was any danger,
and distinguishing the places where there were ledges of rock (to me invisible)
from banks of sand, mud or gravel. He gave his orders with great unconcern,
joked with the sounding boats which lay ofl" on each side with different coloured
Hags for our guidance, and when any of them called to him and pointed to the
deepest water, he answered : "Ay, ay, my dear, chalk it down, a damned
dangerous navigation, eh ? If you don't make a splutter about it, you'll get no
credit in England." After we had cleared this remarkable place, where the
channel tbrms a complete zigzag, the master called to his mate to give the helm
to somebody else, saying, " Damn me if there are not a thousand places in the
Thames lifty times more hazardous than this ; I am ashamed that Englishmen
make such a rout about it." The Frenchman asked me if the captain had not
been there before. I assured bioi in the negative, upon which he viewed him
with great attention, lifting at the same time his hands and eyes to heaven with
astonishment and fervency."
Thii passage has been already published, and is well known, but it is too
remarkaUe to be omitted.
-abvG00»^lc
242 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
orders for the landing to be made on the following morning.
At midnight he sent lieutenant Meech, of the rangers, with
forty men, to feel what was before them. They came upon a
party of Canadians, who were burying their property. Meech,
believing himself to be surrounded, ordered his men to fire,
when the Canadians retired. Meech made no attempt to
pursue, but took possession of a house, and at daylight sent
in search of one of his men, who was missing. He was found
dead, and scalped. The rangers followed the trace of the
Canadians to the north of the island, where it was seen that
they had embarked for the north shore.
The troops landed, and parties marched over the islantJ to
find it deserted. On the church door was a letter from the
curi to the worthy officers of the British army, " asking their
protection for the church and his dwelling, regretting that they
had not arrived earlier, so they could have enjoyed the
asparagus and the vegetables in his garden." The ornaments
and the plate of the church, together with all that could be
removed, had been taken away.
The island of Orleans is twenty miles in length and six
miles at its greatest breadth ; the main channel runs to the
south of it ; at its western point the harbour of Quebec
commences. From this spot Wolfe first looked upon the
fortress he was present to attack. The Beauport shoals lay
to the north of the seven miles of water between him and
Quebec ; to the south. Point L^vis projects to approach
Quebec on its western side within a mile and a half; to the
east of Point Levis the channel is two and a half miles wide,
the chord of the projecting point being four miles from east
to west. The French intrenchments extended along the north
shore to the falls of Montmorency ; the left of the line being
protected by the rapid current of the stream descending to
the falls, making its passage impracticable. The right of the
line rested upon the river Saint Charles, bridged to admit of
access to Quebec. Before him stood the fortress with the flag
of France waving in the sunlight. On the same morning
there was a violent storm ; fortunately, the troops were dis-
-abvGoO»^lc
Gooi^lc
-awGoOi^lc
1759] THE FIRE-SHIPS. 243
embarked. Some of the transports were driven from their
moorings and were cast ashore ; others suffered injury by being
dashed together. No permanent damage, however, was caused,
and no life was lost. The storm was of short duration, and
during the following day, the 38th, the water was perfectly
calm, and the troops quietly established themselves in their
quarters. During the night of that day the fire-ships were
sent down from Quebec. They failed most egregiously in
their purpose : they had been prepared in anticipation of the
arrival of the British fleet, and much had been hoped from
them. They were seven in number : three consisted of large
merchant vessels ; the remainder were schooners and bateaux,
and had been constructed under one Oclouches, the master of
a merchantman. It had been determined that the fire-ships
should be directed against the three frigates which were in
advance, and that the remainder should be sent against the
sixty transports lying at Saint Patrick's cove, in the island of
Orleans. Oclouches set fire to his ship after passing Point
L6vis. The frigates sent out boats to meet the danger, and
the vessel was safely towed to Beaumont, seven miles beloW
Point L^vis. Of the six others, three only made their way to
the island. One exploded when the match was lighted ; two
burst into flames before leaving Quebec. The shouts of the
English sailors, on the failure of the attempt, reached Quebec
to add to the discomfiture which succeeded the vain hope of
success.
The appearance of these fire-ships so struck with terror the
guard at the western point of the island that the men ran from
their posts and spread alarm in the ranks. They were sternly
rebuked by Wolfe in his general orders and the ofllicer placed
under arrest ; he was, however, subsequently released at
Monckton's intercession.
The storm which had been experienced suggested to the
admiral the insecurity of his moorings ; he determined, accord-
ingly, to anchor his ships in the basin of Quebec. Previous
to so acting, Saunders brought to Wolfe's notice the necessity
of taking possession of Point L^vis. On the night of the
-abvGoO»^lc
244 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['759
29th, Monckton, with his command, crossed over to Beau-
mont on the southern shore. The isth, 43rd and 78th,
with some rangers, constituted the force. They lay on their
arms until morning. The outposts were attacked by some of
the militia ; the skirmish, however, was unimportant. Three
of the French were killed and were scalped by the rangers in
retaliation ; three were taken prisoners. The British loss was
one mortally, two slightly wounded. Monckton attached to
the church door the proclamation issued by Wolfe. It set
forth that the object of the invasion was the conquest of the
country. He offered his protection to the habitants provided
they took no active, part in the contest: should they refuse
these terms then the law of nations would justify their
experiencing the fate of war.
On the morning of the 30th of June, Monckton's force
advanced towards Point L^vis : after having proceeded about
four miles, they were fired on from the woods. A halt was
made and the march was then continued through the open
fields, until Point L^vis was reached and the church taken pos-
session of Montcalm had advised that this position should
be held and fortified. The influence of de Vaudreuil, however,
prevailed with the council, to reject the proposition on the
ground that although some injury might be done to the lower
town, artillery from the point could not harm the city. On
the 1st of July some floating batteries were sent from the city
to attack the British force. They were quickly silenced by
a frigate, sent by the admiral to drive them off". A battery
en barbette was established without delay, and the safety of
the fleet was more thoroughly assured, by the same precaution
being taken at the western front of the island of Orleans.
The attack of the floating batteries had not been without
effect ; of the British force four were killed and seventeen
wounded, many mortally, but it in no way interfered with the
permanent establishment of the detachment. A fort was
constructed on the island of Orleans for provisions and stores.
Several old men, women, and children had been brought in
prisoners from the south shore. Wolfe gave them their
-abvGoO»^lc
1759] MONTMORENCY. 245
liberty, and sent them to Quebec with a flag of truce. Infor-
mation was also sent that the ladies were on board, whom
Durell had brought from Miramichi. Opportunity was taken
to inquire concerning the three young officers surprised at tie
aux Coudres. De Vaudreuil replied that he had treated the
prisoners with distinction, and when he heard that Wolfe was
about to depart he wou Id send them back to him.
There were now 300 Ottawas and 400 Iroquois and
Abenakis with the French. Many had arrived early in the
siege, and their presence in attacking and scalping any
stragglers was soon felt. In any considered plan of opera-
tions they were of little account.
The French lines closed with the falls of Montmorency.
Wolfe, perceiving that the ground to the eastward was higher*
than that held by the French, considered that it offered a
favourable point for attack. There was also a ford below the
falls, which for some period between the ebb and flow was
passable. Wolfe hoped that there might be a fordable place
in the river above the falls by which he might pass his troops.
In modern times this ford is well known, and some writers
have imagined that it was from ignorance that Wolfe did not
avail himself of it. Wolfe was well aware of its existence. " In
reconnoitring the river Montmorency," he says, " we found it
fordable + at a place about three miles up, but the opposite
bank was intrenched, and so steep and woody, that it was to
no purpose to attempt passage there." Wolfe doubtless
recollected the defeat of Braddock, and the repulse of Aber-
crombie from the impenetrable abatis, and he was not one to
risk his force in so unequal a contest It was the spot by
which the Indians passed to attack the British lines ; during
the two months' occupation of the north shore, forty officers
and men were killed and wounded in the encounters with them.
On the evening of Sunday, the 8th of July, the three regi-
ments at Point L^vis, the i sth, 43rd and 63rd were ordered to
strike their tents at one in the morning, and admiral Holmes,
* De Levis' eipression is "s^iiuil par la bauleur."
+ Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 88, p. 8,1.
-abvG00»^lc
246 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
with some vessels of his squadron, came to anchor on tHe west
side of Montmorency and bombarded the French camp.
Before daylight the troops at Point L6vis marched behind a
little hill, out of sight of Quebec, where they lay on their arms
until evening. Whatever was the object of the movement
they returned to Point Levis. Doubtless they \vere held in
reserve to support Townshend's brigade, which had been
detailed to take possession of the ground east of Montmorency,
On the 7th, the 28th, the 47th and 60th were served out with
three days' provisions, with orders to march on the 8th.
Owing to the ships not being able to take up their position
the embarkation was delayed. It took place, however, at five
o'clock of that evening.
On the force being landed the Louisbourg grenadiers were
ordered out to obtain fascines, and the rangers were sent to
guard the skirts of the wood. They were surprised and sur-
rounded by a large force of Indians, who killed thirteen,
wounded the captain, lieutenant and nine men. The French
force likewise killed and wounded seventeen of the 22nd, 40th
and 60th. The British could only take three prisoners and
two of the Indians. The latter immediately retreated when
confronted with the larger reinforcement which came upon
the scene. Wolfe was greatly chagrined at the afiair. In
relating the result he described the company of rangers as
almost disabled for the rest of the campaign.
Deserters were now and then leaving the British camp and
carrying extraordinary stories to the French. One of these
stated, that there were eight hundred of the troops at Point
L^vis, among whom was the Royal American regiment, who
had declared that they would neither work nor fight, for they
had not been paid for thirteen months, and that they had
only been brought to Canada to establish themselves.
Another reported, that a landing would at once be made at
Saint Joachim of fifteen hundred men, who would join the
force at Montmorency. The French themselves saw the
ridiculous impossibility of many of their stories.* One
-abvG00»^lc
I7S9] ATTACK ON POINT LfiVIS. , 24;
deserter told them that Louisbourg had been retaken by the
French. Another that the king of Prussia had lost twenty
thousand men in a battle ; that Maria Theresa was in the
repossession of Silesia, and that the electorate of Hanover
was in the hands of the French. What the French did accept
as serious was, that the admiral had given Wolfe until the
end of the month, to make his last effort to obtain possession
of the place,*
Among those who had been dispossessed of his property at
Beaumont was one M. Charest, and he continually asked for
a force to be sent, to drive the British from Point Livis. He
was informed that he could undertake the operation if he saw
fit. He went over accordingly with a few men, and an unim-
portant skirmish took place. His success, mentioned in the
British journals of the time as the discovery near the camp, of
the bodies of some stragglers which had been scalped, was
represented by him at Quebec to be of the highest importance.
The council determined that an expedition of fifteen hundred
men should be organized against Point L^vis. It was deferred,
owing tp a prisoner being brought in by some Abenakis, who
gave the information that an expedition was designed against
the country around Beauport. On the 4th, Charest, who was
sent as a scout to reconnoitre Point L^vis, returned with the
information that there were not eight hundred men there, and
he recommended they should be attacked. It was seen in the
city, that the batteries were being constructed, and fears were
felt of their destructive effect. Charest again visited Point
L^vis. There were, he said, eight hundred workmen, and a
covering party of five hundred. On the 10th the new batteries
which had been established at Quebec were opened against
Point L^vis, but they had no effect. As their uselessness was
evident, and the consequence of the bombardment from Point
Levis was greatly dreaded, it was resolved that a powerful
organization should be made, in order to drive the British
from that position. On the nth the assembly took place.
* " Je cruLS que c'esi sur celte deposition que nous pouvions le plus compler."
Pwiet'sjoumal, p. 13.
-abvG00»^lc
248 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
Five hundred Canadians came in from Beauport, with one
hundred colonial troops and sixty volunteers from the regi-
ments, under Dumas. On the 12th, as the enthusiasm rose to
a higher pitch, the numbers were increased by three hundred
and fifty of the city militia and inhabitants. They were
assembled and marched to Sillery, where they remained
during the day. Embarking in their boats at nine o'clock,
they arrived without accident on the southern shore. The
advance guard had commenced to move forward to the assault,
when recklessly, without orders, shots were fired by some stu-
dents of the seminary who had joined the expedition, under the
belief that they had fallen into an ambush of the enemy. Six
hundred turned and fled. Shortly afterwards some soldiers
of the Royal Rousillon gave the alarm that the British
cavalry was coming up, when another desertion took place.
About three hundred men approached the intrenchment, and
"went back again." It is Wolfe's expression after having
previously stated that they fell into confusion, "by which,"
he adds, "we lost an opportunity of defeating this large
detachment."*
The bombardment of the city commenced on the night of
the I2th of July ; from that date to the iSth of September it
was maintained. In this period many churches and convents
and two hundred and fifty of the best houses were reduced
to ashes, and the greater part of the city shattered and cast
in ruins.
On the i8th of July two men-of-war, two armed sloops and
some transports passed above the city. The " Diana " was
not so fortunate: she ran ashore and was so much injured
that she was sent to Boston for repair. The presence of these
vessels suggested to the French that an attempt would be
made at some spot to the west. A force was organized
under Dumas of six hundred men and two pieces of cannon,
whose duty it was to follow the passage of these vessels up
and down the tide. Wolfe's object was to reconnoitre the
country above the city. He found the same difficulties before
• tan. Arch.. Scries A. & W. I., S8, p. 8l.
-abvG00»^lc
1759] POINT AUX TREMBLES. 249
him as he had experienced at Beauport ; he feared if he
attacked between the city and cap Rouge, that the detachment
first landed could not be reinforced, before the whole French
force was turned against it. He relates that he had thought
of making the attack at Saint Michel, three miles above the
town, but he was deterred from the attempt from the great
danger attending it, and for the time the project was laid aside
as too hazardous.
Wolfe imagined that the enemy had penetrated his design,
and it became one of his objects in this movement to divide
the French force. On the 21st an expedition started for
Point aux Trembles, above Quebec, under the command of
Carleton. It consisted of the 15th, 48th and 63rd regiments;
the design was to capture some prisoners and to discover
papers of importance. The party was fired upon by a few
Indians, who were, however, soon dispersed, and a landing
was effected. They brought away sixty prisoners, principally
women. Dumas endeavoured to intercept the assailants, but
he was too iate.*
On the same day a frigate came sufficiently near to examine
the one remaining fire-ship; it appeared undefended, so some
boats were sent out, and the sailors set it on fire. There yet
remained the fire-rafts ; they were, however, incomplete, and
not charged with combustibles. The French at this date
* The French believed that the expedition had been suggested by Slobo. It
will be remembered that be was one of the hostages given by Washington, on his
surrender at fort Necessity, 1754. and that among Braddock's baggage the plan
of fort Duquesne, drawn by him, was found. He was aneslcd and sentenced to
be hanged. The court ordered the suspension of his sentence, and Stolx> was
temporarily act at liberty. When in this posilion, he took the opportunity of
escaping. Whitmore mentions his arrival at Louisboutg during June. [Can.
Arch., A. & \V. I., 80, p. 30]. He escaped wilh lieutenant Stevens, and some
others, in a canoe. They were well armed, and descended the Saint Lawrence.
They saw the fleet, in which de Bougainville arrived, sail by. Lying concealed
until the ships had passed, they resumed their journey. They met a schooner,
which they took, by which they reached Prince Edward island. Thence they
proceeded to Louisbourg. As Slobo offered his services in Wolfe's expedition,
and from his local knowledge his presence being considered desirable, Whitmore
sent him on the first opportunity to Quebec.
-awGoOi^lc
250 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
received some reinforcements, by the arrival of de Eoishebert
with 300 Acadians and Indians.
On the 24th, on the south side, parties were detailed east
and west to take prisoners and bring in cattle. Major DalHng,
of the light infantry, returned with 200 prisoners, mostly
women and children, and thirty men, with 300 cattle, horses,
cows and sheep. A few prisoners were brought in two days
later with 200 head of cattle. On the 25th some gun boats
attracted the attention of the fleet at the anse de Saint
Michel. Boats started in pursuit, and two of them ascend-
ing to cap Rouge were taken. The noise of the guns caused
the report to be spread that an attempt had been made to
land, and great anxiety had been felt, soon to pass away.
On the night of the 29th another attempt was made to burn
the British ships, by sending down the fire-raft. Like the
previous attempts, it proved a failure. The fleet was con-
stantly on its guard against enterprises of this character, and
every night boats were placed on duty to watch for such a
descent. As the outlines of the raft approaching them were
discernible, the men in the boats fired upon it. Those in
charge at once set fire to and abandoned it. It commenced to
burn fiercely, but the British sailors took it in tow, and carried
it past the shipping, to burn out harmlessly on the shore.
During these operations a flag of truce was sent from the
fleet to convey the offer that the women taken prisoners would
be restored on condition that a small boat laden with wounded
and sick was allowed to pass. The offer was accepted. The
women, escorted with great politeness, accordingly arrived at
three o'clock in the afternoon. The names of the officers, who
had made each set of them prisoners, had been given to them.
The British undertook not to begin the cannonade from Point
Levis until nine o'clock, so as to give them the opportunity to
retire to where they thought fit. At that time the bombard-
ment recommenced. During the night the parish church was
burned, with the block of houses extending from Fabrique to
Saint Joseph street.
Within the city there were so many thefts by the soldiers.
-abvGoO»^lc
1759] riE RfiPENTIGNY. 251
militia and sailors, that it was considered necessary to issue a
commission for their repression, entrusted with the duty of
summarily hanging any one taken in the act ; before the last
of July three were so executed.
On the 25th an event occurred to the north of Montmorency,
which is related, in by no means the same language, by French
and English writers. As the British loss was 5 officers and 32
privates, 12 of whom were killed, the affair must have been
sufficiently serious. The facts appear to be that a large force
of Indians, under de R^pentigny, crossed the ford and caused
themselves to be seen, and retired to place themselves in
ambush. The British turned out a lai^e force against them.
According to Panet, the Indians remained three hours lying
flat on the ground. It is difficult to accept his statement
because he describes the British loss at sixty killed. It is
plain, however, that they watched the opportunity to make
their attack, and, as the 35th came up without precaution, fired
into them. We are told that de Repentigny sent a messenger
to de L^vis for a reinforcement of two thousand men to follow
up his success, and that the latter, in his turn, referred the
request to Montcalm, consequently the troops came too late.
The story is inadmissible. De L^vis is himself silent on the
subject ; a proof that the event was without importance.
Moreover, he was in command at the extreme left, and on his
own responsibility could have sent the troops to de Repentigny
as he deemed expedient. All that he might have required
was that their absence might be temporarily supplied. The
Indians immediately recrossed the ford, the British account is
that they were driven back, and as they were passing the
stream, they received three rounds by which sixty-five of them
were killed.
On the 2Sth Wolfe published a second proclamation from
Saint Henri, a village on the Etchemin river, which enters
the Saint Lawrence a few miles west of Point L^vis. It was
immediately known at Quebec, for it is given in full by Panet
Wolfe complained of the inattention of the habitants to his
previous demands, consequently he had determined no longer
-abvGoO»^lc
252 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['759
to listen to the appeal to humanity which had made him
desirous of solacing their distress. The Canadians by their
conduct had made themselves unworthy of his consideration.
He had given orders accordingly for prisoners to be seized.
As he was anxious to avoid the barbarous conduct of the
Canadians, he would defer until the ist of August* to decide
what reprisals he would make on^the prisoners he might take,
unless the Canadians submitted to the terms of his previous
proclamation.
The fire from the English batteries at Montmorency greatly
troubled the left of the French line, in spite of the ipauhment
which they constructed for protection against it, while the
well-directed artillery service prevented the completion of a
battery against the British camp which had been commenced.
Wolfe now determined on an attack against the extreme
left of the French lines at Montmorency. The plan was
carefully considered with admiral Saunders ; special provision
had to be taken with regard to the assistance given by the
fleet. The large ships of war, owing to the want of depth of
water, could not approach the enemy's intrench ments. The
mode of attack determined on was, that two flat-bottomed
boats f with guns should be sunk opposite the redoubt at the
extreme east of the French lines, to some extent commanded
by the cannon of the British batteries. The "Centurion"
frigate was placed . in the north channel to sustain them.
They came into position about eleven o'clock, and at twelve
the firing commenced. De L^vis, who was in command in the
French lines, about one o'clock formed the opinion that some
movement was threatened against the upper ford, where de
R^pentigny was in command, as a strong column marched in
that direction. Accordingly, he directed five hundred men to
proceed thither with some Indians, and he ordered Duprat, a
captain of volunteers, to watch the operations. He observed,
however, that the boats from Point L^vis and also from the
island of Orleans were making their way to the western point
* Dussieux makes the perioil the lotli. 1 have followed the date of Panet.
t The naval term is "catamaran," generally abbreviated to " cat."
-awGoOi^lc
1759] THE 31ST OF JULY. 253
of the island. The corresponding locality on the northern
shore not being strongly defended, he changed the direction
of the troops and ordered the officer in command to com-
municate with the Montreal battalion. As no offensive
movement had yet been made by the British, he resolved
carefully to watch where the real attack would be directed,
and to hold in hand a .strong force to meet it. The battalion
of Beam on the left was reinforced, the Montreal battalions
were extended along the intrenchment, the Three Rivers force
of one hundred men was kept in reserve {en panne) if neces-
sary to reinforce de R^pentigny. Montcalm came upon the
ground and discussed the probabilities of the attack, when
the plan of defence was determined. De L^vis placed himself
between the two redoubts and Montcalm returned to de
Vaudreuil.
The British boats moved across the waters, threatening the
different points which appeared accessible, and the French
were greatly puzzled where the attack would be made. In
the meantime the guns from the British intrenchments east
of the falls were directed against the French redoubt, in
addition to the cross fire from the batteries on the sunken
" cats " and the guns of the frigate. Little loss was, however,
experienced. Towards five o'clock the boats came between
the two vessels and advanced up the channel, to disembark at
the eastern point of the French intrenchments. The low tide
had made the ford below the falls passable. As the boats
were advancing towards the shore, some of them grounded on a
ledge of mud. It threw them into disorder, and some time was
lost in re-forming them, consequently an officer was despatched
to Townshend, at the falls, to delay his march. The boats
wtere got off, and again formed in rank, and Wolfe, accom-
panied by some naval officers, approached the shore to search
for some fitting place to land, taking with them one flat-
bottomed boat. It was now about six o'clock, but in the long
evenings of July, when there is light until after nine, it was
considered that there was time enough to make the attempt.
The troops accordingly disembarked. The thirteen companies
-abvGoO»^lc
254 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['759
of grenadiers, and 200 of the Royal Americans, were ordered
to form into four columns to make the attack supported by
Monckton's corps, so soon as the troops passed the ford.
Monckton had not landed, and Townshend's force, although
on the march in perfect order, was at some distance, when the
grenadiers, without waiting for orders, rushed upon the
redoubt below the escarpment ; it was at once abandoned.
At the same time the French were seen to line the upper
intrenchments, and de L^vis moved up the Royal RousiUon
to take part in the defence.
The success, if it can be so called, had the effect of causing
the force to throw aside all discipline, and in confusion the
men rushed forward to attack the intrenchment. They had
difficulty in the ascent ; it had rained heavily for the four days
from the 21st to the 24th. During the succeeding period the
ground retained much of its moisture and the heavy clay bank
was clammy and slippery. Accordingly, there was little
regularity and much confusion. It was the oft-repeated story,
" some one had blundered." •
The whole force of the French was now concentrated at
this point. Panel tells us that there were 1,500 regular troops
and 1,500 Canadians posted to defend it The whole 12,000
were placed to sustain them. Be the number of defenders
what it may, the troops were effectually checked by the first
fire, and fell back to the redoubt. Several officers made the
effort to reform them. At the same time a furious storm came
on, which, de L^vis tells us, hid the British from the French
view, it was impossible to ascend the clay bank, full of
gullies and deep holes ; it had become perfectly slippery.
Wolfe accordingly directed the re-embarkation of the troops,
seeing it impossible to persevere in the attack. The wounded
were placed in the barges, and the men whom the other boats
could not bring away joined Townshend's 'force, and marched
across the ford to the Montmorency camp. There was no
* The movement ha» never been accounted for. It has been atlribnted to «
misconception of orders through the cheers of the sailors. Another explanation
is, that a captain without order* caused Ibe advance lo be beat.
-abvG00»^lc
I7S9] CAPTAIN OCHTERLONY. 255
interruption on the part of the French to the retreat. The
two " cats " were burned.
According to Knox, the loss was 443 killed and wounded,
including 33 officers.
On the 2nd of August de Vaudreuil sent a flag of truce,
with a letter stating that he had buried fifty dead. The
officer gave the French loss as thirty-two killed and wounded.
He was the bearer of a letter from captain Ochterlony, who
had been severely wounded, in which he said that he owed his
life to a French grenadier, who had saved him from being
scalped. Wolfe replied by sending money for the use of the
wounded man, and he enclosed twenty guineas to be given to
the grenadier. Montcalm felt himself called upon to refuse
the money, saying that he hoped every soldier in the French
army would do the same.* Wolfe also wrote to the Sup^rieure
of the hospital, asking her particular care of Ochterlony. In
spite, however, of all that could be done, he died on the 24th
of August. His baggage was returned with a flag of truce.
There were at this date one thousand Indians serving on
the side of the French. Without exception, when they could
do so, they took their enemy's scalp. On this day, as the
repulsed British troops retreated to their camp, swarms of
figures were seen descending to where the dead lay, it was
supposed to assure the possession of this trophy of victory.
* 1 cannot look upon this proceeding as an " absurd piece of affectBtioQ," as
it is called bf Knox. It appears to nie a profound act of policy, for to receive the
money would hare been an admisdon that Ihe French recognized the Indian
practice of scalping. Montcalm roust have remembered that his own reputation
had been compromised at Chouaguen by Indian cruelly, and that the n
by the Indians at William Henry, by many was looked upon as a blot on a na
otherwise honourable. By the refusal he repelled the idea that scalping v
coantenanced by the higher ranks of the army.
-abVGoOi^lc
THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
CHAPTER VIII.
The failure at Montmorency was a serious matter, inasmuch
as it created grave doubts if the Beauport shore was the spot
where the attack was to be made. Townshend admits that
he made a protest against its repetition.* It had, however,
this advantage, that when the troops were repulsed it was easy
to regain the ships. At the same time, if the landing were
made good, there would have been still a battle to be fought
before Quebec was reached. This truth was apparent to
Wolfe, for he states that he desired to drive Montcalm to fight
him on equal terms, and he had little doubt as to the result.
He must have felt great anxiety when he reflected on the
advanced season. It was August, and in a few weeks, from
the severity of the approaching winter, the fleet must leave.
At one time he thought under these circumstances, of in-
trenching himself at lie aux Coudres, and remaining there
until reinforcements should reach him in spring for the
renewal of the attack. On one point he had no uncertainty,
the necessity of not permitting the spirit of the men to become
depressed by inactivity ; accordingly he organized an ex-
pedition to destroy the French ships. They were then at the
foot of what was then called the Richelieu rapids, some seven
miles above the Point aux Ecureils,f where they had been
stopped by the wind. Wolfe resolved to attempt to destroy
them, so that he could open some communication with general
Amherst Admiral Holmes was charged with the naval part
of the duty. On the 5th of August, twenty flat-bottomed
boats were sent up the river to the " Sutherland," which was
* " RefuUtion of a letter lo an honouiable brigndier-general."
t These rapids have ceaaetl lo exist in modern times, the projecting rocks
which caused ihem having been removed. There ii still
slight increase of current.
-abvG00»^lc
I7S9] DE BOUGAINVILLE. 257
above the town, to embark twelve hundred troops, under the
command of Murray. The force consisted of detachments of
the isth regiment, the Royal Americans, the light infantry,
and the rangers. His instructions were to assist admiral
Holmes, and to seek every opportunity of fighting the enemy,
provided he could do so on tolerable terms.
The advance of the British ships up the river pointed to the
necessity of protecting the various places on the river bank,
many containing provisions and property. De Bougainville
was selected for the duty of defending them with a picked
corps of fifteen hundred men. Some troops had previously
been under the command of Dumas, but he was recalled and
the number increased. De Bougainville's instructions were to
watch the advance of the .ships and to oppose the landing of
any force, concentrating his own detachment to do so. Accord-
ingly, when Murray made the attempt on Point aux Trembles,
on the 7th of the month, he found a large body of men pre-
pared vigourously to resist him. He made the descent at four
o'clock in the afternoon, opposite the church. It appears to
have been a feint and that the real attack was directed near a
stream known as la Muletiere, half a league above the river
Jacques Cartier. De Bougainville was present with one
thousand men and had thrown up some intrenchments. The
boats advanced only to be beaten back with much loss.* On
the following day, the 8th, Murray landed on the south shore.
There was a feeble attempt at resistance by a hundred
habitants, but Murray had no difficulty in establishing himself
at Saint Antoine. As it was found impracticable to proceed
up the river. Holmes, being unwilling to risk his ships, sailed
back to his station above Quebec.
On the nth an armed schooner passed the city, and its
appearance must have puzzled de Bougainville, for he failed
to be present on the 18th, when Murray attacked Decham-
beau, about forty-one miles from Quebec. A large house,
* Pinet says 100 killed ami as many wounded. 1'he lotal number of casualties
in ibe campaign shows thai thJB number is greatly exaggerated. The loss, however,
was sufficient to lead Murray lo desist in his attack.
-awGoOi^lc
2SS THE HISTORY OF CANAUA. [l759
occupied by a Mde. Ruffio, one of the mistresses of Cadet,
contained a large amount of stores of the army, and several
officers had left their baggage there. It was burned. Mont-
calm, on hearing of the loss, went to the spot in person. He
was accompanied by Dumas and 1,200 troops. He found the
British had reimb^rked without losing a man,* carrying with
them a great many cattle, and, according to another authority,
several women as prisoners, and obtaining possession of many
important papers. The British recrossed the river to Saint
Antoineand Saint Croix, which on the 19th they burned. On
the 25th Holmes and his ships returned. Early in the month
Wolfe had issued a third proclamation, which had been taken
to Quebec by some Canadian prisoners who had been released.
Wolfe referred to his two former appeals to the population,
and he threatened them with severe reprisals if they failed to
lay down their arms by the 20th of August, As Murray had
been attacked in his outposts at Saint Antoinc, he destroyed
the country in its neighbourhood. There had always been a
difference of opinion between Montcalm and de VaudreuiJ.
Montcalm was opposed to weakening his force by sending
out detachments, de Vaudreuil advocated la petite gjierre,
according to the Canadian custom. Some of the Canadians
who had been set at liberty by Wolfe came to Quebec, and
spoke of the kind treatment they had received, and it is plain
that many desired to remain quiescent. This course, how-
ever, was not permitted to them. The Indians were encouraged
to continue their surprises, their destruction of stragglers, the
attack of outposts, and the concomitant scalping; indeed, to
carry on the war as was the custom in the time of de Fronte-
nac. Towards the end of July, de Vaudreuil received a letter
which was unsigned, complaining of this mode of warfare. He
was induced to reply directly to Wolfe, proposing a parley,
adding that the use of such meetings was becoming too fre-
quent. Colonel Barr^ replied on the part of Wolfe, express-
ing his astonishment at the remark, and entering his protest
against the enormous cruelties already committed, by which
in lies, Dusieux, p. 387.
-abvG00»^lc
1759] REVERSES ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 259
the British troops were greatly exasperated. Such acts if
repeated, he said, would hereafter meet with the severest re-
prisals, and there would be no difference made between French
Canadians and Indians when taken prisoners. Barr^ related
that by an intercepted letter Wolfe read that three grenadiers
of the American regiment were destined to be burnt alive.
Wolfe desired to be informed what had become of the men.
The letter was answered by de Bougainville, to the effect
that the tale was soldier's gossip ; the fate of the prisoners
had been the same as others taken by the Indians, they had
been ransomed by the king at considerable expense. De
Bougainville had not been instructed to reply to the menaces
made; for nothing of that sort would make them cowards or
barbarians. Barr^ had alluded to the infraction of the capitu-
lation of William Henry, de Bougainville answered that the
French were justified by the facts of that event through-
out Europe.
On the 7th of the month it was known in Quebec that
Niagara had surrendered. Following so soon the news 0/ the
abandonment of Ticonderoga on the 27th of July, and of
Crown Point on the 3!5t. the public mind of the town was
cast into great dejection. The news had already spread
among the people. It was feared that an advance by the
Saint Lawrence would be immediately made upon Montreal,
if not by lie aux Noix. There was nothing to oppose the
descent of the river, and it will be my duty, when I have to
record the operations, to examine why this course was not
taken. Except some weak garrisons at Detroit on lake
Michigan and on the Illinois, every vestige of French power
west of Oswego had been swept away. There were no
longer any Ohio forts. These garrisons had been defeated in
their advance to succour Niagara, and had swelled the number
of prisoners which, on the conquest of that fort, had been
taken and sent down the Mohawk. The only troops to
oppose the descent of a British force was to be found in the
few men at La Presentation and about eight hundred men
stationed at "Galops" island, at the head of the rapids of
-abvGoO»^lc
26o THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
that name, under St. Luc de la Corne. The place was utterly
indefensible ; de la Corne had himself written that it was not
tenable. So desperate did the situation appear, that it was
resolved to reinforce the western frontier even at the expense
of Quebec, and as de L^vis put it, to trust somewhat to fortune."
Eight hundred men were detached from the forces defending
Quebec, one hundred of whom were regulars, and de L^vis
was appointed to the command of the frontier of Montreal.
He left Quebec on the 9th of August, taking with him la
Pause and Le Mercier. He arrived at Montreal on the 12th
and left on the 14th for the West. Accordingly the operations
of Amherst had some influence on the defence of Quebec, for
it led to the removal of this able and distinguished soldier
and the force I have named.
On the 25th the Saint Francis Abcnakis brought in two
officers and seven Indians whom they had seized. They were
messengers from Amherst to Wolfe. By these despatches
Amherst informed Wolfe that his movements would be guided
by those before Quebec. There were many private letters
from lake Champlain to ofiicers of Wolfe's force ; as they
freely criticised the abandonment of the fortifications at
Carillon, they could not have been pleasant reading to those
perusing them. Holmes again received orders to endeavour
to destroy the French ships. The " Lowestofle," the " Hunter"
sloop, two armed sloops and two " cats," with provisions, were
ordered to pass Quebec to join the " Sutherland," but the
wind was against them. It was only on the fourth attempt
that they succeeded, and it was not until the 27th that they
made the passage.
The appearance of these vessels caused much anxiety.
The French had hitherto brought much of their provisions
by water ; even after the British vessels had sailed above the
town the supplies were so carried to Saint Augustin, thirteen
miles above Quebec. The principal storing point was Batis-
can, sixty-seven miles above the city. Nevertheless provisions
began to fail short, and, if the troops were to be kept together,
" '■ On risolut de donner un peu k la bonne forlune." Jouinal, p. 191-
-abvG00»^lc
1759] EAST OF THE TOWN. 261
additional bread and meat was required to feed them. As it
was dangerous to continue to send the boats beyond Saint
Augustin, it was determined to bring the provisions by land ;
but there was the difficulty that there were no men to drive
the waggons, for they were with the army. The only alter-
native was to take the old men, women and children of
sufficient age to perform the duty of teamsters. Two hundred
and seventy-one carts were laden with several hundred lbs. of
pork and flour, and by these feeble means subsistence from
twelve to fifteen days reached the troops ; but the women
and children suffered such hardship that it was felt that the
attempt could not be repeated, especially as the nights were
commencing to turn cold. It will be seen that this fact had
great influence on the subsequent operations. There was so
much difficulty felt, owing to the presence of the frigates above
Quebec in their interference with the delivery of provisions,
that the project of bringing up the French vessels to attack
them was discussed. A second proposal was to cut out the
ships, but the more it was considered it was found the more
impracticable.
While Murray was engaged with his force to the east of
Quebec, Wolfe determined that some steps should be taken
with regard to the country east of the island of Orleans.
Parties had frequently issued from the bay of Saint Paul to
fire upon the boats sent out from the shipping, and to surprise
any small parties detached from the camp at Montmorency.
In consequence, captain Gorham, with three hundred men,
landed at three o'clock on the morning of the 4th of August,
and forced two parties of twenty men who fired from the
houses to take refuge in the woods. He then burned the
village, which consisted of twenty houses. His loss was one
killed and two wounded ; the enemy left two dead behind
them, and they retreated carrying away several wounded.
Gorham proceeded easterly to Malbaie, and destroyed the
settlement there. Crossing to the south shore, he burned the
villages of Saint Roch and Saint Anne ; he returned to the
island of Orleans on the 15th. On the same day a party of
-abvG00»^lc
262 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['759
about one hundred and seventy of the 78th regiment was
moved to the island of Orleans and bivouacked in Saint Peter's
church. On the 16th they were marched to the eastern end
of the island opposite Saint Joachim, where they embarked in
boats. On attempting to land on the north shore, they were
fired upon, but the resistance was ineffectual, and the place
was taken possession of. From time to time shots were fired
from the woods. The force remained at Saint Joachim till
the 22nd, when they were joined by one hundred and forty of
the light infantry and a company of rangers, under captain
Montgomery of the 43rd. On the 23rd the force marched to
the village west of Saint Joachim, which they found occupied
by two hundred Canadians and Indians, who commenced
firing from the houses. The troops protected themselves by
lying behind fences, while the rangers were sent forward to
turn the French left. As the movement began to take effect,
the defenders of the village made for the woods, pursued by
the British. Several were killed and wounded ; many pris-
oners were taken. Montgomery acted with brutality, ordering
them to be shot. Two of the prisoners had been promised
quarter by Frazer, then a subaltern, who records the fact with
expressions of horror. The houses were burned. They
marched on the following day to I'Ange Gardien, being joined
there by a detachment from Chateau Richer, Possession was
taken of the houses which were fortified ; the two following
days were passed in felling the fruit trees and cutting the
wheat. On the evening of the 27th some Indians were dis-
covered skulking about the houses, and one man of the force
was shot. On the 28th the detachment proceeded to Chateau
Richer, where they fortified the church. On the 31st they left
Chateau Richer and burned down the village, leaving the
church untouched, and marched to the camp at Mont-
morency, burning everything that lay in their path. Such
was the retaliation that Wolfe felt himself called upon to
inflict, to deter a continuance of the cruelties of /a /^/r/^^/^/T'e
of the Canadians and Indians.
By the middle of August the anxieties which Wolfe had
-abvG00»^lc
1759] WOLFE'S ILLNESS. 363
undei^one had told upon his health. Hitherto, in the conduct
of the campaign, he had consulted only his own Judgment and
there were not wanting those, who considered that the cam-
paign presented the hopeless prospect of closing in failure.
Of this number was brigadier Townshend, and there is a letter
of Murray's extant to show that he participated in this feeling.
Not so Monckton, and it may be regarded as a misfortune that
his severe wound at the action of the 1 3th of September made
his departure for New York a necessity. The admiral, however,
remained perfectly staunch ; he wrote on the 5th of September,
during the illness of Wolfe, and before victory was assured :
" the enemy appear numerous and seem to be strongly posted,
but let the event be what it will, we shall remain here as long as
the season of the year will permit, to prevent their detaching
troops against general Amherst."*
On the 22nd Wolfe was ill with fever, while his constant
maladies, from which he was never entirely free, became more
active. From his sick bed he sent a confidential letter to the
brigadiers, and for the first time submitted to them his secret
instruction-s. In his memorandum he states, that in order the
public service may not suffer from his indisposition the briga-
diers are to meet and consult on the best method of attacking
the enemy. Wolfe foresaw that if the French army were
defeated the town must surrender, as it was without provisions ;
he therefore considered that Montcalm should be attacked in
preference to the place itself There were three modes of
making the attack ; the Montmorency could be forded eight
miles above its mouth, before daylight, and an advance made to
Beauport. If the march were discovered, and the intrenchments
manned the consequence would be plain. Secondly, if the
, troops from Montmorency passed the lower ford and by night
marched to Beauport, the light infantry might succeed in get-
ting in, and Monckton would attack in front. The third plan
was a general attack of all the troops against Beauport.
On the zpth of August the three brigadiers met, when they
gave the opinion that the probable method of striking an
• Can. Atch., A. W. I., 88, p. 41.
-abvG00»^lc
264 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
effectual blow, was to transfer the troops to the south shore
and carry on the operations above the town.
On the 2nd of September Wolfe wrote to the minister
reporting this decision. He was then still weak. He had con-
sulted with the admiral and engineer ; they had found that
the passages leading from the lower to the upper town were
intrenched. The lower guns would soon be silenced by the
fleet, but the upper batteries could still do much injury to the
shipping. He proceeded to state the reasons why he had laid
waste the country ; one design was to induce Montcalm to
attack him to prevent further ravages ; to return the insults
inflicted by the Canadians ; and also to obtain prisoners as
hostages. Major Dalling had surprised 380 prisoners in one
of the villages, and he intended to keep them, and not permit
any exchange until the end of the campaign. It was in this
letter he informed the minister, that in case of a disappoint-
ment, he had intended to fortify He aux Coudres, and establish
there a garrison of 3,000 men for its defence; but the season
was too far advanced, for .sufficient material to be obtained to
cover so large a body of troops. He explained that the
number of Indians, always on scout around the posts, made it
impossible to execute anything by surprise. There were
daily skirmishes with them, in which they were generally
defeated. He gave a return of the casualities during the
campaign, which, in all ranks, were 182 killed, 651 wounded,
and 17 missing. It was in this memorable letter he said:
" In this situation there is such a choice of difficulties that I
own myself at a loss how to determine."
Wolfe criticised his own generalship in the operations of
the 31st of July. He wrote to the admiral: "The great
fault of that day consists in putting too many men into boats
who might have been landed the day before, and might have
crossed the ford with certainty, while a small body remained
afloat, and the superfluous boats of the fleet employed in a
feint that might divide the enemy's force. *A man sees his
errors often too late to remedy." •
• Wriglil, p. 551.
-abvG00»^lc
i;S9] MOVEMENT OF THE SHIPS. 265
In the plan of making the attack above the town, the risk,
Avhich had weight in his mind, was the difficulty of regaining
the boats in case of a repulse. Wolfe well knew that he had
only a few weeks before him to achieve his purpose, he
expressly so states, " Beyond the month of September, I con-
clude our operations cannot go." Accordingly, he hastened
his preparations for an attack above the town, and determined
that it should be made with 5,000 men. With this view he
resolved to abandon the camp at Montmorency, at the same
time to maintain several vessels in the north channel, and
every three and four days to send seamen and soldiers round
the shore of the island of Orleans, to prevent any attempt on
the part of the French at its repossession. On the last of
August he wrote his last letter to his mother, in which he
described the difference between himself and Montcalm, whom
he represented to be " at the head of a great number of bad
soldiers, and himself at the head of a smalt number of
good ones."
The movement of the ships during the next twelve days
shews the design of Wolfe to conceal his own plans, and to
awaken the fears of the enemy in every part of his defences.
There was, however, little prospect of disarming Montcalm's
caution : the one hope of the defenders of Quebec was that
they could prolong their resistance until, at the latest, the
middle of October, when the first snow would warn the ships
that navigation would soon be closed by ice, and that they
could no longer remain in safety before the town. Six weeks
of dogged defence was all that was necessary to set at naught
the attempts of the British general, for winter, in all its
severity, would then decide the issue of the campaign. Both
sides knew, that what was to be done could not be deferred,
and that the issue must immediately be determined.
The French were much exercised on the last day of August
by an unusual movement at Point L^vis. At the same time
two vessels which were lying at Saint Augustin ascended to
Point aux Trembles. The fear was entertained that an
attempt was really to be made on the French frigates. Two
-abvG00»^lc
266 THE HISTOKV OF CANADA. [l7S9
days previously it had been shewn that a ship of the line
could ascend the Richelieu rapid. What added to the general
anxiety was that one of the French frigates had run aground
at Grondines ; the force, consequently, now consisted of two
king's frigates and three armed vessels. On the night of the
31st five more vessels ascended above Quebec, as if to join
the expedition.
During this period of excitement the news from Montreal
was of a character to calm the fears which prevailed. It had
become plain to de L^vis that no further advance beyond
Crown Point would be attempted by Amherst that season.
As he describes the situation in his journal, the French
schooners were peaceably cruising about lake Champlain, and
Amherst as peaceably pushing on his works at Saint Frederick.
That fort had greatly suffered when blown up on its evacu-
ation, and Amherst was rebuilding it. De Bourlamaque
looked upon himself as impregnable at ile aux Noix. He
had closed up both the channels of the river ; and a wide
morass extended along the shore, to lead to the feeling that
the place could not be assailed by land.
There were evident signs of the intention of the British
to abandon the camp at Montmorency. It was the only
explanation of the constant passage of boats to and from the
island to the north shore. On the 2nd the movement was
continued, and, as during the day the fleet returned to Sillery^
fears for the vessels up the river were no longer felt.
The boats continued to move up and down in front of
Beauport as if endeavouring to find out some weak spot where
a landing could be made. Early on the morning of the 3rd
the operations of the British showed increased activity. One
hundred boats, with troops, left Point Levis for the fleet and
about fifty proceeded towards Montmorency. The whole
French line was placed under arms. By night it was known
that the British camp at Montmorency had been evacuated,
and that the entire force was now divided between Point L^vis
and the island of Orleans. Montcalm began to entertain fears
for his right ; early on the 4th he removed some regiments.
-abvG00»^lc
1759] THREATENED ATTACKS. 26/
from the left to strengthen it. He likewise inarched the
battalion of Guienne from Beauport to Sillery to protect the
river line above Quebec. It remained there forty-eight hours
when it was recalled. Had it continued in that position who
can speculate on the consequence?
The fire in the meantinje had not been intermitted from the
guns at Point Ldvis. On the sth additional batteries were
opened and the cannon thundered with increased force against
the shattered and ruined city. A frigate ascended to the
Etchemin. Everything portended some attempt above the
town. De Bougainville was reinforced, with instructions to
watch the shipping, and to be present at any attempt made by
the troops to obtain a footing. But there were so many ships,
and their movement was so constant in every direction, that it
became a question of doubt and uncertainty where the danger
lay. During the 5th a schooner arrived at cap Rouge, bring-
ing provisions from Montreal. The vessel was fired upon by
the frigate but she managed to make her way and land her
cargo. Without this supply the defenders would have been in
desperate straits ; many of them would have had to be sent
away. On the 6th the movements continued to be most dis-
quieting, while the power of interference by the batteries of the
town was so limited, that a schooner passed upwards, towing
two barges, with no practical interference.
On the 7th there were eighteen vessels opposite Sillery ;
they ascended to cap Rouge, accompanied by sixty boats.
They made a semblance of landing, and after rowing in all
directions, as if engaged in a reconnoissance, they returned to
the south shore. De Bougainville followed their movements
during the night of the 7th and Sth, and remained under arms
to observe the vessels which had joined the ships at cap
Rouge. On the other hand, an opinion had gained ground,
that the attack would be directed to the spot on the town side
of the Saint Charles, known as ia Canardi^re. It rained
heavily all the night ; nevertheless, to guard against the
attempt, the whole force remained in bivouac until daylight
All the provisions which the ability of Bigot had collected
-abvGoO»^lc
268 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l7S9
at Quebec had been consumed, and the troops now depended
on the supplies which could be brought from Montreal. Great
difficulty was experienced in the delivery of them at Quebec.
It had been a matter of unusual effort to gather in the harvest
at Montreal. De L^vis, on his arrival, detached four hundred
men to aid in cutting it. He encouraged everyone to turn to
the work ; women, priests, religieuses, children, and all who
could aid. De Rigaud had also sent as many of the militia
as could be spared, and a large quantity of wheat had been
harvested. There had lately been much rain, and although
the crops at Three Rivers and Quebec had a promising look,
fears were entertained for their ripening ; consequently for the
time the reliance for food was on what could be sent from
Montreal, and the obstacles to such supplies reaching Quebec
were many and serious. There were no longer any carts
available, the horses having been taken for the artillery, and
therefore the only means of transit was by water ; and the
absence of the British ships had to be watched, so that the
passage of the boats, bringing it, could be effected.
The fire still was directed against Quebec ; the attempt was
even made to reach Saint Roch by the Point Livis guns. On
the loth the firing was continued, while the fleet was kept
passing between cap Rouge and Point aux Trembles. On the
nth there was great activity apparent on the part of the
British force. The fire from Point Levis was persevered in,
and the fleet ascended the stream as if threatening the whole
river side to Point aux Trembles. De Bougainville was again
reinforced ; some Indians even were added to his column on
the I2th. His detachment followed the ships up the river,
prepared to meet any offensive movement on their part when-
ever it would be made.
On the 4th a letter had been received from Amherst, which
could not be considered cheering to the leaders of the attack-
ing force. It was dated the 7th of August from Crown Point.
It gave no promise of his future movement to aid them in
their now desperate undertaking. A second letter, addressed
to the admiral, was confined to the request that transports
-abvG00»^lc
1759] NON CO-OPERATION OF AMHERST. 269
should be sent to New York to carry to England the six
hundred and seven prisoners taken at Niagara. Saunders
received it on the day he despatched the flat-bottomed boats
to embark the troops which had been marched up the south
shore, to proceed with Holmes to destroy the enemy's ships:
an attempt which could not be made.
There was thus no hope of aid from Amherst. There is
scarcely an instance in history, where an expedition undertaken
in accord with a settled plan of operations, was left so unaided
as that of Wolfe. The secret of the inactivity of Amherst
can only be attributed to his belief that Wolfe would fail in
his enterprise. When Niagara had fallen there was nothing
to prevent his descent of the Saint Lawrence. He had
destroyed Carillon and fort Frederick, and why he should
waste time in building vessels to attack tie aux Noix is
inexplicable, except in the behef that if he reached Montreal,
owing to Wolfe's failure, he would have the whole French
force upon himself Amherst would risk nothing. His
nature was eminently a cautious one. He placidly passed his
time establishing himself at fort Frederick and in constructing
vessels to cope with those of the French in lake Champlain.
His campaign will be described in the following chapters. I
cannot but think, whatever the risk, it was his plain duty to
have left a sufficient garrison at fort Frederick to finish the
fort and to continue his ship-building, and in August to have
descended the rapids. It was the true generalship, and he so
acted the following year, for, Montreal taken, !le aux Noix,
with the forts at Chambly and Saint John, could not have
resisted for twenty-four hours. The exigencies of the opera-
tions on lake Champlain do not furnish a satisfactory explana-
tion for his want of support of Wolfe in the hour of trial. It
was not by his aid that Quebec fell. Amherst, and undoubt-
edly he was a man of a high calibre, cannot be recognized as
the conqueror of Canada, although the final movements of
the campaign were made under his command.*
" The letter of Guy Carleton, aflerwarils lord Dorchesler, to loril Geoige
Gemiaine, otihe 20ih of May, 1777, must be looked upon as a part of Canadian
-abvG00»^lc
270 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['759
For a few hours the army was depressed by the news that
Wolfe was again prostrated by sickness and confined to his
quarters : it was the mind acting upon the body which caused
Wolfe's illness. His nature, however, was not one to yield to
depressing influences. Although the painful impression must
have been present that his future was at stake, and that failure
was only another word for ruin, he never quailed before the
desperate character of his position, and in every respect rose
to the height of the demand upon his courage and genius.
Never was a more conspicuous example that " courage mount-
eth with occasion ;" • his stout heart in a few hours triumphed
over physical weakness and debility, and he was again among
the troops, superintending the arrangements for his final
effort. On the sth, the 28th, 35th, 47th and 58th were moved
along the south shore and embarked on the vessels above the
town. On the 6th, the 1 sth, 43rd and six hundred men of the
78th followed to the Etchemin, and, having crossed that river,
took their place on the transports. Thus on the 7th there
were four thousand men on board the ships. The vessels
were much crowded, so much so that many of the men had
to remain on deck, even when the weather was bad, and there
was heavy rain on the 7th and Sth. Wolfe had ordered a
feigned attack to be made on the Beauport shore on the
morning of the Sth, but the weather led to its postponement.
Seeing that the troops would suffer by being overcrowded
on the transports, Wolfe ordered sixteen hundred of them to
be placed on shore, so that they could obtain rest and refresh-
ment. He himself was on board the "Sutherland" off cap
Rouge. It was from this vessel that he wrote his last despatch
histoiy [vii/^ report. Can. Archives, 1E85, p. CKKxiii.], for it is his protest agairut
the trealmenl he received when superseded by the incompetent Uurgoyne. He
points out that seldom liad a co-operating general stronger motives to exert his
eniieavours " to draw off part of those ureal numbers which opposed Mr. VVolfe.
, . . yet Mr. Amherst did not pass Ihis same lake Champlain. . . . and
received no censure." Allhoueh mention is only iiicidenlally made of Amherst's
failure to advance, his want of co.operation with Wolfe in remaining at Crown
Point is strongly condemned. The whole passage is well worthy of consideration.
• King John, II., 1.
-abvG00»^lc
1759] WOLFE'S LAST ORDER. 271
to lord Holderness. After recapitulating the events of the
campaign, he continues : " The weather has been extremely
unfavourable for a day or two, so that we have been inactive.
1 am so far recovered as to do business, but my constitution is
entirely ruined, without the consolation of having done any
considerable service to the State, or without any prospect
of it." •
It was resolved that the attempt should be made on the
night of the izth ; the final orders were issued on the evening
of the nth. The troops were directed to embark at five in
the morning, with the exception of the light infantry and the
Royal Americans, who were to go on board at eight. All that
the soldier took with him was two days' provisions, with his
canteen of rum and water'; an extra gill being served out
owing to the night duty. As the order set forth : "Their ships,
with their blankets, tents, necessaries, and so forth, will soon
be up."t
The whole day of the I2th the men were engaged in clean-
ing their arms and examining their accoutrements. At nine
at night the troops were to take their position in the boats.
As the boats were moving forward, the "Sutherland " would
show two lights in the main-topmast's shrouds, one above the
other. The men were ordered to keep silent and not to dis-
charge their muskets from the boats. The officers of the navy
were not to be interfered with, and the frigates were not to fire
until broad daylight.
On the afternoon of the 1 2th Wolfe issued the last order he
was ever to publish. It was to the effect that the foremost
party, on reaching the shore, should attempt to ascend the
height, and, on succeeding in the attempt, was to march upon
the enemy and drive him from his post. Officers must be
careful that the men following on the path to the summit
should not fire on those who had gone before. A detachment
was to be left to secure the landing-place, the rest were to
• Wright, p. 565.
■t OnJen Gen. Wolfe, p. 5a.
DiqitizetTbyGoOt^lc
272 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
march on and endeavour to drive the French from their ground
and take possession of it.* "The officers and men will
remember," Wolfe continued, and his words may be looked
upon as addressed to posterity, " what their country expects
from them, and what a determined body of soldiers, inured to
war, is capable of doing against five weak French battalions,
mingled with disorderly peasantry. The soldiers must be
attentive and obedient to their officers, and the officers resolute
in the execution of their duty." -f-
It had been resolved that during their operations a demon-
stration should be made against Beauport, to awaken fears of
a descent in that quarter. As evening wore on, the ships of
the line approached the shore as near as they possibly could.
Boats full of soldiers, marines, and blue-jackets were lowered
and placed in order, as if contemplating a landing. As the
evening advanced the ships of lighter draft sailed up the
river, and joined the vessels at cap Rouge, and when darkness
came on, the detachments were moved from the island of
Orleans to Point L^vis, and the whole force unperceived
proceeded to the spot appointed.
At midnight one light was shewn from the " Sutherland,"
and the troops embarked and rendezvoused between that
vessel and the south shore. When the two lights appeared
the boats commenced to drop with the tide. The point
selected for disembarkation was the anse au Foulon, about
two miles above the town. It had been examined on the
loth. Wolfe, with Holmes, Monckton, and Townshend recon-
noitred it from the south side, below the Etchemin river from
a rising ground. The bank at that time, at spots covered
■ Wright, p. 57a.
f On ihe cTening of the 12th he sent foe his old schoolfellow, John Jetvis,
then in command of (he " Porcupine," 10 be known in history as earl of Si.
Vincent. During the conversaiion, WolTe ;aid that he had a presentimenl thai he
should Tall in the action, and accordingly gave Jervis Miss Lowther's miniatuie,
to be sent to her if such should happen. He had already made his will. Hii
plate he left to admiral Saunders ; his camp equipage lo Monckton ; his books
and papers lo Carleton.
-awGoOi^lc
I7S9] FIRST HOURS OF THE 13TH OF SEPTEMBER. 273
with small bush, was naturally precipitous, and it had been
regarded by the French as impracticable for ascent A picket
of 100 men only had been detailed for its defence. On the
night of the 12th the outpost was under the command of de
Vei^or, who had obtained an unfortunate notoriety by having
been the commandant who surrendered Beaus^jour. In all
national misfortunes some explanation is generally offered.
In this case the endeavour has been made to trace the
successful landing to individual neglect. French Canadian
indignation has been abundantly heaped upon de Vergor's
memory. The study of his career does not convey the idea
that he was a man of high character, that possibly he was
self-indulgent ; but those who calmly examine his conduct on
this occasion, and will judge him with justice, cannot attach
to him any particular blame. As Wolfe examined the
northern shore from the opposite side, it was seen that a path
passed up this height, and it was to command this path that
de Vergor's picket had been established. The path itself had
been broken and impeded hy abatis, but it still could serve as
the means of communication with the lower level. 'Wolfe's
examination had further given him a view of the country to
the plains of Abraham, and he saw that when in possession
of the height, he would be able immediately to form his troops
in line of battle. The boats detailed for service were only
capable of holding seventeen hundred men. The first
detachment was to consist of 400 men of the light infantry,
and 1,300 taken from the 28th, 43rd, 47th and 58th, with some
of the 78th highlanders. Two of the brigadiers, Murray
and Monckton, were present. The ships containing the
troops for the second landing were to follow the boats. They
consisted of three frigates, a man-of-war sloop, three armed
vessels, two transports, with some ordnance vessels. These
ships contained the 15th, the Louisbourg grenadiers, the
remaining companies of the 78th, the 35th, the 2nd battalion
Royal Americans ; amounting to 1,910 men. The total force
of British troops which stood in line before Quebec on the
-abvGoO»^lc
274 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. U7S9
morning of the i3th was, of all ranks, between 3,6cnd and
3,800 men.*
It has beenf stated that captain Smith, an officer of the
light troops, informed the brigadiers that the naval officer had
stated to him, that by following the south shore there was
danger of being carried past the landing place; and that not
being able to communicate with Wolfe the brigadiers gave the
• The state of " the strength of the army (Jth September, before the battle
of Quebec," is given in Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., vol. 88, p, 1 16, viz. :
- 1 1 ! - J 1 s s t. i J
RiBfmcnn. u-lSuJ uu<cSXScii f-
ISlh, Amherst's I 3 "4 3 *" * *79 3'»
aSih, Brafig's I .. 57 7 18 7 3<» 345
3Sth, Olway's. 1 I 5 II 10 aS . . 406 461
43rd, Kennedy's. i 6 6 5 ,. .. 1 .. .. 19 11 356 305
47lh, Lascelles' I .. S ^ S 11 7 196 246
48lh, Webb's I .. S 15 8 1 i 33 14 649 7*7
58lh, Anstruther's I 4 7 6 19 2 300 339
60th (2), Monckton's 2 6 6 al 10 218 263
60th (3), Lawrence's. . .. I ., 4U l' . aS 14 474 543
7Slh. Fraier's 6 11 5 23 12 532 589
Loiiisbourg Grenadiers ,. i.. 2 8 ...■ 1 9 4 "6 241
. . 6 4 47 104 69 . . I I I 1 239 83 3826 4382
Staff 13
4395
From the total number the 3rd Batt. Royal Americans, placed to guard the landing-
place, must be deducted. They amounied to 543 in strength, which would place
the numbers at 3,852. In " A short authentic account of the expedition against
Quebec in the year 1759," published al Quelecin 1872, the numbers are given al
3,610. The difference is not serious, and it is not improbable that the latter
number may be correct, owing lo the absence of many included in rhe slate. This
MS. is known as the "Thompson MS." For many yenrs it was in the pos-
sessioD of dep. com.-genl. Thompson. The author is generally considered to have
been Mr. James Thompson, who died al Quebec the 25th of August, 1E30, in his
98lh year. He arrived in Canada with Wolfe's force, and after the peace re-
mained at Quebec. Subsequently he became overseer of works, to which office
he was appointed by Haldimand. He was known lo the duke of Kent, and
received much attention from lord Dalhousie. Some dispute has arisen with
regard to the authorship of this MS., into which I do not consider it necessary
+ Townshend papers, p. 322, " Rough notes relating to the siege, etc."
-abvG00»^lc
1759] THE BOATS GO FORWARD. 275
order to descend by the north shore. I cannot myself accept
the story as being even probable. Wolfe accompanied the
first division to cap Rouge, where the " Sutherland " lay, about
five miles west of the landing place, and it seems hardly possi-
ble to suppose that any other course would have been followed
than the north shore. •
I have mentioned the distress which the French were suffer-
ing from want of food.and so urgent was the situation that it was
determined to attempt to bring the provisions by water from
Saint xAugustin. The night of the 12th and 13th was selected
for the attempt. The belief has been expressed that a deserter
gave this information to Wolfe. The fact is So mentioned by
de Levis in an uncertain way ; other writers are silent on this
pofnt. It may be said that information of this character would
scarcely be known to the class of men, with whom desertions
take place. On the whole, I think this story must be rejected.
It is more probable that provisions had been sent in this form
previously, and that they were again expected.
De Bougainville with his force was at cap Rouge ; the
manoeuvring of the preceding day had led him to believe that
the landing would be attempted, if not at cap Rouge, at some
point between that locality and Point aux Trembles. Some
bateaux and a sloop were in the small river, available for any
emergency. The inaccessible character of the river bank east
of cap Rouge removed the probability that an attempt would
be made lower down. The activity in the " Sutherland " and
the other ships was displayed in front of the shore he was
observing; and at two o'clock in themorning there was nothing
to lead him to fear that a movement would be made elsewhere.
De Bougainville was simply out-generaled.
Between cap Rouge and Sillery there were three posts to
be passed by the British boats. It was expected that barges
with provisions would ascend the river, and an order had been
given to allow them to proceed unchallenged. No countersign
• The well known slory of Wolfe repeating some lines from Grey's "Eleg7,"
on the authorily of professor Robinson of Edinburgh, at that period a midshipman
in the navjr, establiihes the presence of Wolfe in the first division.
-abvG00»^lc
276 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
had been agreed upon ; it was, perhaps, not possible to give
one. The ascent of these boats, by one of those fatalities in
war, had been delayed until the following day. The three
posts were those of the chevalier de Rumtgny of " la Sarre,"
of M. Duglas, of " Languedoc," and of de Vergor. The
sentries of the first two challenged the leading British boat,
A captain of the light infantry who spoke French answered
the challenge by " la France ;" being considered to be the
provision boats, they were allowed to pass. The first boat,
driven by the tide, actually passed the point of landing ; as it
was difficult to contend against the strong ebb tide, it was
resolved to make the attempt where the men were It was
an hour before daybreak when the gallant little band began
scrambling up the rocky height. After some short interval
the noise alarmed the sentries, who commenced firing down
the pathway. The other troops had now landed, and prepared
to climb the steep rock. The troops in the first boats were
the light infantry under Howe, picked men, in the first years of
youth and strength. With dauntless despatch they persevered,
soon to reach the crest. It took them but a few minutes to
form and charge the picket The French, taken by surprise,
for they were only looking for an approach by the path,
made slight resistance. De Vergor was wounded and taken
prisoner with half his picket ; the remainder rushed towards
the town, giving the alarm to sentries on the bank, who fired
down on some of the boats that had dropped beyond the
landing-place. These boats were brought back by Wolfe
himself, who directed his men to row after them. The
ascent was now clear from obstruction, and the troops, unem-
barrassed by resistance, followed it to the summit One
gun was carried up the height and made ready for action.
Wolfe now detached some of the light infantry to examine
the neighbouring woods and to scour the front of the bank
towards the town. There was a four-gun battery which was
commencing to be troublesome, which Howe was ordered to
take. A small body of troops had established themselves in
a house, from which they were firing, and some Indians in an
-abvGoO»^lc
1759] THE LINE OF BATTLE. 277
adjoining thicket became aggressive ; after a few shots both
parties were dispersed. It was now about six o'clock. The
British were formed with their right to the town, facing the
Saint Louis road, Wolfe, seeing the enemy increasing in
numbers before him, changed his position, and placed himself
in their front. By this time the 48th regiment and third
battalion of Royal Americans had landed, bringing the
expeditionary force to its full strength. This battalion of
Royal Americans did not take its position in the field, but
was placed to guard the place of landing.
Monckton was in command of the right It consisted of
the 28th, the 35th and the 43rd. On the extreme left the
35th was formed en potence* with the 48th in reserve. The
centre, commanded by Murray, included the 47th, the 78th
highlanders and the s8th regiment. Brigadier Townshend
was on the left with the 15th en potence, and the 2nd 60th or
Royal Americans, in reserve. His command was to act as a
second line.
De Ramezay, lieutenant pour le rot, was left in command of
the city, with 1,500 men, generally composed of the land troops,
the militia and the crew of the ships which had been told off
to scr\'e the batteries. The alarm had been early given by the
musketry shots heard at the anse au Foulon. De Ramezay
was absent and the chevalier de Bernetz, who was in command,
ordered some militia out to meet the attack. On the Beauport
lines the troops had been on bivouac all night, from hour
to hour, looking for an attempt to land. Montcalm, himself,
had remained with them until one o'clock. About six o'clock,
when the troops had gone off duty in the trenches, after drink-
ing " some dishes of tea," Montcalm ordered the horses to be
saddled to ride to de Vaudreuil's quarters, and it was between
six and seven he first heard of the landing. He said a few
words to de Vaudreuil, and remarking to Johnston, his aide-
de-camp, that the affair was serious, sent him with orders to
colonel Poulariez that he should remain at the ravine with
two hundred men and despatch the remainder of his force to
* Troops foTmed iriih two frontE, in Ihe form of the letter V,
DiqteMwGoOl^lC
278 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['759
the plains as fast as they could march. Montcalm himself
assembled all the troops that were available and led them
across the Saint Charles. The distance to the battle field is
about six miles. The two Montreal battalions, amounting to
fifteen hundred men, were left to guard the camp at Beauport
Montcalm arrived on the ground before nine, and his line
of battle was rapidly formed. The Indians had already fired
from the wood and had been troublesome, while the militia
with some Indians had lined the bushes in front and com-
menced an irregular fusilade. Townshend described this force
as formed of the best marksmen.
Montcalm placed a thousand Indians and Canadians on
the flanks, who somewhat "galled" the British, while the
fire of some skirmjshers proved equally effective. It was
returned from the British line, but the ranks remained un-
broken ; and the one field-piece forced up the height was
rapidly and admirably served. The French brought two
pieces into action. On the right some colonial troops were
placed with the regiments of " la Sarre " and " Languedoc ; "
the centre was held by the regiments of "B^arn" and
"Guyenne," succeeded on the left by the "Royal" Rousillon,
some colonial troops and the Canadian militia. The French
force amounted to between four and five thousand men.
Without pretensions to exactness, it may be said that they
must have amounted nearly to the latter number.*
* It is exceedingly difficult to fonn a correct estimate of the troops brought into
the field by the French, on the 13th of September.
There is » memora.ndum attached to ibe despatch of Townshend of the I5tb
September [Can. Arch., A. & W. I., vol. gS, p. 147] which places [he force at
3>440-
(La Colonic 350 1
^S^'" 34° il l3.po«nder.
Languedoc 320
(B£am.. 200
Column.. } La Guienne 200
( 4"!
T (, \ f ^y'V*™""""' --'^ h "-po-ndw blended .0 be
I-ft-.. LaColome joo J ^errbul was not placed.
-abvG00»^lc
1/59] THE FRENCH LINE. 279
To Montcalm there appeared no alternative; both duty and
policy consisted in immediately engaging the enemy. Every
hour would strengthen his numbers and render him more
formidable. Even as the battle was being fought, sailors were
Militia in the bushes
and along ihe face
of the bank i.SOO
Total .
5 companies Grenadiers,
130 Canadian Volunteeis,
M. Bougainville's command-! „ , VTotal 1,500
I S70 Militia.
Bigot describes Ihe number as 3,500, "ne rormoient que 3,500 hommes ou
environ." [Letier of the isih Oclober lo Marechal de Belle- isle, Dussieux, p. 402,]
De Lrivis gives the number from 3,500103,600 men, [Journal, p. 20S.] "Pour la
garnison de la ville on n'en Hi aucun usage, de sorte que lorsque loul fut assemble,
il ne se trouva que trois mille ciuq i six cent hommes pour combattre, donl tris peu
de troupes regimes."
The writer of the memoir " Ev^nements de la Gnerre en Canada durant les
ann^ 1759 et 1760," published b; the Historical Society of Quebec, and which
is partially translated in New York Documents [vol. X., pp. 1016-1046], calcu-
lates the force at 4,500 [p. 66.] It appears to me that we have the means
approximatelj of judging the French numbers. This writer gives the original
strength of the French force as foilovrs [p. 31 J : —
Land Troops 1,600
Marine 600
Canadians 10,400
Volunteers 30O
ia,8oo
Indians 918
Total 13,718
We have of the fighting force of. 13,800
Left in Quebec as garrison 1,500
Sent to Montreal with de Ldvis 1,000
Withde Bougainville 3.300
Killed and wounded dnring the siege, say 1,000
Lei) in garrison at Beauport 1,500
^'^°°
Leaving eHective 5,500
Montcalm did not commence the action until ten o'clock, so it may be inferred
that he strengthened his force as much as passible. It is on this data I have given
the numbers in the text. No account has been taken of the Indians-
-awGoOi^lc
280 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
forcit^ Up the height, guns and stores. There was a large
reserve force on the ships which could be landed in a few
hours. It was in Wolfe's power to intrench himself where he
was, and to cut off all supplies of every kind coming from the
The extent of the casualties has kIso some relationship with (be numbers
brought into (he field.
The French loss was reported by Townshend in his letter of the aoth of
September lo Pitt. " I believe their loss (hat day might ainoun( to 1,500 ; they
have at least now 50a wounded in (heir Hospital General." On the i6lh of
October Saunders wrote Pitt [Can. Arch, A. & W. I., p. 45] that 1,000 French
officers, soldiers and seamen had been embarked on board some " cats " to pro-
ceed (o France. De lAvis in his journal gives an account of the tosses of the 13th,
which refers to the regular troops only (pp. 218-9]. ^i isaomewhatdifficulKobe
understood, but if I read it aright, 11 officers were killed. sS were wounded, who
were made prisoners; 7 wounded officers remained with (heir regiments, 137
rank and file killed, 351 wounded and prisoners, 4^3 are reported as sent
to France.
The official report of the British loss is : —
Officers (general Wolfe) I
Royal Artillery I
Captains 6
Lieutenants ■
Ensigns i
9
Sergeants 3
Rank and file 45
w.„,^ 58
Staff ° 6
t^pi«'"- 13
Lieutenants 36
Ensigns to
^9
Seigeants 35
Drummers 4
Rank and lile 506
535
Artillery 7
_S97
Killed and wounded 655
All wri(ers agree in (he imperfect resis(«nce made by (he French line.
De Liiii in his Journal, p. 109, thus records i( ; " Notre droile plia et fut
suivie auccessivement de toute la gauche avec la plus grande confusion."
Bigot remarks [Dussieui, p. 402], "la noire prit malheureusement la fuite k la
premiire dicha^e des ei
-abvG00»^lc
17^9] MONTCALM'S DIFFICULTIES. 281
west ; below Quebec the country had been devastated as
far as Malbaie, so that it could not furnish a bushel of wheat
The whole daily food of the garrison could only reach the
troops from Three Rivers and Montreal, The enemy's fleet
commanded the river. With several thousand men within
the city and intrenched east of it, not a mouthful of bread or
meat could reach the force. Why, it has also been asked, did
Montcalm not wait for the arrival of de Bougainville, who
had twenty-three hundred men with him, and among the best
troops of the army ? He virtually so acted, for he did not
attack before ten o'clock. De Bougainville had no more dis-
tance to pass over to engage Wolfe, than Montcalm himself had
to march. From Montcalm's head-quarters to the battle held
is about six miles. It was no further from cap Rouge than
it was from Beauport to the plains of Abraham. De Bougain-
ville had been on bivouac all night, watching the operations
of the fleet before him, not knowing where the landing would
be attempted. His fears had been directed to the country
above, rather than anticipating danger below. It was not
unreasonable for him to suppose that, so near to the city, the
garrison and the outlying pickets were sufficient to guard
against danger. As has been shewn, the first ascent by Howe
was east of the known path, where an attempt at landing was
looked upon as impossible ; the picket was surprised ; and it
De Raniezay in his " MJmoire," p. 8, stales, " dts U premiite decharge noire
tumje ful miie en deroute . Les debris de notre armje relourn^enl en
diSsotdre ji Beauport."
The writer of the '* Ev^enienti de la guerre en Canada duranl le* annto
1759 et 1760, p. 67," gives Ihis description of the action : " lis [the British]
ripoitereni ensuite avec beaucoup de vivacile, et 1c mtiuveraent qu'an deiacheinent
de leui centre d'environ soo bommes fit en avant, la bayonnette au bout de fusil
sulSl pour faire prendre la fuite i presque toule noire erm^ ; les Canadiens
■ccoutum^ i riculer k la maniiie des Sauvages (et des anciens Parthes) et k
retoumer ensuite k rennemi avec plus de confiance qu'auparavanl se mlliereni en
quelques endroits, et k la faveut des felits ieii dont ils ^laient environn^ iU
forcirent dJITerens corps k plier, mais enfin il fallut cMer k la superiority du
DOnibre."
The two lasi-naiDed references are in accordance with the publications of the
Hist. Soc Quebec.
-abvG00»^lc
282 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
was in hand-to-hand encounters of this character the weakness
of the Canadian militia was felt. It was said of them in bush
fighting, one Canadian was equal to three French soldiers, but
in the regular operations of war one French disciplined man
was of more account than three men taken from their farms.
The explanation of every proceeding of the French appears
to me to be simple ; they were bewildered by the masterly
generalship of Wolfe, by his readiness of resource, and by his
multiplicity and rapidityof movement, which made his designs
impenetrable. Moreover, while Wolfe's genius could combine
and direct, he felt the confidence of the experienced soldier,
that the disciplined force he commanded would achieve all
that could be hoped from courage and steadiness. What
personal gallantry and military capacity could supply to the
French force, was efficiently furnished by Montcalm and de
S^nezergue, the second in command. The troops were led
forward gallantly to the attack. They fired a volley and
marched onwards. They appear to have been pressed for
room. With steady and disciplined troops the consequence
would not have been serious, but with the militia of which
Montcalm's force was to some extent composed, it caused
confusion and disorganization. The advance was made
irregularly, and cohesion in the ranks was broken. The
attack on the left, where Townshend commanded, was reportd
by him to have been " brisk and animated." Wolfe's instruc-
tions to his soldiers had been earnest and plain, not to throw
away their fire. Early in the morning he had directed his
men to lie down until the attack should commence, in order
to spare them from the dropping fire which came from the
Canadians and Indians, and to give them rest, throwing out
pickets on his flank to prevent surprise. They had been
somewhat harassed by some Indians in a corn field on the
right, but Monckton dispersed them. Wolfe's men were
accordingly comparatively fresh, for they had had two
hours' inaction.
There could have been scarcely a man in the British ranks
who did not feel how much depended on his own manhood.
-abvGoO»^lc
1759] THE BATTLE. 283
The situation was essentially one to call forth those qualities
which, from the early days of English history, have become
traditional. Even in modem times many of the greatest
victories of the British race have been obtained under adverse
circumstances. The meanest capacity present must have seen
that the British soldier, as he stood, an invader before the town,
could only look forward to victory or annihilation : that as he
sowed he must reap. Such an hour had long been in con-
templation, for the dawn of coming events had unmistakably
appeared on the horizon. The teaching of the 31st of July,
when the impetuosity of the grenadiers was publicly reproved
in general orders as the cause of failure, must have come to
every man's mind to enforce the thought, that steadiness was
as indispensable as courage. It is no figure of speech to say
that they were present to conquer or to die, and each individual
of that serried band must have felt that the enemy was to be
hopelessly defeated, or their own bones must whiten the plains
on which they stood.
The British troops steadily came forward, receiving the
French fire without any return, until within forty yards, when
they fired. The volley was repeated, and with such terrible
effect, that the enemy gave way without further resistance.
Wolfe early in the action had been hit in the wrist, but he
simply tied his handkerchief round his wound. Giving the
order to fix bayonets, he placed himself at the head of the
Louisboui^ grenadiers to lead the charge. As they advanced,
he was struck by a musket ball in the breast. The wound
was mortal ; he could not stand. He asked the officer beside
him to support him, and begged to be carried to the rear,
requesting that the fact might be concealed. " The day is
ours," he continued, "keep it." As they reached a redoubt
which had been captured in the morning, he requested to be
laid down. One present proposed to run for a doctor, when
he told them it was useless, for all was over. He lay there
motionless, doubtless from physical weakness ; but what was
the thought which, while the flickering flame of life was
passing away, still animated that noble, highly organized
-abvGoO»^lc
284 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l7S9
nature ? As this comatose condition continued, it was thought
he was dead, when one of those present exclaimed, " They
run ! They run ! " " Who run ? " cried Wolfe, with an effort
of earnestness as if he were awakened from stupor. " The
enemy, sir," was the reply ; " they run away everywhere."
As he heard the words, Wolfe said, " Go one of you, my lads,
to colonel Burton, tell him to march Webb's regiment with all
speed down to Charles river to cut off the retreat of the
fugitives from the bridge." He turned on his side as if to get
relief from pain, but the end came only too soon. Wolfe's
last words were, " God be praised : I die in peace." Wolfe
was in his thirty -third year.
-abvGoO»^lc
1759] MONCKTON. 285
CHAPTER IX.
The aide-de-camp who informed Monckton that the com-
mand had fallen upon him, found him prostrate with a severe
wound. When leading on the 47th he had been struck by a
ball, which entered by the right breast, passed through part
of the lungs, and was afterwards cut out under the blade
bone of the shoulder.* The French were then giving way,
and in the space of fifteen minutes the whole line had retreated
in disorder. The fugitives rushed down the hill to the Saint
Charles, while others endeavoured to enter the city. On the
left of the French line a small body for a time stood their
ground, and served a gun, in the hope of checking the pursuit;
on the right about nine hundred of the Canadian militia
attempted a desultory attack, skirmishing from the woods, but
they were driven from their position by an advance of the
28th and 43rd.
At this period Townshend assumed the command. His
first orders were to recall the troops, and to re-establish his
line. During the whole morning the weather had been
threatening and portended a storm, but as the British were
reforming, and taking up their ground, the sun appeared, and
the whole landscape was gilded with the brightness and charm
of the Canadian after-summer.
By this time de Bougainville's detachment appeared in the
rear, and was seen advancing. Two battalions were directed
against him ; de Bougainville, however, had both heard and
seen that the battle had been fought and lost ; he immediately
retreated from the field, and on the part of the British there
was no attempt to interfere with him.
In the action Montcalm was mortally wounded. S^nezergue,
the second in command, was struck down, and was carried a
■ Can. Arch., Series A. 4 W. I,, 88, p. no.
-abvG00»^lc
286 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
prisoner on board ship to die. St. Ours, the next in rank,
was killed. Montcalm, nevertheless, was endeavouring to
rally the troops, when he received a bullet in the lower part
of the abdomen. The injury was so serious that he could not
sit on his horse, and was carried into Quebec to the house of
Arnoux, the king's surgeon. The elder brother was absent,
the younger examined the wound, and Montcalm heard the
opinion that it was mortal. He asked how long he could live.
Arnoux replied that he might hold out until three in the
morning. The writer* of the narrative sent to Montcalm to
say, that if he could be of use, he would come immediately to
Quebec. The man returned with the message that Montcalm
had only a few hours to live, and that it was his advice for
the writer to remain at his post with Poulariez, until the
arrival of de L^vis, Montcalm parsed the remaining hours of
his life conversing with those around him with calmness, and
with his senses unimpaired. "I die content, he said, since I
learn ( ? leave) the affairs of the king, my dear master, in good
hands. I always had a very great consideration for the
talent and capacity of M. de L^vis." Montcalm peacefully
breathed his last during the early hours of the 14th of
September.
The loss of the French amounted from twelve to fifteen
hundred men. Two hundred and fifty prisoners were taken
in the field, among them ten captains and six subalterns-f
The French were pursued to the walls, and many killed in the
glacis and ditch. The 28th, 43rd, and Louisbourg grenadiers
charged with their bayonets, while the 78th highlanders,
drew their broad swords, that terrible weapon in the pursuit
of an enemy, and sustained by the 58th, caused great havoc.
There were two houses in which a detachment of the light
infantry were stationed, from which they repeatedly sallied to
dislodge the Canadian militia as they gathered from time to
time to renew an irregular fire; finally, the isth regiment
■ Que. Doc., IV., p. 131.
t Saunders to Piit, without date, after ihe action. Can. Arch., Series
A. & W.I., 88. p. 46.
-abvG00»^lc
ITS9] riE RAMEZAY. 287
attacked their front and dispersed them. They were a body
of men who had been detached to attack the British rear.
The British troops in possession of the ground set parties
to work on the road by which the ascent would be made
practicable ; at the same time the seamen were engaged in
bringing up cannon to the front. The wounded were sent to
the ships, the killed buried. The casualties had been 58 killed,
597 wounded, making a total of 655. The force commenced
to intrench itself, and tents, stores and provisions were carried
from the ships. Strong pickets were also sent out to cut off
communication with the town.
The three days succeeding the action passed without any
movement on the part of the British. They were generally
engaged in providing fascines and pickets for the prosecution
of the siege. As it became necessary to appoint other briga-
diers, colonels Burton, Frazer and Walsh were nominated. On
the night of the l6th a redoubt was commenced about four
hundred yards from the works, to protect the attack against
the bastion of Saint Ursula. On the 17th much rain fell, and
the works for the time were discontinued. During the after-
noon a white flag appeared with proposals for a capitulation.
As the French left the field those who did not enter the
city gathered on the works of the bridge on the Beauport side
of the Saint Charles. They were there ordered to proceed to
their quarters. A council of war was held with what officers
remained, when it was resolved that the position at Beauport
should be abandoned that night, and that the troops should
march to Jacques Cartier.
The commandant at Quebec was de Ramezay, the son of
the officer of that name mentioned in this history, who, after
being governor of Three Rivers, was during twenty years
governor of Montreal, until the period of his death. There
were four sons, three of whom died in the service. De
Ramezay entered the marine corps in 1720, consequently he
had been nearly forty years actively employed. In 1745 he
was in command at Nepigon ; the following year he was
selected to command a body of eighteen hundred men to take
-abvG00»^lc
288 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
part in the expedition of d'Anville. In 1749 he was named
major of Quebec, and In 1750 he had been appointed lieutenant
de rot of the town.
In the memoir published by him he expresses his astonish-
ment that this decision was arrived at ; his opinion was that
the enemy should have been attacked on the same day or
the following morning,' troops being gathered from all parts
of Canada. It was the course which de Levis endeavoured
to take six days later. Whether the tents were left standing
for the purpose of deceiving the enemy, or abandoned in the
haste of despair, on the morning of the 14th, as they were
seen from Quebec, the general belief was that the troops
remained in their position : de Ramezay had no such illusions.
During the 13th, after the action, he had written to de
Vaudreuii, setting forth the unfortunate position in which the
town was placed, asking for reinforcements of men, and a
supply of food, of which the city was utterly destitute. At
six o'clock he received his instructions ; he was told that, in
consequence of the position of the enemy above Quebec,
and from the failure to remove the British force, each hour
becoming stronger by intrenchments ; from the check which
the army had received, and from the utter want of provisions,
a retreat became absolutely necessary, as the only means of
saving the colony. De Ramezay was not to wait for an
assault, but so soon as the want of food was felt he should
send his ablest and most intelligent officer to propose terms
of capitulation. A paper was appended, containing the eleven
articles he should ask. De Ramezay at six o'clock received a
second letter from de Vaudreuii, acknowledging the receipt of
de Ramezay's two letters, in which he repeated that he was
forced to retreat A third letter was sent, in which de Vaudreuii
notified de Ramezay that he was leaving that instant, not to
write after that date, that he would give him news on the
morrow, and bidding him "good-evening." •
• " Comma je pars dans le raomciH je vous prie de ne plus m'&rire des ce
soir, je vous donneral de mes nauvelles demain. Je vous souhaite le bon soir,"
Memoir, p. 14.
-abvG00»^lc
1759] THE CITIZENS' MEMOIR. 289
The only force on which de Ramezay could depend was one
hundred and twenty land troops. They had arrived on the
14th, but unaccompanied by supplies. He, himself a Canadian,
declares he could in no way rely on the bad militia : artisans
who had never been out of the city ; mostly married men and
above the age of service; moreover worn out with the bad and
insufficient diet, to which they had long been subjected. The
hundred sailors, who were in the town, were of some use ; they
had, however, a bad character and had been addicted to pillage.
Almost all trace of discipline in the city had disappeared and
there were but few officers to aid in its re-establishment. Not
a single engineer was present to conduct the defence, and the
place was provided with neither provisions nor munitions of
war. While the belief existed that the troops remained at
Beauport the town was not without hope. When the inhabit-
ants heard that captain Barrot, of the regiment of B^arn, had
received orders to retire from the place with the good soldiers
he could collect, the truth could not be concealed. There
was universal depression and discouragement. It became a
general outcry that they had been abandoned by the army. A
public meeting was called at the house of M. Daine, the
lieutenant general of police and mayor of the city : it consisted
of the leading merchants, the militia officers and the principal
citizens, when it was resolved that a capitulation was necessary,
and that this opinion should be communicated to the governor.
The memoir in the names of the mayor, M. Daine, the
royal notary and king's attorney, Panel, and Jean Tachet, the
syndic of the merchants on behalf of the citizens, set forth that
they had not been intimidated by a bombardment of sixty-
three days, that many hours of duty and a weary service had
not depressed them, and if their strength had suffered from
insufficient food, the hope of conquering the enemy had revived
it. The loss of their property had not affected them, and they
had been insensible to all privations from the desire of preserv-
ing the city. This feeling had been sustained by the army ;
but, alas ! it existed no longer, and they saw, with extreme
sorrow, that the three-fourths of their blood which had been
-abvGoO»^lc
290 THE HISTORY OK CANADA. [l7S9
shed would not prevent the remaining part from becoming
sacrificed to the fury of their enemies. Their only resource
was to make their yoke as light as possible. They gave three
reasons for this view ; there was only food in the city to furnish
half rations for eight days ; there were no means of obtaining
any further supply ; and there were no troops to defend the
town. Under the circumstances they were placed, no course
was open to them but an honourable capitulation. The
memoir concluded with " Finally preserve the little which has
escaped fire. It is not disgraceful to yield when it is impossible
to conquer. The citizens, sir, flatter themselves that they have
proved what they say, and they hope, from your humanity,
that you will not expose them to the hardships of an assault
and of famine."
De Ramezay did what any one would have done in his
place. He called a council of war, producing the orders of de
Vaudreuil to capitulate when there was no food. It met on
the 1 5th ; it consisted of fourteen officers." With the excep-
tion of an officer named de Piedmont, the vote was unanimous
for an honourable capitulation. Had de Ramezay immediately
acted on this decision, he would have been spared much of
the calumny which has been unjustly thrown on his name.
That he did not do so, he has written with some bitterness,
was the only cause why he could reproach himself
While these events were taking place, de Ramezay received
a message from de Vaudreuil to the effect that he was about
immediately sending food, which was to come by water; but
time passed, and none arrived. On the morning of the 17th
de Ramezay sent to Beauport to gather what had been left,
but the camp had already been pillaged by the habitants.
The flour stores had been plundered and everything thrown
■ about in disorder. It is strange to relate that in these four
■ The only name familiar at thisdale in Canadian life is lh»l of lie Cellea; the
present representuive of Ihe family is Ihe general librarian of (he house of com-
mons at Ottawa. I will take ihis apportunitj' of ihankfully acknowledging the
many obligations under which Mr. de Celles has placed me during my labours
oti this work.
-awGoOi^lc
1759] THE CAPITULATION. 291
days the British had m no way interfered with the standing
tents. Would such have been the case had Wolfe lived, or
Monckton had not been helpless from a wound ? Townshend,
however, was now in command, and the admiral doubtless felt
it did not fall within naval duty to deal with the emergency.
Saint Laurent, the aide-major of de Ramezay, was sent to
collect the tents to prevent them becoming a British trophy ;
two officers were likewise despatched to the army at Jacques
Cartier to report on its condition. They returned with the
information that there was little discipline and great disorder,
and they formed the conclusion that there was no hope that
assistance would be sent. The depression hourly increased ;
every night, and often in daytime desertions took place.
Some of the men returned to their parishes, a few joined the
army at Jacques Cartier, others deserted to the British ; a
sergeant even carried with him the keys of the gates. The
batteries were abandoned, the weak points of the fortifications
left unguarded. There were not sufficient officers to carry
out the orders, for de Ramezay felt that the militia officers
could not be trusted. On the 17th de Ramezay heard that a
British detachment in boats was advancing to the lower town,
and that ships of the line were sailing to the front of the city:
at the same time a strong column was marching towards
the palace-gate, by which free access to the town was attain-
able. De Ramezay caused the assembly to beat ; an aide-de-
camp returned to tell him that the militia were unwilling to
fight, and shortly afterwards the officers presented themselves
and declared they would not sustain an assault ; that they
knew his orders were in a contrary direction ; that they would
carry back their arms to the arsenal, so that when the British
troops entered they would be found unarmed, for now they
looked upon themselves as citizens, not as soldiers. In this
dilemma de Ramezay, by the advice of his officers, sent out
a white flag with offers to capitulate.* We learn from
* This statemenE is distioclly coiroboraled by Saunders, and fully vindicates
th« good fame of de Ramezay. Saunders lelates thai the attack was organized,
and steps laken to carry it out. [Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., S8, p. 48.]
-abvG00»^lc
292 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
Townshend how the offer was received : " I sent the officer
who had come out back to town, allowing them four hours to
capitulate or no further treaty. He returned with terms of
Capitulation which " says Townshend, "with y" Admiral were
considered, agreed to & signed on both sides by 8 o'clock
in y Morning of y i8th instant." •
The capitulation was drawn up in French ; there is no
authenticated copy in English. The terms granted were that
the troops should march out with the honours of war, with
arms and baggage, and drums beating, with two pieces of
artillery, the troops to be embarked and landed in France;
the inhabitants, on laying down their arms, to retain their
houses, property and privileges, and not to be molested for
having carried arms; the effects of absent officers and citizens
not to be touched ; the inhabitants not to be obliged to aban-
don their homes until the conditions should be settled by the
two monarchs. Article 6 as asked by de Ramezay was as
follows:! "That the exercise of the catholic, apostolic, and
Roman religion shall be maintained ;-that safeguards shall be
granted to the houses of the clergy, and to the monasteries
and convents, particularly to his lordship the bishop of
Quebec, who, animated with zeal for religion, and charity for
people of his diocese, desires to reside in it constantly, to
exercise his episcopal authority in the town of Quebec freely
and with that decency which his state and the sacred offices
of the Roman religion require whenever he shall think proper,
until the possession of Canada shall be decided by a treaty
between their most Christian and Britannic Majesties." The
amended condition was worded : "The free exercise of the
Roman religion is granted, likewise safeguards to all religious
persons, as well as to the bishop, who shall be at liberty to
come and exercise, freely and with decency, the functions of
his office, whenever he shall think proper, until the possession
of Canada shall have been decided between their Britannic
and most Christian Majesties."
-abvGoO»^lc
1759] THE BRITISH FLAG UNFURLED. 293
Artillery and military stores were to be given up, the sick
cared for, guards to be posted for protection of convents and
churches, and permission was to be given to send intelligence
to the French governor and to the minister in France*
On the evening of the i8th the Louisbourg grenadiers and
three companies of the light infantry took possession of the
gates, and a force was sent to preserve order. On the morn-
ing of the 19th fifty of the artillery, with one field-piece,
marched to the grand parade. The commanding officer of
the force followed, to whom the keys were delivered.
Captain Palliser, with a detachment of seamen, landed in the
lower town, and they established themselves there. Detach-
ments were then sent to take possession of the forts and stores.
It fell to the duty of the commanding officer of the artillery
" to fix the union flag of Great Britain at y most conspicuous
place of the garrison." The three regiments, the isth, 28th
and 3Sth, marched into the town, or, as Murray states, "the
. ruins of it." The soldiers and seamen who had surrendered
as prisoners were embarked upon the vessels to proceed to
France. On the 21st, it was resolved to hold the town, and
Murray was appointed governor. A form of oath of condi-
tional allegiance was drawn up, and those who took it were
permitted to depart, their names being registered.
As de Vaudreuil was retreating to Jacques Cartier on the
night of the 1 3th with the entire force which was at Beauport,
he wrote to de L/vis to join him, De L^vis was then at
Montreal ; on the 15th he heard of the battle and the wound
of Montcalm. He immediately left, and arrived at Jacques
Cartier on the 17th. The broken army of de Vaudreuil had
arrived there on the evening of the isth. The number of
fugitives which de L^vis began to meet at Three Rivers pre-
pared him for the disorder he should find. " I never saw
anything," he said, " equal to their condition." Everything
had been abandoned on leaving the camp at Beauport; tents,
kettles and equipage. The army was in want of the most
common necessaries. De Vaudreuil informed de Levis that
* The original text in French is given m the end of this chapter.
DiqitizeabvG00»^IC
294 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['739
Quebec had not been taken, and that it still contained a
strong garrison : with what truth the details I have given
establish. De L^vis earnestly entreated de Vaudreuil to
repair the fault which had been committed, and to march
back to succour the place. It was the only means to prevent
the flight to their homes of the Canadians, and the abandon-
ment of the French cause by the Indians, and to restore the
general courage and confidence. De Levis argued that in
their march they would pick up many stragglers, that the
habitants in the neighbourhood would rejoin, that the French
had a knowledge of the country which the enemy did not
possess, and that they could safely approach closely to the
British, and, if advisable, attack them. By these means they
would prolong the siege and could send reinforcements and
food. If it became necessary to evacuate the town, they
could burn and destroy it, so there would be no place for the
enemy to And shelter during winter. Bigot sustained de
L^vis in his argument, and, with the energy and ability which
he possessed, obtained subsistence for four days, so that
the march could be commenced. The army started at day-
break on the 1 8th, the morning the town had surrendered.
Its destination was Point aux Trembles, while de Bougain-
ville, with the advance guard, was sent to cap Rouge.
A messenger had been despatched to de Ramezay, giving
him information of the proposed movement : he only arrived
when Joannas had started a second time with the acceptance
of the conditions Townshend would grant. No written com-
munication had been entrusted to him ; his mission was to
deliver a verbal message, telling de Ramezay that provisions
would be sent to him, and that the army would return to
occupy the town. There was nothing definite. " What hope,"
says de Ramezay, " could I have upon such vague assurances,
when I had seen every expectation I had formed end in dis-
appointment ? " The British, moreover, were then intrenched
and fortified, and were bringing into position their formidable
artillery, of which the town had had such painful experience
to threaten bombardment.
-abvGoO»^lc
17S9] WANT OF FOOD. 295
In order to carry out the promiseof help, de Rochebaucourt,
commanding the cavalry, had orders to take one hundred
men, each trooper to carry, attached to his saddle, a sack of
corn of the lai^^t possible quantity. De Bougainville was to
follow, convoying the provisions gathered for the relief De
Levis relates that he wrote to the chevalier de Bemetz, an
officer of some reputation, who had remained at Quebec, to
sustain de Ramezay in his efforts to defend the town ; and
that on his arrival at Point aux Trembles, on the 1 8th, he
received a courier from de Rochebaucourt, that he had de-
livered one hundred and fourteen sacks, and had given
assurance of the presence of relief, but de Ramezay had
replied that it was too late, he was treating for surrender.
This account is manifestly incorrect. De Bernetz was one
of those who, at the council of the i jth, advocated a capitula-
tion, owing to the total want of provisions.* De Ramezay is
careful to state the fact that the supply of food was not
received until the capitulation had been signed, and that the
total quantity was from eighteen to twenty sacks of mouldy
biscuit So denuded was Quebec of provisions, that one of
the first duties of the British governor was to furnish the
people with food in the shape of twelve hundred pounds of
biscuitf When the hospital was taken possession of, it was
without provisions. In the first instance Murray declined to
furnish any food, as he had only sufficient for his garrison,
stating the French must provide for their own sick. J Bernier,
* "J'opine, Bllendil la diselle dcs vivres qui noui manquenl lotalement, de
cspitulcr aux condilions d'oblenir du gfnfral Anglois U meilleure capilulalion cl
U plus honorable." A Quebec le 15 7bre, 1759. S'lgni, Le chevalier de Berneiz.
t " Sk boucauUs [hogsheads] de biscuits pesanti douze cent livres." Certilicat
de Perl hi us.
J The battle was witnessed from the windows of the hospital bj the nuns.
"Ilie dead and dying," says itie journal of the rtliginue, "were brought into us
in hundreds, many of ihem of our close connections. . . . Loaded with the
inmates of ihiec convents and the inhabitants of the nei|{hbourlng suburbs, which
the approach of the enemy caused 10 fly in this direction, you may judge of our
terror aitd confusion." She teUtes that after loud and repeated knocks at ibe
door, an officer entered, keeping his guard outside. He asked for the Superior,
and assured the nuni of bis protection : troops were sent for that purpose. " We
-awGoOi^lc
Zg6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
who was acting as commissioner, appealed to " the well known
British humanity," and finally Murray consented to give i,ooo
pounds of flour and i,ooo pounds of biscuit, which were to be
returned. Murray also agreed to furnish food for the sick on
condition that Bigot would repay him in kind after the har-
vest ; he would take Bigot's word that he would do so, but he
must send an officer as an hostage ; and if Bigot failed to
keep his word, Murray would hang him. Murray undertook
to allow supplies to be received at the hospital, and Bernier
received a passport to proceed to de Vaudreuil to communicate
these conditions.
Murray informed Bernier that the habitants who were
present in Quebec could return home to gather their harvest,
and what they had to sell would be paid for in current English
money.
De L^vis continued his march until he joined the advance
guard of de Bougainville, who informed him of the capitula-
tion. Notwithstanding this intelligence, he advanced as far
as Saint Augustin, within thirteen miles of Quebec, sending
on the advance guard to cap Rouge. He remained three days
in this position with his broken, dispirited, half-starved army,
in no way interfered with by Townshend. The inactivity of
the British force during these events furnishes a striking con-
trast to the continual movement and enterprise under Wolfe,
and must have surprised the French. De L^vis was even able
to send a detachment to Beauport, to gather what munitions
of war could be found. In other respects the camp had been
plundered by the habitants, and all that was of value to them
carried away. What was left, de L^vis obtained. It was
resolved to withdraw to Jacques Cartier, and there intrench
the force. De Bougainville was left at Point aux Trembles,
with an advance guard at cap Rouge, with instructions to
could not," aildsihe riiigicuie, " without injuslice, complain of the mnnner in whicli
(hey treated us." The English general visited the hospilal, and lo place it in
safety, a guard of ihirty men was sent there. This protection was not without ihe
" amari aiiquid." We leam from the religuuu that on being relieved ihe guard
cnrried off many of their bhinkels. " Our greatest misfortunes," adds the wrilec
of the diary, " was to hear ihem talking during divine service."
-awGoOi^lc
1759] LORD COLVILLE. 297
harass the garrison on every opportunity and de Vaudreuil
proceeded to Montreal to assume the government, and to send
reinforcements to ile aux Noix.
Now that the stores and supplies were landed, and the
garrison which was to hold the town placed on duty, the ships
with the troops not detailed for further service prepared to
take their departure. Lord Colville was sent with the
" Northumberland " and four ships of the line and some
frigates to Halifax. A captain was named to the " Northum-
land " and CoIviUe was instructed to hoist a broad pennant
and take command of the squadron. His instructions were
to remain there during the winter, and at the earhest opening
of the navigation reappear in the Saint Lawrence to sustain
the garrison. The transports were sent off in different
divisions under convoy. To admiral Holmes was assigned
the duty of seeing them out of the river. Twenty cannon,
ten 24-prs. and ten 12-prs. were supplied to the new garrison.
The policy of attacking the French frigates above Quebec
was considered ; it was not the difficulty of the attempt, but
the time to effect any result that was the point weighed. The
French army was intrenched in the neighbourhood, and for
the ships to force their way to destroy the frigates, the con-
clusion was formed that the enterprise would interfere with the
departure of the ships. The season was now so far advanced
that it was indispensable for them to sail away without further
delay. The middle of October was passed, and the risk of
descending the river in storms of snow and through ice was
strongly felt. Saunders, with the first division of his fleet,
sailed on the iSth. One of the passages in his last despatch
from Quebec to the minister was ; " I have not heard from
general Amherst, therefore have not been able to confer with
him upon any further operations this year."* Brigadier
Monckton left with the remaining ships on the 26th.
* Even when ihe American expedition was closed for the season, iiaunders
did not consider that his work was done. On his way home he mel captain
Philippi. in the " Juno." On speaking with the vessel he heard that the French
fleet was at sea, and sir Edward Hawke wa« after it. Saunders immediatel;
steered away from the course to his native tand, for which he and his crew had
-awGoOi^lc
298 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['759
The inhabitants began to bring in provisions of all kinds to
the town. One want they seriously felt, they were without
salt, and they preferred to receive it in preference to payment
of money. There was a great quantity of salt in the king's
stores, and Murray divided it according to rank among the
troops.
There was an extraordinary want of money. The expedi-
tion had started with an insufficient amount, a defect which
Amherst had been unable to remedy ; indeed, he himself
suffered from the like official poverty. The military chest
was so ill-furnished, that it was unable to meet the require-
ments of Murray. In ordinary times as governor he might
have issued notes redeemable in a few months ; but the
French card money had so fallen in value, and was held in
such detestation, that to have introduced another paper cur-
rency would have been most impolitic. Consequently a
proclamation was issued calling on the friends and well-
wishers of the government to lend what sums they could
furnish from their private funds; money for which bills would
be given on the home authorities, at six months payable with
interest £B,ooo was thus obtained from the troops, the non-
commissioned officers and private men of the 63rd contribu-
ting ;f3,ooo. Saunders made the same appeal to the navy,
and collected ;£'4,ooo.
The last service of the navy was to destroy the houses and
stores at " Seven island harbour," which was a king's post, and
to inflict the same chastisement at Mingan,
During the progress of the expedition public feeling in the
mother country had passed through the alternations invariably
called forth when any important result is unassured. There
are two classes of minds : those which look upon life hope-
fully, those which can only contemplate disaster. As time
so yearned, and with the " Devonshire" and " Vanguard," sailed lo join Hawke
in his operatiani. When at ile Groas on the 3ind of November, he heard that
Hawke had beaten the French at Qaiberon buy an the zolh : one of the moat
gallant actions in the naval record) of England, Saunders accordingly sailed
homewards, and by adverse winds waa driven into Cork, Anallj lo reach
Portstnoulh.
-abvG00»^lc
1759] THE NEWS IN LONDON. 299
wore on, and no favourable news arrived, a foreboding ot
failure took possession of many. The real difficulties of the
enterprise had not been fully estimated : even Chatham could
not have foreseen their magnitude. Men from New England
had so confidently written and spoken of the facility of the
conquest, and they had created the belief that no formidable
opposition would be met. To them the power of New France
was a constant threatening reality, and the destruction of its
power the first element of their safety ; they were thus
prepared to consider as unimportant the obstacles to be
overcome. A different feeling now seized the more general
public, and the difficulties which had been underrated were
held to be insuperable. Doubts began to be felt of Wolfe's
capacity ; the very character of the expedition was assailed ;
and a spirit of despondency was exercising its depressing
influence. The old fears of a French invasion were renewed ;
even early in July it was reported the French had landed.
The victory of Minden, on the ist of August, restored confi-
dence. Wolfe's despatch, however, of the 2nd of September,
which recorded his repulse before Beauport on the 31st of
July, again depressed the public expectation. Wolfe himself
gave no promising view of his own hopes, and sanguine men
read in his words, as it were, a preparation for the failure
of the expedition. Horace Walpole foretold its collapse.*
Three days later he recorded the victory, adding that " if their
[the French] army had not ammunition and spirit enough
to fall again upon ours before Amherst comes up, all North
America is ours."
The news reached London on the 17th of October; the
revulsion of feeling led to the greatest exultation, for the
• " You must nol be surpriaed that we have failed at Quebec, as we ceiiainly
shall. . . . Two days ago caroe lellers from Wolfe, despairing, as much as
heroes can despair. The (own is well victualled, Amherst is nol arrived, and
15,000 men encamped defend it. We have lost many men by the enemy, and
some of our friends,— that ia, we now call our 9,000 only 7,000. How this little
aimy will get away f[om a much larger, and in this season in that country, I don't
guess — yes, I do."
Letters Hod. Horace Walpole. Letter CCCXLII.
-abvG00»^lc
300 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['7S9
success was unlooked for. It penetrated all classes, and the
sorrow for Wolfe's death was universal: mourning was worn
by the poorest, and his exploit was regarded with as much
astonishment as admiration. His remains were landed with
ail the marks of official respect, with lowered flags, minute
guns, and troops with reversed arms ; while a large crowd
with deep emotion looked upon the ceremony. Wolfe's body
was placed by the side of his father, in the vaults at Green-
wich church. A vote of the house of commons unanimously
prayed the king to erect a monument to his memory in
Westminster abbey. His epitaph in a few words records he
was " slain in the moment of victory " ; but his memory is
still more imperishably written in the great heart of the em-
pire, to pass from generation to generation.
The capture of Quebec proved to be the conquest of
Canada ; for the events of 1760 can only be considered as its
consequence. The courageous attempt of de L^vis against
Quebec in the early months of the year is a striking contrast
to all that otherwise happened before the final surrender : but
it was the enterprise of desperation, and never had a prospect
of success. The death of Wolfe has embalmed his personal
memory, to overshadow his genius as a soldier. Owing to his
untimely fate, the early age at which he achieved his great-
ness, and the personal interest attached to the narrative of
his life, the merit of his generalship has been lost sight of in
the personal admiration of the general. There was a party in
the army opposed to Wolfe, who would not acknowledge in
his earnestness and capacity any title to consideration ; who
looked upon his selection for the position as unjust to them-
selves. It was a violation of the principle of routine ; and
they recognized no right but seniority. Their own family
relationships had secured their early advancement, and it was
accordingly a pretension which they could safely advance.
The nobler minds, endeavouring to obtain distinction by
ability and conscientiousness, were looked upon by them as
intruders. The representatives of these opinions were princi-
pally found among those connected with the powerful political
-abvGoO»^lc
1759] AFTER WOLFE'S DEATH. 301
families, rather than with the ancient gentry of the land.
Merit belongs to no particular order ; envy, hkewise, is to be
met in every condition of life, and no human being is exempt
from its malignancy. Men of the highest social, even of
exalted rank, are not spared by its remorselessness. The
possessors of power will never see it pass from their grasp ;
and they are ready by innuendo and sneer to detract from
merit, wherever it may be found out of their set, often a
reproach to them, or what is worse, they feel it to be an inter-
ference with their interests. Possibly no one more suffered
from this adverse feeling than Wolfe. His genius enabled
him to outlive and master it during his life : it is certain that
no trace of its existence clings to his memory.*
* It is painful to record the irealment which Ihe family of Wolfe received
after his death. While Pitt, in the house of commons, declared that " wilh a
handful of men he had added an empire 10 English rule," and the nation, or as
the epitaph strangely relates, " the king and parliament," dedicated a monument
to his memory as the "commnniler-in-chief " on an expedition afiainst Quebec,
the conduct of the war office officials was marked by wrong and meanness, which
must bring a blush on the face of every man who has a sense of national
honour. In February, 1761, Wolfe's mother asked that her son's pay might be
estimated, as thai of a command er-in'chief. George II. had died on the preced-
ing 25ih of October, and the young king, George III., in his twenty-third
year, had had but little experience in public life. The application was therefore
left in the hands of the secretary of war. Lord Barringion, who opposed the claim
with the narrowest of official objections. If the old king had had the determioa-
lion of Ihe maltar, Iherc is little doubt that the answer would have been different
to the refusal given. It is not impossible that Barrington's correspondence with
Ihe dead general [ante, p. 155] may have crossed his mind. This discreditable
want of justice of Baninglon. for it was in his power to grant or refuse the demand,
and the amount involved was only about ^£3,000, was subsequently sustained by
Charles Townshend, the brother of the general vrho thought Wolfe's generalship
was as bad as his health. In 1764, Mrs. Wolle memorialiied Ihe king on Ihe
subject. .She received a lelter from the secretary of war, Welbore Ellis, written
in the perfection of ofRcial liltleness. " I am to inform you," we read in thLi
dt>cumenl, "that his Majesty commanded me to acquaint you, that when Mr.
Townshend was secretary of war, a full state of this demand was laid before him,
and his tiecision Ihereon taken, which was that his Majesty did not think Ihe
General enlilled to j^io a day during the expedition, and his Majesty sees no
reason to alter that determination."
What would the world say, if this document, engraved in brass, was appended
to Wolfe's monument in Westminster Abbey? Could any conclusion lo Wolfe's
immorlal services be more painful? That this national disgrace exists, is
-awGoOi^lc
302 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
It is the duty of the modem writer to consider Wolfe as the
scientific soldier. The fact of the successful landing of his
army in a few hours after midnight, and before dawn, on a
dark night in a rapid current, with a height to ascend looked
upon as inaccessible, in the face of defenders on the summit,
alone furnishes the proof that a great mind can achieve, what
to a common nature is looked upon as an impossibility. That
he was opposed only by a handful of men was owing to the
enemy having been, by the masterly movements of the ships,
diverted from the true point of attack both east and west So
that in spite of every difficulty, his small army stood daunt-
less in line at dawn, of the morning of the 13th of September.
I have given the history of the eleven weeks' campaign as
simply as I could write it, from the feeling that it needed no
■extrinsic glamour ; it is the narrative of a passage in history
which has become a household word in every rank of life.
Few know why or for what cause ; but for nearly a century
and a half the memory of it has been universally preserved, to
be mentioned with exultation, untinged by any of those pain-
ful episodes which disfigure many a triumph.
The success may likewise be attributed to the harmony
between the services. The memory of Saunders is entitled
to the highest honour. His name must be remembered by
the side of that of Wolfe, and there can be no greater praise.
It was, however, Wolfe's spirit which animated the humblest
men in the ranks. His goodness, chivalry and courage were
on the surface in every act of his life ; there was never a
thought of self His beacon star was duty ; his guide, honour ;
his principle, self-sacrifice ; his hope, the recognition that he
had faithfully served his country.
The British troops on that memorable day, arrayed under
his order, were sustained by the common feeling that they
had to act with the manhood of their race, to fulfil the trust
attributable to the two minislets, who are answerable for it, Bamngton and
-Chailes Townshend. Those who alTect 10 fear the advance of liberal principles,
would have difficult)' in creating the belier, Ihal such meannns and wrong were
possible, with the tnost democialic government.
-awGoOi^lc
I7S93 OPINION IN ENGLAND. 303
reposed in them ; if need be, to die in the ranks in which
they stood.
" A letlei to an honounbU Brigadier-General," which appeared u a
pamphlet in London in 1760, remains a portion of the litemlure of that dale. Il
furnishes a strong proof of the dissatisfaction felt with regard to Townshend's
pretensions in England ; for it is to him the letter was addreased. He is there
spoken of as one whom fortune, in one short campaign, made a colonel, a general
andacommander-in-ehief. The original text read a "soldier," but it was changed
in the errata to the position of rank. I cannot resist the impression that the word
was in the liist instance seriouslf written. The letter may be accepted as
repteseniaiive of a large seclion of public opinion. Townshend is called to
account for signing the articles oF capitulation when Monckton was present, and
appointing the staff of the garrison of Quebec. Townshend is twice accused of
having formal Ijr entered his protest of attacking the place ; neveilhelesi he enjoyed
all the honours of the conquest. He was told that he " had prudently quitted a
Scene where Danger would have been too busy." He was arraigned for not
having written " one civil Compliment to the Memory of General Wolfe" or adding
even "one kind Expression of Esteem or Affection with regard to his person."
The absence of this sympathy was contrasted with the mention of the memory of
Prideaux at Niagara by sir William Johnson. The writer proceeds to say " That
they must hare known very little of the Expedition to Quebec, who expected that you
would bear Testimony to the conduct of a General whose plan of Operations you
had the flonour both in public and private to oppose, and against whose last
desperate attempt you protested in form."
This letter has been al^ibuted to the duke of Cumberland.
A refutation was published by some friend of Townshend ; his brother Charles
has been named as the author. It is but a poor production. The writer argues
thai Monckton was too ill to act, and that although Townshend did protest against
the plan of Wolfe, it was against the policy of attacking the inlrenchments.
After reading the private letter of Townshend to.his wife, we must took with
some suspicion on the published extract of a letter to a friend, setting forth his
admiration of Wolfe. It is given as a reply, to the complaint of hb silence in the
despatch regarding the loss, which the nation had experienced. It may, however,
have merely been the want of good taste and good feeling which led to the omis-
sion of the general's name with proper respectful loention. Townshend was one
of th^ characters whose thoughts ate selfishly confined entirely to their own
interests ; his cold, callous nature rarely looked beyond them. It will be fortunate
for his memory if he is only remembered as the signer of the treaty of capitulation
with admiral Saunders on the part of the British crown, for there is little else
in bis career to call for respect.
-awGoOi^lc
304 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l7S9
WOLFE'S MONUMENT.
The memory of both Wolfe and Montttlm has been honourably perperuaied
at Quebec.
The firsi memorial is menlioned by Mr. Isaac Weld in his (ravels, published
in 1799, "A voyage to Canada and the United Slates." [I., p. 346.J Quebec
iras visited by him in 1796. He tells us, "The spot where the illustrious hero
breathed his last, is marked with a lai^e stone, on which a true meiidional [sic]
is drawn." The place was also described by Lambert, in his liavels, published
in l8i6. His remarks are important in establishing the identity of the spot.
"The spot where Wolfe died 1 have often visited with a sort of pleasing melan-
choly. It is the comer of a small redoubt, which is yet visible, and was formerly
distinguished by a lai^e roclc. stone, upon which, it is said, he was supported after
he received the fatal wound. From this stone, strangers were freiiuenily
prompted, by tlieir feelings, to break olf a small pieqe, to keep as a memento of
the fate of that gallant hero ; but the sacrilegious hands of modern upstart inno-
vators have removed that sacred relic, because it came within the inclosure of a
certain commissary-general, who had erected what he called a pavilion, and would
probably have soon planted potatoes and cabbages in the redoubt, had he not
been discharged from his onice by the present governor- general, for a trifling
deficiency m his accounts." [Vol. I., p. 44.]
In 1835 lord Aylmer, then governor-general, erected a monument on the site,
with the words :
The monument became dilapidated, and was altack<;^ by tourists who annually
visit Quebec, by whom, the guide books tell us, it was carried away piecemeal.
In 1S49 it was replaced by a column, at the cost of the olficers of the army in
Canada, at the instigation of sir Benjamin d' Urban, with the same inscription. Lord
Aylmer also, in 1S35, erected a slab to the memory of Montcalm in the Ursuline
Convent, with the inscription ;
Honneur
Montcalm
le deatin en lui d^robint
La Victoire
L'a recompense par
Une Mort Gtorieuse
In November, 1817, lord Dalhousie laid, in the public garden of Quebec over-
looking the river, the foundation stone of the world-famed obelisk 10 the memory
of Wolfe and Montcalm. Both names appear with the inscription :
A. D. 1S37
The funds were gathered by a general subscription in the province of Quebec
-awGoOi^lc
I7S91
ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION.
305
The articles of oipitulalian, as Ihey appear on ihis page, are taken vtriatim,
with the abreviations from Ihe uries in the Canadian Archives [A. ft W. I., vol.
88, pp. 50-54.] The perusal of these same articles as they are given in thejoarnal
of de L^vis [p. 315I and ai they are placed on record by de Kamesay [Que. His.
Soc. Pub., p. 30] will shew the differences between the two. They have also
been published in the form of an English translation [N.Y. I>oc., X., pp. tot 1 -13.]
It may be looked upon as a matter of certainty that the articles wer« only drawn
up in French ; and accordingly reference must be had to the tell in thai language,
when [heir meaning has to be determined wilh precision. The text which I have
followed is the authenticated copy of the capitulation as given in the imperial
archives, and must be regarded as unimpeachable.
Les Articles de la Capitulation de
I'autre Cfiti onl Hi accord^es sous les
Conditions et de la Maniere suivante
par Mons'. Chas. Saunders Admiral
de I'Escadre Hleiie de la Grande
Bretagne dont la Flotte est actuelle-
ment devant les Mara de Quebec
dans le Bassin de la d". Ville.
La Garnison de la Ville composfe
des Troupes de Terre, Marines & Mate-
lots sorliront de la Ville avec Armes &
Bagages Tambour Ijatlant, Meches
allum^s avec deux piece de Canon <ie
Prance etdou^e coups A tirer par piice,
et sera embarqu^ le plus commod^ment
possible pour §tre mises en France au
premier Port.
Accord^, en mellant les Armes bas.
Articles de Capitolalion demands
par M. de Ramsay Lieulen'. le Roy
Commandant les haute et basse l^ille
de Quebec, Chevalier de I'Ordre de
S'. Louis i. son Excellence Mons'. le
General des Troupes de sa Maj<*.
Brill"'. <jiii doit 6tre approuve par
Son Excell". Mon'. le Admiral de
I'Escadre Bleiie acluellement devant
Art. 1.
Mons'. de Ramsay demande les hon-
neurs de la Guerre pour sa (iamison et
qu'elle soil ramen^ i I'Arm^e par le
plus court Cbemin arec Armes et
Bagages, six pieces de Canon de fonte,
deuic Mortiers ou Aubuiiers et douie
Coups it tirer par piece.
Art. 2^».
Que les habitans soient Couservjes
dans la possessions de teurs Maisons,
liiens etfets & privil^es.
Art. 3.
Que les habilans ne pouriont Stre
recherches pour avoir port^ les Armes i
la DiSfense de la Ville, ailendu qu'ils y
ont i\i forc&, et que les habitans des
Colonies des deux Couronnes y servenl
^galement com me Mil ices.
-awGoOi^lc
THE HISTORY OF CANADA.
Libre exercise de U Religion Ro-
oialne Sauve-gardes accordes, ^ (outes
perEonnes Religieuses el surtout i
M'. i'EvSque qui poutra venir exercet
librement ei avec dicence lea fonciions
dSS son elal, loraqu'il jugera k propos,
jusqu'i ce que la possession du Canada
ait iti d^idee entre Sa Maj. Bril. el
S« Maj. T. Chtit.
[1759
Que les d*". hsbilans ne seront point
iransf^r^s ni lenus de quitter leur^ mai-
sons jusqu'i ce qu'un Traile detinitif
entre sa M. T. C. & S. M, B,* aye
regie leiir Elal.
An. 6.
Que I'Exercice de la Religion Catho-
lique, Aposlolique & Romaine sera con-
setvee, que I'on ordonnera des Sauve-
gardes aux Maisons Ecclcsiasliques,
Religieux el Religieuses et particu-
lieremenl k Mon'. EvSque de Quebec,
qui, rempli de zele pour la Religion et
de sa charite pour le peuple de son Dio-
cer librement et avec decence que son
Elal el les Sacrfe Myslires de la Reli-
gion Romaine son authority Episcopate
dans la Ville de Quebec, lorsqu'il
jugera k propos jusqu'^ ce que la pos-
session du Canada, soil d^cidee par un
trailf entre leurs M. T. C. * B.
An. 7.
Que I'Artilterie ei les Munitions des
guerre seront lemises de bonne foy et
-s les Malades.
Art. 8
Qu'il en sera iis£ en
blesses, Commissaii
Midecins, Chirurgiens, Apothiqaires el
Bulres personnes employes au Service
des hOpitaux conrorm^menl hu Traili
d'E^hange 6 f^vrier 1759 convenu enlre
S. M. T. C. & M. B.
Art. 9.
Qu'avant de livrei ta porte & I'Entr^
de la Ville aux troupes Anglais leur
General voudra bien meltre quelques
Soldits pour Eire mis en Sauve-gardes
auK ^lises, Couvenls & principales
habilalions.
* Sa Majesle 1'res Chr^tienne et Sn Majesty Btitannique.
-awGoOi^lc
i;s9]
Le pieseni: Traill a
le l8lh Sepiembre, 17;
ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION. 307
10. Alt. 10.
Qu'il sera permis au Lieut', du Roi,
Coramondant dans la Ville de Quebec,
d'cDvoIer inronner M'. le Marq*. de
Vaadreuil, Gouvec". G^n^cal, de la
Redditian dela place ; comme aussique
ce G^n^ral pourra fcrire au Ministre de
France pour Ten informer.
11. ,Art. II.
Que la pc^scDte Capitulation sera exe-
cutee suimnte sa forme el Teneur sans
qu'elle puisae Sire Sujette i inen^uiion
sous prjiexte, de Repr&ailles ou d'une
Ineiteurion de quelque CapiiuUlion
e fail & arrfl^ double entre nous au camp devant Quebec
CHARLES SAUNDERS.
GEORGE TOWNSHEND.
DE RAMESAY.
-abvG00»^lc
-awGoOi^lc
BOOK XIV.
From the Conquest of Quebec, 1759, to the Pe
OF Paris, 1763.
-abvGoo»^lc
-awGoOi^lc
1759] THE COMING CAMPAIGN.
CHAPTER I.
Amherst commenced his preparations for the coming cam-
paign of I7S9 with great energy and determination. One
important duty had been removed by Forbes' success on the
Ohio, consequently his efforts could be concentrated on the
protection of the New York frontier. The best means by
which he could redeem the ill effect arising from the repulse of
Abercrombie, on the 8th of July, was by driving the French
from lake Champlain ; a movement only preliminary to the
advance upon Montreal, so that Canada would be assailed both
at the east and west. The French force would thus be divided,
and could be assembled in its full strength, neither at Quebec,
nor on lake Champlain. Consequently, Amherst's attack of
Ticonden^a fsrmed a leading part of the plan of operations,
so that wherever the attack might be directed, the difficulties
would be lessened, by the imperious call on the resources of
Canada in every direction.
In addition to the expedition against take Champlain, lake
Ontario equally presented claims to attention. If Osw^o
were to be re-established, Niagara could not, with safety,
remain under French authority. This place, now strongly
forti6ed and weli garrisoned, was important from commanding
the passage from lake Ontario to lake Erie ; it was the source
of supply of the posts on the Ohio, and formed the most con-
venient connection with Detroit and the Illinois. It was not,
however, the only connection with the west, another route was
available by the river Ottawa and lake Nipissing to lake
Huron ; but this fort possessed the advantage of being on
the more direct line of communication and thus became the
common centre of supply for the western and the Ohio posts :
at the same time it was a constant threat to Oswego, Since
the destruction of Cat«u^qui, French posts had been estab-
-abvGoO»^lc
312 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [t7S9
lished at La Presentation, Ogdensburg, and on He Galops at
the head of the rapids, and a combined movement was at any
time possible against the British possessions on the lake.
Oswego was of the highest value to the British in every point
of view, being the termination of the only route by which lake
Ontario could be reached from Albany. The ascent of the
Mohawk had been protected by forts, and the carrying-place,
modern Rome, had been made tenable by the construction
of fort Stanwix. The eastern entrance to the river, leading to
lake Oneida, had been also fortified. The removal of troops
and stores to Oswego had thus become practicable ; but there
was always the risk of its re-establishment being disputed, and
the point, from which any assault was to be feared was
Niagara.
Amherst determined to fortify the head of lake Geoi^e,
and colonel Montresor having prepared plans for the work, it
was begun and carried on during the summer; one bastion
was completed towards the end of September. The pro-
gress of events made its continuance no longer necessary.
Montresor was, accordingly, ordered to Crown Point to assist
in the re-establishment of the fort, and the work at lake
George was never resumed.
In the month of February there were 12,405 troops serving
in North America ; some 3,300 men were required to complete
the strength. The orders received from England somewhat
reduced these numbers, and at the end of March, Amherst
received his instructions with regard to the regiments which
were to be included in the expedition against Quebec, with
the information that Monckton was to command a brigade.
A fortnight earlier Amherst had heard of Forbes' death,* and
had designed Monckton to succeed him. As this arrangement
could not now be carried out, Stanwix was sent to Pittsburg,
and Monckton with Fraser's regiment was ordered to join
Wolfe's expedition.
No active operations of any importance took place, except
' The date reponed by AmheisI, the lllh of March, agrees with tlie (titeraent
of Dr. Fi^o, [ante page al6], C«n. Arch., Series A. & W, I., 89.1, p. 115.
-abvG00»^lc
I7S9] THE PENNSVLVANIAN LEGISLATURE. 313
the French continued their system of la petite guerre, by
Indian parties directed against stragglers arid detachments
«eak in strength, or failing to observe proper caution. A
corporal and four highlanders near fort Stanwix were surprised
and attacked by a large party of Indians : the corporal only
escaped ; and there were several such instances. Caution was
enforced on the soldiers of every garrison, and in the generality
of cases, it was disobedience of orders which entailed the
penalty of the loss of life. Amherst determined to make
reprisals for these attacks ; moreover, he was desirous of
obtaining information of the enemy's condition. Accordingly,
on the 3rd of March, Rogers was sent down lake George with
a force consisting of 200 regulars, 84 rangers and 52 Indians.
The engineer, who accompanied him, was enabled to make a
sketch of the fort and intrenchments at Ticonderoga. He
reported that the abatis extended for twenty-five paces in front
of the breastwork. Rogers returned in a week with seven
prisoners and four Indian scalps. In these affairs thirty of
the enemy had been killed. Risers' loss was two rangers,
one regular and one Indian wounded. We learn how
remorseless this warfare had become, when we read that two
prisoners who could not keep up with the party were killed.*
The New York privateers at this time were particularly active.
Out of twenty-two ships which sailed from San Domingo,
escorted by " Le Palmier," 74, and a frigate of 40 guns, eleven
were taken, the value of these prizes amounting to £120,000.
In April Amherst went to Philadelphia, to determine the
policy to be followed with the Indians, and obtain the passage
of the supply bill. As was usual in Pennsylvania, there was
a difficulty in this respect. Although the past campaign,
closing with the conquest of Pittsburg, had obtained peace,
and conferred protection against the assaults of the French
Indians, and how much is contained in these simple words,
and a lai^e accession of territory for the enterprise of the
citizens of the province had been obtained, all that Pennsyl-
vania could recognize was "the disagreeable necessity of
* Can. Arch., ISeries A. & W. L, S9.1, p. 216.
-abvG00»^lc
314 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
representing, that the teamsters were unpaid for their service,
and the owners of the waggons and horses remained unsatis-
fied for their loss, the waggons being broken and the horses
dead." They remonstrated against the mode, in which the
teams had been obtained for the service of their own
province ; they protested against the issue of billets for the
soldiers fighting their battle ; and when supplies to assist in
carrying on the war were asked, the house of assembly
declared its readiness to grant them, but asked the governor
that in " discharging the duty you owe to the best of kings
and to the people of the province that immediate steps might
be taken for the redress of their grievances."
It was undoubtedly to be regretted that the debts due had
not been paid ; a few weeks, however, had only passed since
the return of the troops, and the illness and death of Forbes
had added to the complication. There was possibly much
private suffering from the non-payment of these obligations ;
but there were other modes, and certainly a more dignified
and honourable manner of advancing these claims, than the
threatening attitude taken by the province. The time was
one of war, whea every filing of patriotism should have been
called forth. To the Pennsylvanian the struggle was as much
one for existence as for the possession of territory. Neglect
of these obligations in previous years had caused great loss of
life and property, with much suffering. The indignant
frontiers-men, at one period of this crisis, needed but little
incitement to march upon Philadelphia, and obtain vengeance
for the neglect, by which they had suffered. The last four
years had seen the abandonment of homesteads, from the
inability of the province to defend its territory against the
Canadian and Indian incursions. The last campaign had
entirely changed the a.spect of matters ; nevertheless, all that
the legislature could recognize was, that the wages of the
teamsters were unpaid, the compensation for the broken carts
and killed horses unadjusted, while complaints were made
that a roof had been found for the British soldier, when many
-abvGoO»^lc
1759] PRIDEAUX. 315
of the troops had been wounded in the struggle to assure
Pennsylvanian pre-eminence.
Amherst appointed a committee to examine into and adjust
the claims: naming two commissioners, he directed the legis-
lature to select the other members. As the province hesitated
to respond to his appeal for troops, he called upon the legis-
lature to furnish the same number as were on service the
previous year; otherwise he must abandon all thought of
carrying on any operations in the western part of the province,
and would reinforce the army to the east, with the troops
intended to act in Pennsylvania.
Leaving governor Denny to urge his legislature to pass the
supply bill and to vote the men, Amherst returned to fort
Edward, on the Hudson. He arrived at Albany on the 3rd
of May to meet sir William Johnson, who informed him that
he could bring 800 Ihdians in the field, all of whom were
desirous of attacking Niagara. It was the policy which
Amherst had determined to follow ; he deemed it, however,
prudent to defer any expression of his views. He ordered
provisions for five thousand men for three months to be sent
to Schenectady by land. The supplies for fort Edward reached
the fort by water. In order to assure his communications, he
stationed Gage's regiment to the north of Albany ; he bridged
over the Hudson at fort Edward, and ordered the woods to be
burned between that place and lake George.
Amherst selected Frideaux, who had arrived at New York
in the " Diana" on the 7th of April, for the command of the
expedition against Niagara : the force to be taken from
the troops collected at the Mohawk, Abercrombie's, the 44th,
Thomas Murray's, the 46th, with 2,680 New York provincials.
Amherst sent notice of his intention to Stanwix at Pittsburg,
asking if possible that he should co-operate in the attack. In
the middle of May both Prideaux and Johnson were informed
that the expedition would be undertaken, and in anticipation
of the services of the Indians being required, Johnson assem-
bled a congress of the Six Nations. Not only these tribes,
but five other nations attended, and there were about five
-abvGoO»^lc
3l6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. U7S9
hundred men, women and children present Johnson was
enabled to report that the feeling was unanimous against the
French, and that they warmly advocated the proposed attack.*
On receiving his orders regarding it, Johnson asked for ;£^3,ooo
sterling to meet the preliminaiy Indian expenses.
The operations he had resolved to undertake on lake
Ontario suggested to Amherst the opportunity of becoming
aggressive on the Ohio. He sent an officer to Stanwix,
ui^ing him to push forward a column to attack Venango and
le Boeuf, believing that these posts would to some extent be
abandoned, and that they might be taken without much effort
Stanwix expressed his readiness to co-operate in the move-
ment as he was directed, and despatched the 1st battalion
Royal Americans to aid in the siege of Niagara. He com-
plained of his want of money, and reported the difficulty he
experienced in supplying his posts, owing to his want of
waggons. It took a loaded waggon twenty days to go from
Carlisle to the Ohio, and ten to return empty. So a waggon
could only make one load a month, he required thirteen hun-
dred such waggons to bring the supplies he required. There
were i,6oo Virginians at Pittsburg, four hundred at Loyal
Hannen, and they had to be fed.
On the 20th of May Prideaux set out for his command.
For a few days he established his headquarters at Schenectady,
which he left on the 31st. On the day of his departure the
Mohawk suddenly rose, so the bateaux and boats got adrift
Many were carried down the river ; generally they were
regained, but several went over the grand falls. At fort
Edward, Amherst was endeavouring to establish discipline,
which was not readily accepted by the provincials, and there
was from time to time trouble with them. As desertion was
becoming frequent, Amherst determined sternly to repress it.
Two deserters of the regulars were hanged. Two of the
Rhode Island regiment were sentenced to death for the same
crime ; one was, however, pardoned, in the hope that the
extreme sentence in the other case would exercise its influence.
* Johnson 10 Amherst, 21st April, 1759. Ca.n. Arch., A. & W. I., 90, p. 173.
-abvG00»^lc
I7S9] FREDERICK HALDIMAND. 31;
The Indians still hung about the several garrisons to indict
injuries on individual stragglers. The one object, in continuing
these merciless attacks, was to keep the Indian attached to the
French side. Parties were continually lurking about to
destroy all whom they could safely attack. Nothing was too
petty for their vengeance. In May, one man at fort Miller,
who, contrary to orders, crossed the river was seized. At fort
Stanwix, lieutenant Stevens and sixteen men were out uncon-
cernedly shooting pigeons, when they were surprised by a
strong party of Indians and shot down ; a volunteer officer
and four men were killed, one was taken prisoner, the sergeant
wounded. 'A party of twelve with a subaltern, coming from
Stillwater, marching carelessly, never suspecting attack, were
fired upon by twenty Indians ; the lieutenant and two men
were killed, three were wounded, and the corporal missing.
Early in June some batemix men carrying guns up the Mohawk
were attacked by Indians. Seven were killed, six of them
scalped, one wounded, and one missing.
On forming his force to proceed against Niagara, Prideaux
was instructed to increase the strength of the garrison at fort
Stanwix by one hundred and fifty men ; fifty men were to be
placed at the east end of lake Oneida, one hundred and fifty
men at the west end of the lake, and one hundred and fifty
men at the falls of the riven the whole line of communica-
tion would then be assured. After taking Niagara, Prideaux
was instructed to proceed with a sufficient force and establish
himself at La Galette, at the head of the rapids on the Saint
Lawrence. Having obtained the necessary boats and bateaux,
and otherwise perfected his organization, on the ist of July
he started from Oswego, leaving behind a considerable force
to rebuild and re-establish the fort at that place.
The second in command was Frederick Haldimand.
Having been governor-general of Canada during the troubled
years of the American revolution, few men have rendered more
important service to the British crown ; but his name is
not recorded in any dictionary of biography. In Canada his
reputation has been made the target of every shaft of malignity
-abvGoO»^lc
3l8 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
and ignorance, by those who, too indolent to investigate, have
been ready to join, in the chorus of defamation. He is accused
of arbitrary illegah'ty in the administration of his government,
as being unscrupulous, unjust, and naturally insolent. Even
those who affect to treat him with consideration, describe him
as a martinet, a good soldier knowing no rule but the bayonet
His character was the opposite to that of so repellant a per-
sonage. He was a man of rare administrative ability, of a
generous, frank, simple nature, sustained in the most difficult
positions by the desire of performing his duty. During the
period of his government he acted with remarkable firmness
and decision. He thoroughly repressed all sedition and every
attempt at disorder, and effected his purpose without the
extreme measure of hanging the disturbers of the peace.
This fact alone is sufficient to obtain respect for his memory.*
Haldimand was born at Vverdun, in Switzerland. We first
hear of him in a prominent position as being in command in
Philadelphia. He was thence transferred to the duty of
recruiting for the Royal American regiment, his headquarters
being Albany. He was also detached to this duty in New
England, the Carolinas, and Georgia. In 1757 he was en-
* Mr. Urymner, the Canadian Archivist, was the first to vindicate Haldimuid's
chancier [Report, 1887]. and il is by his researches that the main lines of his life
are known. Italdiinand was a coUecloi : with great pains and labour he gathered
all the papers accessible to him. These records extend from 1757 to 1765, and
consist oF 232 volumes. Bouquet's papers, which consist of 34 volumes, were left
10 Haldimand. The whole were presented to the Hritiah Museum in 1757 hf
Haidimand's nephew. They have Iwen copied Tor the Canadian governmeni, and
the volumes are now included in the Uominion records. These papers have been
calendared by Mr. Brymncr with great industry and ability in a most thorough
manner. 1'hey extend over 2,405 Svo. primed pages, a labour invaluable to all
historical students. These papers have particularly allractei] the attention of
writers in the United Stales desirous of obtaining correct information of the period.
Haldimand took part in the operations of the war till the surrender of Montreal
in 176a He acted for some months as governor of Three Rivers, and was sub-
sequently appointed to (hat po*ition. Three years later he was transferred to
Florida with the rank of brigadier. In 1773 he was nominated governor of New
York. In 177S he was appointed govern or -general of Canada, which office he
held untii 1784. Haldimand died at Yverdun, probably in May, 1791. I briefly
mention here Haidimand's subsequent career, for without this notice much of the
interest attached Co his name would be lost.
-awGoOi^lc
1759] ^E LA CORNE'S ATTACK. 319
gaged in Pennsylvania in endeavouring to protect the frontier
against Indian attack. The following year he was on the staff
of Abcrcrombie at fort Edward, but he did not join in the
unfortunate expedition against Ticonderoga. He was now
present with Prideaux. Amherst having given special instruc-
tions that he should be left at Oswego, he was placed in
charge to carry on the works, during the period that the main
expedition was absent before Niagara. His garrison consisted
of some companies of the battalion of Royal Americans, and
some of the New York regiments, the total strength being
about one thousand men.
Haldimand, left in command at Oswego, with the duty of
rebuilding the fort, proceeded to intrench himself as he was
able. A large quantity of flour and pork had been brought
for the subsistence of the army, as is customary, in barrels.
Haldimand availed himself of this means of defence, erected a
barricade of tiers of barrels.* Working parties were sent into
the woods to cut the timber necessary for the construction of
the fort. No particular caution was taken against surprise,
and the men carried on their labours without fear of interrup-
tion : an expectation not realized.
Saint Luc dc la Cornc had remained on Galops island with
his force, from time to time sending out parties to distress
stragglers from the forts on the Mohawk. His scouts bring-
ing him intelligence of the occupation of Oswego by the
British, he resolved to surprise them, and, if possible, inflict
such serious injury on the force before it was established, as
to force an abandonment of the position. De la Cornc had
no certain knowledge of the force he had to contend against,
and he undertook the expedition with ill-defined views of
what he could effect, and the opposition he must encounter.
His own detachment was composed of Canadian militia and
Indians of about one thousand in number. He ascended the
Saint Lawrence, and followed the southern shore of lake
Ontario. The movement escaped detection, for the British
had only bateaux and boats, most of which were engaged in
* Pouchot, I., ^98.
-abvGoO»^lc
320 THE IIISTOHY OF CANADA. [l7S9
the transport of the troops. No canoe parties were out as
scouts. On the 5th of July, de la Corne landed below the
fort. He was accompanied by the abb^ Picquet, some of
whose Indians were in the expedition. The priest accordingly-
had considered it his duty to be present ; a feeling which
accorded with his love of adventure and notoriety. If the
deserters who joined the British force are to be believed,
Picquet, in his exhortation to de la Come's men, entreated
them to give no quarter.
The working parties taken by surprise, by a volley from a
concealed enemy, retreated to the intrenchment, the firing
having been returned by the covering party. The French
force partially surrounded the fort, remaining at some dis-
tance and carrying on a fusilade from among the cut wood.
It was a harmless display of hostility. At night they
retired ; next morning they advanced towards the left of the
intrenchment, where there were three pieces of cannon, and
commenced firing from the logs. On the discharge of the
guns a panic seized the French, and exclaiming that the
surprise had failed, made for their boats as rapidly as possible.
De la Corne had been wounded ; consequently Picquet con-
sidered it a part of his clerical duty to endeavour to rally and
encourage the troops to return to the attack. They would in
no way listen to him, and in the rush to the lake he was
thrown down, but he seized one of the men in the flight,
calling out: "Save at least your chaplain."* The men
regained their canoes, and rapidly paddled their way to the
head of the rapids. The deserters to the British reported
that they had expected no resistance, and that de la Corne
had assured them there were only five hundred men prescntj-f-
who would be taken by surprise and easily defeated. Besides
de la Corne being wounded, one officer of the marine service
was killed ; six men were found dead in the woods, and it was
believed many were wounded. The French retired without a
scalp or a prisoner. The expedition is principally remark-
• Pouchot, I., p. 109, iransifllioii.
+ Can. Arch.. Series A. & \V. I., 91. i, pp. 85-86.
-abvG00»^lc
1759] POUCHOT. 321
able as being the last i^gressive attempt of the French on
lake Ontario, The British loss was two killed ; two officers
and eleven men wounded. •
Prideaux, on leaving Oswego on the ist of July, followed
the southern line of coast of lake Ontario ; the distance to
Niagara is about seventy miles. It would have been a navi-
gation attended with danger to the bateaux, boats and canoes
of which the expedition was composed, to have made the
transit direct, passing far into the lake. There was another
powerful motive for this proceeding. An armed schooner,
"i'lroquois," in the service of the French garrison, was con-
stantly cruising about lake Ontario, and might have indicted
damage on the boats. As several of the bateaux were mounted
with artillery, the fire of the schooner could have been
returned. The armed vessel, nevertheless, might have proved
troublesome, and that it failed to discover the expedition was
fortunate for the boats composing it ; the fact is even men-
tioned, as a matter to be blamed on the part of her captain.
The officer in command of the fort was captain Pouchot, of
the regiment of B^arn, a good and experienced officer, and in
other respects a man of capacity ,f He had never anticipated
any such attack, having relied on his relations with the Six
Nations, and had felt certain that any contemplated movement
would have been communicated to him. The Indians had
moreover, assured him, that he had no cause for apprehension.
What, to some extent, also made the expedition a surprise, was
the belief that Amherst would descend the Saint Lawrence and
endeavour to effect all that was attainable in one campaign,
and it was greatly feared in the colony that this course would
be taken. He had, however, done his best to make the fort
* Both Poucbot and de Lfvis menlion the panic with which the French troopt
were seized. De Levis places it during the first attack [Journal, p. 189.] From
the narrative of the events bjr Haldimand, who knew nothing o( the panic, it
musi have taken plac« immediately prior to their re-embarkation.
f In 17S1, at Yverdun, in Switzerland, he published a work upon the war,
"Mimoiies sur la demiire guerre de rAmerique, • • » suivis d'observalions
dont plusieurs sont rtUlivej au theatre acluel de la guerre, de noaveaux details sur
la mcEurs, les usages des Sauvages avec des Cartes Typc^raphiques."
-awGoOi^lc
322 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['759
secure, and had extended and improved the defences so far as
his means permitted. The fort was situated on the spot occu-
pied by the present building, at the corner of the western
angle at the discharge of the river Niagara into lake Ontario :
it was defended by bastions, with guns en barbelU, directed
towards the lake. On the land side the defences were more
elaborate: they consisted of two bastions and a curtain,
occupying the ful! extent of ground between the two waters.
They had been built of casks, filled with earth, while along the
lake shore, balks, fourteen inches square and fifteen feet long,
had been placed side by side. The garrison consisted of 149
regulars, 183 of the colonial troops, 133 Canadian militia, 21
gunners, the whole amounting to 486 men. There were two
posts connected with Niagara; one where LewJston now stands,
at the foot of the ascent, was known as the "fort du portage:"
while on the height at the foot of Grand island, opposite to the
mouth of the Welland river,* known, after the conquest, as
Chippewa creek, a second post was established, afterwards,
called fort Schlosser. It was at this point that goods were
received from, or transferred to the canoes which ascended
between Grand island and the main land. The first post was
held by joncaire de Chabert, a half-breed officer, with a small
force.
Pouchot, considering himself secure, had weakened his force
by sending detachments to the Ohio. The first intelligence he
heard of the landing was from a soldier, who, with two
comrades in the woods shooting pigeons, had been attacked.
He escaped, while the other men were seized. Pouchot, con-
sidering that it was the proceeding of some stray Indians, sent
out a party of ten. As they were marching with no anticipa-
tion of danger, they found themselves surrounded. Five were
taken prisoners, and two wounded ; thus Pouchot, for the first
time, knew that the British were upon him in force. He sent
out his scouts to examine the enemy's position. He was then
informed that Prideaux had established himself at what was
• Hy proclamation o( 179J Ihis stream was officially described as Welland
river, it took Eome years for the name 10 be generally recognized.
-awGoOi^lc
I7S9] ATTACK OF FOUT NIAGARA. 323
known as the little Marsh, with a portion of the force
encamped in the woods, the barges, under a guard, were drawn
up on shore.
Pouchot immediately sent orders to joncaire de Chabert to
abandon the " fort de portage," and to join him by the east
side of the river, while he despatched an officer with orders to
the commandants at Presqu'ile and Machault, to come to
Niagara with all possible despatch, bringing what force they
could gather of French and Indians. Chabert found his way
to Niagara, first burning his fort as untenable. Having taken
these precautions, Pouchot resolutely prepared for the defence
of the place. On the afternoon of the 8th an officer appeared
with a white flag ; a captain of the Royal Americans. Blind-
folded, he was led through the brush wood, and brought to
Pouchot, to whom he gave a letter from Prideaux, to the effect
that the king had appointed him governor of fort Niagara,
and he was present to cause its surrender, if necessary, by
force. Pouchot replied he did not understand English, and
had no reply to make. However, he invited the officer to
breakfast, when he said that he felt himself in a condition to
defend the fortress, which he hoped Mr. Prideaux would never
enter ; and before making terms with him, at least he would
seek an opportunity of gaining his esteem.
Prideaux proceeded to invest the place; on the nth a
battery was completed but the fire was without effect : the
works had been commenced in the wrong spot. At this
time many of the engineer officers of the army are represented
as being ignorant and incompetent ; there were, doubtless,
exceptions to whom, this censure did not apply. Often,
however, their work was worse than useless, for it was mis-
leading, and imposed on the troops much unnecessary severe
labour. A curious scene took place in the fort on the !2th,
between some Iroquois allies of the French and those on
the English side, when each party endeavoured to persuade
the other to abandon the cause it had embraced. A French
Indian had first visited the British camp, where he had
been received by a chief in Johnson's presence, who looked
-abvGoO»^lc
324 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
Upon the event in the light of a jest Pouchot was present
at the interview in the fort. As might have been looked for,
the meeting was without result ; it had been acceded toon both
sides to conciliate the Indians. All that followed was that
Pouchot gave each of his visitors a loaf, as in the British camp
they had only cakes cooked in a pan.
The British continued to advance their lines, but the bombs
did little damage, and they themselves somewhat suffered
from the fire of the besieged. On the 15th and i6th a new
position was chosen, and the British commenced to fire
musketry from their trenches. The ground had been selected
with the design of the battery enfilading the covered way, and
so obtain protection against sorties. Shells were now thrown
into the fort with more effect. It rained heavily on the i6th,
and the following day was foggy. The British were, therefore,
enabled to push forward a battery within 780 yards of the
bastion angle, the fire of which was troublesome to the
defenders. On the following day the works were advanced
nearly two hundred feet, and a heavy fire directed against
the fort from cannon, mortars and howitzers.
An unfortunate accident happened on the 20th. A shell
burst on leaving the gun, a piece of which struck brigadier
Prideaux, causing instant death. Johnson consequently
assumed the command and energetically urged on the works ;
by the 23rd an eight-gun battery was opened within 1 50 yards
of the place.
Pouchot received a reply to his letter to the Ohio forts,
written by him to summon those garrisons to his assistance, in
which he was asked which was the best course to be taken to
relieve him. He had replied that the enemy was divided ; a
detachment was guarding the canoes, and the rest of the force
was on the side of the little marsh ; if de Ligneris thought
himself capable of successfully attacking the British in one of
these positions, he should make the attempt, for should he
defeat them, it would be the means of raising the siege. The
reinforcements accordingly started for Niagara. In addition to
the Ohio garrisons, they included several traders and Indians,
-abvGoO»^lc
1759] DEFEAT OF THE FRENCH. 325
gathered from Detroit and the Illinois, numbering twelve
hundred men. The material was good as far as courage was
considered ; but it was an irregular force without discipline,
except on the side of the men sent from the garrisons. The
trader's wild and reckless life taught him to be daring, and he
had learned every stratagem which an Indian might practise ;
generally he was without that steady, sustained courage, so
necessary in an emergency.
Johnson's scouts gave him notice of the approach of this
reinforcement, and he determined to intercept it on its march.
He posted himself below the falls, and on the evening of the
23rd he advanced some light infantry pickets to intercept any
force descending the road. During the night he marched
some grenadiers and a part of the 46th to sustain the attack.
The French column reached the ground about half-past nine
in the morning. They were met in front by a strong body of
the British and Indians. As an attempt was made to force a
way through this column, an attack was made upon the flank.
It proved disastrous to the French : in an hour, after great
loss, they were completely -routed. Many prisoners were
taken, among them nine officers, including Aubry, de Ligneris,
Marin, de Montigny, and de R^pentigny.
The troops, scattered and broken, hurried from the field to
the fort above the falls, where Rocheblave, a trader, had been
left with one hundred and fifty men in charge of the canoes
and bateaux. Many made their way to fort Presqu'ile, where
they were joined by the few troops of that place and of fort
Machault, who had not taken part in the expedition. De
Beilaitre,who from illness had been unable to be present, now
assumed command. The loss in theaction of those belonging
to the garrisons of these places had been two hundred and
fifty, mostly of the marine force. A great many of the traders
from Illinois had likewise been killed, or taken. What
remained, of those who had constituted the expedition,
ascended lake Erie, and made their way as rapidly as possible
to Detroit.
While the fight was going on west of the fort, a French ser-
-abvGoO»^lc
326 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
geant, observing that the British trenches were quiet, imagined
that they were so far abandoned as to be unguarded, and asked
leave to make a sortie and take possession of them. Pouchot,
without attaching faith to the proposition, in order not to
depress the spirit of the men, granted the request, but placed
the force under the command of de Villars, with strict injunc-
tions to keep it under control. The first indication of such a
movement disclosed the fact, that the trenches were manned
as usual ; indeed, an unusually strong force was under arms, to
act as occasion would suggest.
The following day Johnson again sent a summons to sur-
render. The bearer of the letter was major Hervey, a son of
lord Bristol. Johnson asked that his personal statement
might hie accepted. Hervey related the defeat of the detach-
ment, and gave the names of the prisoners. In reply Pouchot
sent captain de Cervies, of the Royal Rousillon, to the British
camp. The messenger there saw the too painful evidence of
the truth, and so reported to Pouchot. The intelligence had
a most depressing influence on the garrison. Theofficers had
the greatest difficulty in restraining many of the troops from
abandoning the place ; there were many Germans in the
colonial corps, lately sent over from France, who were
exceedingly mutinous.
A council of war was held, and it was resolved to capitulate.
Major Hervey, who remained in the fort during the absence
of M. de Cervies, was called in by Pouchot, and the olfer of
capitulation was made: the garrison to march out with the
honours of war, and to be sent to Montreal. Johnson, how-
ever, refused this condition.
The terms which he granted were : (l) That the garrison
should march out with the honours of war to embark in boats
to proceed to New York ; (2) abandoning their arms, but
retaining their baggage ; (3) the officers to retain their arms ;
(4) the women, children, and chaplain to be sent to the first
French fort, so they may proceed to Montreal, except in the
case of British subjects ; (5) the sick and wounded to remain
until they could support the journey ; {6} neither officer nor
-abvGoO»^lc
17593 TERMS OF CAPITULATION. 327
soldier to be subject to any act of reprisal ; (7) an inventory
to be made of munitions of war and artillery, ships and boats,
and the men not to be separated from their officers ; (9) the
garrison to be protected by an escort against Indians ;• (10)
the employees to have the fate of the garrison ; (11) the
Indians not to be ill-treated.
The last clause was accompanied by the recommendation
that the Indians would leave secretly.
The loss of the French during the siege was forty regulars,
forty-three of the marine service, twenty-six militia ; total,
one hundred and nine killed and wounded : there were thirty-
seven sick. The number of prisoners of all ranks, marched
from Niagara to New York was six hundred and seven. This
number included those that were taken at the action of the
24th of July. Forty-three cannon were ceded to the victors,
from 2 to 14-prs., nineteen of which were i2-prs., with a
quantity of round shot, hand grenades, intrenching tools,
15,000 lbs. of powder, 40,000 lbs. lead balls and shot, 2 cwt.
matches, 43 shells, 56 muskets and 50 bbls. powder.
On the death of Prideaux, Johnson, on the assumption that
he was in full command, wrote to Haldimand, calling on him
to proceed to Niagara. Haldimand immediately appealed
to Amherst, expressing himself astonished that Johnson
* The 9th clause calls for special atlenlion. The lollowing is the full text :
"L& gamLson sera condiulle (sic) avcc on cscorte jusqu'a rendioil destin^ pour son
sijour. M. le General recomniendra expressemenl i I'Escorte d'empccher que lei
sauvages n'approchenl el n'insuUent toul ce qui compose Ic gamison el ne la
pUlent ; lors qu'elle quitlera ses stmes el s'embatquera elle aura le meme soin le
long de la route parlout, ou il pourra servi centre des Sauvages." The addition to
clauM tl, thai the IndUns should have libeity to go where the; pleased is worthy
pieservalion, "Accord^ tnais tl est i propos qu'ils tachenl i le faire eti cachelle."
It is plain that the garrison bore in mind the trealment received by the British
garrison at William Henry. The fact can be read in the stipulation, (hat the
«»COrt should not allow the Indians lo injure the French troops on the whole
length of the route or wherever they might be. This convention was strictly
carried out. Some criticism was afterwards made on the observance of this clause
by MoDtcatm, who ivrote that notwithstanding the great cate of the Ejiglish ofKcert
the Iikdinns had pillaged the equipages at Niagara, to which Amherst replied that
he thought the reports were without ground. Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I.,
gi.a, pp. 17I-279, October, 1759.
-abvG00»^lc
328 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
should have arrogated to himself this position ; for when
Haldimand had been sent in the spring to the Mohawk,
Johnson was only looked upon as the head of the militia.
Haldimand, on the contrary, had been regarded as second in
command, and had remained at Oswego at Amherst's express
desire. Haldimand had, therefore, determined to proceed to
Niagara and assert his rank, but, sooner than make difficulty,
he would serve under Johnson. Amherst immediately replied,
complimenting Haldimand on his determination to act in this
spirit. Amherst heard of Prideaux's death on the 29th of
July, when at Carillon ; he immediately despatched Gage to
take command, thus removing all complications. Gage was
instructed, as soon as he could possibly do so, to take post at
La Galette.
While fort Niagara was garrisoned by the British, the two
upper forts were either destroyed or permitted to fall into
ruins. Fort Schlosser • was subsequently re-established, and
was held by a small party in 1761.
The loss of Niagara was the destruction of French power
on lake Ontario. There alone remained to them, in the
west, Detroit, the Illinois, with the unimportant posts on lake
Michigan. The Ohio was as completely free from French
influence as when C^loron de Bienville, in 1749, entered on its
first exploration and warned off the English traders from its
banks. In 1753 possession had been taken of the upper
waters by Legardeur de St Pierre, and in 1754 fort Duquesne
was built In 1758 Forbes regained fort Duquesne, for its
name to be no longer heard. French occupation of the Ohio
lasted scarcely six years, when it was forever swept away, and
the country left open to the colonist of Pennsylvania and
Virginia. The French had no longer a resting-place on the
shores of lake Ontario or lake Erie ; their only safe mode of
reaching Detroit was by proceeding up the Ottawa and by
* So named after a Gennan officer of the Royal Americans, John Joseph
Schlosser. He had obtained a commission in 1756, and was present as a lieutenant
in Abercrombie's repulse from Ticonderi^a of the Sih of Juljr, where he was
wounded. He was also at the siege of Niagara.
-awGoOi^lc
1759] FORT ROUILLfi. 329
descending lake Huron. Fort Rouill^, at Toronto, when the
capture of Niagara became known, had been destroyed. Its
shattered walls and charred beams were the only mementoes
of French rule on the lake ; and that this spot was not
occupied by the British race, was from the fact alone that
it was no longer of importance.
-abvGoO»^lc
THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l7S9
CHAPTER II.
It was now incumbent upon Amherst to complete the
organization he was himself to lead, in order to advance by-
lake Champlain and attack Ticonderoga and Crown Point
In one respect he found himself greatly embarrassed ; he was
without money and the credit of the imperial treasury had
already lost much of its prestige. From the inability to make
the payment incident to every-day life, public confidence had
become greatly impaired. In this emergency Amherst applied
to the legislatures of New York and Pennsylvania for some
assistance. He asked for a loan of ;ti 50,000 currency from
the former, from the latter ;C50,ooo, " to enable His Majesty's
general to pay debts contracted " and to carry on the public
service.* Amherst wrote to de Lancey, then governor of New
York, on the 14th of June, on the subject, and the house was
specially called to consider the request. On the 26th the
governor sent his message, stating the necessities of the case^
the loan to be issued on bills of the province, redeemable in
twelve months after date, by money obtained on bills of
exchange on the imperial government. The amount was voted
on the 28th of June ; the province to be kept harmless and
to be indemnified from all costs, chaises and damages.
Amherst thanked the assembly very cordially for their loyalty
to the crown and zeal for his service.
* The York shilling whs ihe English sixpence, accordingly ihere were ten
shillings sterling lo the pound, New York. On the other hand, four shillings
were called a dollar, consequently there were two and a half dollars lo the pound.
New York. Thus the ;£i 50,000 currency was equal to $375,000, New York. The
^^50.000, Pennsylvania, appears to have been sterling money. There was the
diffiGulty in Pennsylvania that the governor hesitated to act, as it was contrary to
his instructions from the propiicly to strike paper money. Both Amberst and
Slanwix personally appealed to him, and undertook to represent the difficulties in
which the military authonlies were placed, as a reason for his proceeding without
reference lo the home authorities. Under these circumstances, Denny consented
to disregard the restrictions imposed upon him.
-awGoOi^lc
I7S9] AMHERST'S ADVANCE. 33I
Stanwix wrote to Amherst on the 20th of June "Our credit
is so bad here from the people not being paid, that I have been,
and am obliged to deposit money in the hands of a creditable
person, to pay carriages before they set out." •
On the 20th of June Amherst's force left fort Edward.
Posts were established between that fort and fort George,-^ at
Half-way brook. Two months' provisions were tsfken for the
expedition. The provincial troops arrived slowly and it was
not until the 20th of July that the column was ready to go
forward. The artillery was embarked during the night and
orders were given for the tents to be struck at two o'clock. On
the 2ist they entered the boats at day-break and started at
nine. The army was formed, into four columns, the boats in
each column rowing, two side by side. Gage's light infantry
covered the columns in front, the boats being abreast, while
Whiting's provincials were in the rear. There was no obstruc-
tion to the advance, indeed the magnitude of the force made
opposition impossible. In all ranks it amounted to 11,3764
" Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 91.1, p. 75.
t The DC« (on built by Amherst on the site of the old structure, William
; According to the return given [Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I,, 90, p. 281],
the strength of Amheisl's force was as follows : —
is[ Battalion Roya] Americans 974
I7ih " laie Forbes 734
37lh Innisltillings 744
43nd Rofal Highlanders. 1,023
S3rd Prideaux 728
62nd Montgomery's 960
Gige't Ught Inrantry 534
Rangers 724
Artillery 116
Massachusetts 1,202
New Jersey 991
Lyman, Connecticut 661
Whiting, " 736
Filch, •' . .,". 636
Babcock, " 613
4.839
Total '1,376
-abvG00»^lc
332 THE HISTORY OK CANADA. ['759
At daybreak on the 22nd the first landing was made on the
east side, within three miles of the enemy's post, and the
troops advanced directly to the saw mills. The whole of the
force was landed three hours later in good order, and as each
regiment disembarked it drew up on the beach, and marched
to the same spot. As the rangers crossed the bridge, they
were met by a party of French and Indians ; the latter, how-
ever, were soon dispersed, a few prisoners were taken, and
some Indians killed, whom the rangers scalped. The party
advanced, and took possession of the higher ground, on which
they commenced to intrench themselves. It was a hill which
commanded the fort, and was held by the Massachusetts
troops. From the information received from the prisoners, it
was known that the French only heard of the British advance
at eight o'clock in the morning, and that the report was dis-
believed. The road to the intrenchment was found encum-
bered with trees, which were removed, and two 12-prs. and
two 6-prs. were brought up to the saw mills. A party shewed
themselves on the height, fired, and rapidly retired. News
was brought that men were actively engaged in loading the
bateaux and sloops which were on lake Champlain. On the
morning of the 23rd the troops began their march towards the
intrenchment, when the scouts reported that the enemy had
abandoned their lines, only a few sentries appearing, and that
some buildings in the neighbourhood of the fort had been set
on fire, and were then burning: the fact that men were busy
loading bateaux vids corroborated.
As the British came upon the intrenchment, the scene of
Abercrombie's repulse, it was found to be abandoned, so the
troops marched onwards towards the fort. They were here
received with the dischai^e of cannon. As the regiments
took up their ground, they formed banquettes for protection,
the enemy firing continuously and throwing shells among
them. That night the British troops lay on their arms ; on the
following morning they commenced the construction of the
approaches. The men were, however, very fatigued, and on
that day little work was done. During the night some of the
-abvGoO»^lc
1759] FORT CARILLON ABANDONED. 333
French Indians fired upon the advance posts. Contrary to
orders, the light infantry discharged their muskets. The
instructions had been given to receive any attack with the
bayonet, and a needless alarm was given. An officer of the
17th was killed and some men were wounded. By the 25th
the fascines had been made, and six 24-prs. and some 12-prs.
moved to the front. Two batteries were erected ; one on the
right, 400 yards from the fort, and that of the left 450 yards,
with two mortar batteries. The flat bottomed boats and the
whale boats were carried across t\ie. portage to lake Champlain
with a force to prevent the retreat of the enemy. Towards
the evening of this day colonel Townshend, the quartermaster-
general, was killed by a cannon shot ; some few men fell, and
several were wounded. As night came on the firing ceased ; on
the 26th it was resumed with activity. Rogers was instructed
with a party to descend to lake Champlain, and cut the boom
placed across the narrow waters to the opposite shore. The
French Indians continued their system of war in watching for
small parties off their guard ; they attacked a few men of
Wooster's Connecticut regiment, killed and scalped them ; and
a party of waggoners crossing lake George, running negli-
gently in shore without keeping watch, was seized and every
man scalped. On lake Champlain the enemy's boats were
extremely active, and before dark the French troops in the
fort were observed getting under arms. A portion of them
appeared on the glacis as if contemplating a sortie. They
ceased firing, and some doubt was experienced as to what
would take place, when three deserters came into the camp.
They informed Amherst that the garrison was embarking to
abandon the fort, and were leaving a match in the powder
magazine, the fuse of which would be lighted when the last
man had left, so that the walls could be blown up. Amherst
offered a hundred guineas to any one of these three men who
would return and point out where the fuse was, but they
declined the offer; indeed, they stated they did not know where
it was laid ; it had been placed after they came out, and there
-abvGoO»^lc
334 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
was so much powder in the magazine that they did not con-
sider the British were even safe in their encampment.
At eleven o'clock a loud explosion was heard, and the whole
fort burst into a flame of fire. The French colours were seen
in the blaze flying in the wind. To secure possession of them
a dashing young sergeant with four men of Gage's light
infantry undertook the perilous duty of rushing forward to
■capture them, amid the fire and smoke and the half-ruined
walls. On the left of the British line a party of twenty men
under a cadet was captured. Their account of themselves
was, that they had been absent on particular duty, and that
they must have been forgotten, for they knew nothing of the
abandonment of the fort. The British learned from them,
that two battalions of Berri with a detachment of the marine
troops and the militia had been camped on the French line
under de Bourlamaque the day the British landed, but they
had at once retreated, leaving 400 men in the fort under
HebecourL No news of Quebec could be obtained. On
the 27th the fort continued to burn, when all the camp kettles
were put into requisition and the entire force employed in
extinguishing the flames. It was found that the two sides
near the water were demolished ; the other portion remained
entire, the fire only having reached the upper timbers.
Rogers was successful in taking two bateaux loaded with
powder, and had towed them ashore.
Amherst encamped within the lines, and remained at
Ticonderoga to fish up the sunken boats, and to take steps for
the construction of vessels to contend against the French
armed sloops on lake Champlain. Ticonderoga was the
place where the work must be performed, for there was the
sawmill, and timber could be obtained there. He also
prepared to rebuild the batteries and trenches and to restore
the shattered fort. On the evening of the 28th the fire was
totally extinguished.
These matters systematically commenced, Amherst sent
on five hundred men to Crown Point. On the 29th he heard
of the death of Prideaux and of the unpleasant relations
-abvGoO»^lc
1759] CROWN POINT. 335
between Johnson and Haldimand. He accordingly sent
Gage to take command.
The French force at Crown Point could be clearly seen
from Rattlesnake mountain. Two armed sloops and a
schooner still remained there. The operations were tempo-
rarily discontinued, for the rain fell so heavily on the 30th
that the baleaux could not be forced over the portage.
The damage which the fort had received was now made
known. There was only a part of the walls injured, and all
the work of importance required was the restoration of one
bastion and a part of the curtain. The glacis and covered
way were still good, the casemates uninjured. Eleven excel-
lent ovens remained standing in good condition, and they
proved of the greatest use to the conquerors, for bread could
be baked.
On the rst of August the scouting party returned to report
that Crown Point had been abandoned and destroyed.
Another party brought in a prisoner in French uniform ; the
unhappy man was recognized as a deserter, one too who had
lately been pardoned : he was immediately hanged. On the
evening of the 4th of August news arrived of the capitulation
of Niagara. It was the day that the detachment left to take
possession of Crown Point, where it arrived at two in the morn-
ing. Amherst followed and colonel Eyre was sent to trace
out the lines of a fort, for the injury to the fortifications was
very great. Amherst himself proceeded with his organization
to continue the ascent of lake Champlain, and to force his way
forward to Montreal.
Amherst, hearing of the capitulation, again urged Gage to
descend the Saint Lawrence. Not only was he to take
possession of La Galette, but to proceed as near to Montreal*
as possible. From the Cedars he was to send across to Saint
John's and Chambly to communicate with Amherst, at which
place he then hoped to be.
Considering that Champlain was now a British lake, Amherst
commenced a road from opposite Crown Point to the
* III of August, 1759. Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 91. 1, p. 141.
-abvGoO»^lc
336 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. U7S9
Connecticut river. The road ran in an easterly direction,
inclining to the south ; it was directed to a place then known
as No. 4, now called Charlstown,* A direct communication
with the lake would thus be opened with Massachusetts and
New Hampshire. Two hundred rangers were set to work on
the road.
Looking upon Crown Point as the best possible position on
lake Champlain for a fort, Amherst commenced its restoration.
Four hundred men were set to work on the ground, and three
hundred were engaged in preparing timber in the woods.
The work was much impeded by rain. He also directed an
exploration of Otter creek, which dischai^es into the east
of lake Champlain. Three thousand men were set at work on
the fort. Amherst, from the want of rigged vessels, hesitated
to ascend the lake with sixty-four bateaux and whale-boats.
De Bourlamaque was strongly intrenched at ile aux Noix, and
four vessels were - constantly cruising about, one of which,
"la Vigilette," manned by sailors, had ten guns. Amherst
felt the necessity of constructing vessels to cope with this
force. At one time he entertained the design of burning the
French vessels ; he even obtained the names of the best
swimmers in the force. Some boats were despatched to carry-
out the enterprise, but they found the French on their guard
against surprise.
The events, which had taken place on lake Champlain, had
entirely changed the conditions under which the fort at the
head of lake George had been commenced. The abandon-
ment of Ticonderoga and Crown Point by the French was
regarded as having permanently advanced the British frontier ;
it was on this theory that a new line of road had been opened
to New England. During the summer one portion of the fort
having been completed, in itself forming a certain defence, the
work was stopped, and the men ordered to Crown Point, to
assist in pushing on the fortiBcations at that place.
Amherst wrote to Wolfe from Crown Point in August. The
bearer of his communication was captain Quinton Kennedy,
" So spelt in Sauthier't map of 1779.
DiqitizeabvG00»^IC
1759] THE ABENAKIS. 337
of the 17th, who at the same time received special instruc-
tions to enter into friendly relations with the Abenaki Indians
at Saint Francis. Amherst wrote in the paper, with which
Kennedy was charged, that he was on his way to conquer
Canada, and promised that if the Abenakis remained neutral,
he would give them his protection. The answer to this
mission was to make the bearer a prisoner, and to carry him
and those who accompanied him to Quebec. They consisted
of captain Kennedy, lieutenant Hamilton, captain Jacobs, and
four Indians. It was from Montcalm, on the 9th of Septem-
ber, that Amherst heard that his messenger had been taken,
Montcalm adding that he would send them back with the
exchanged prisoners, but by the laws of war he would be
justified in not surrendering them. Amherst simply replied
that he expected them to be returned. There had always
been much bitterness of feeling against the Abenakis. It
was they who had been the most active in the attacks when
no mercy was shewn. The Indians of the sault and the moun-
tain, to some extent, recognized the claim of kindred with
the tribes on the Mohawk, and they could not always be
relied upon, in the attacks of isolated spots of settlement. The
Abenakis had never hesitated in wreaking the vengeance they
had been sent to execute. They had ever been the most
remorseless allies of the French ; their past history was written
in blood ; their names appear in prominence in the expedi-
tions, the whole intent of which was to destroy, or to carry
away as prisoners those they surprised, in order to make
settlement impossible, from the dread of being killed or forced
into servitude. They were nominally christians, ministered
to by Jesuit priests, many of whom had been present on the
commission of their enormities.
The treatment of Amherst's messenger led him to form the
determination to infliot summary chastisement on the settle-
ment of Saint Francis. The duty was entrusted to Rogers,
with a party of two hundred and twenty picked men, including
several volunteers from the regulars.
In order to prevent the news being carried by spies during
-abvGoO»^lc
338 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['759
the organization of the expedition, Rogers was described in
orders as proceeding in a totally different direction.
Amherst's orders were emphatic. "Take your revenge;
but don't forget that tho' those villains have dastardly and
promiscuously murdered the women and children of all ages,
it is my orders that no women or children are killed or hurt." •
Rogers started on the evening of the 13th of September, in
whale boats. He had to advance up the lake with great
caution, for de Bourlamaque's armed schooners shewed great
activity, and were constantly cruising to intercept any boats or
canoes. On the sth of March, captain Williams, of the Royal
regiment, with several men of the detachment, were injured by
an explosion of gunpowder. With others who had fallen sick,
the whole, to the number of forty, were sent back to Crown
Point Williams returned with reluctance.
On the lOth day Rogers reached Missisquoi bay, between
ninety and one hundred miles north of Crown Point ; he there
concealed his boats. Rogers left behind him two Indians, on
whom he could rely, to watch the craft, and to remain on the
spot until he came back : or, in case the boats were discovered
by the enemy, to follow on his track and give him information
of the fact.
Rogers had not proceeded far towards the Saint Francis on
the route he had selected when he was joined by the Indians,
who informed him that his boats had been burned. The news
much affected him. His hope of retreat was cut off and there
was the loss of the provisions, taken with the boats, likewise a
misadventure. He felt, moreover, the certitude of his being
pursued. Even if, in an encounter, Rogers got the better, the
enemy could be reinforced, while his own force would be cut
off from ali assistance. He resolved, accordingly, to strike
directly for the Saint Francis and to anticipate his pursuers.
It was a march of eighty or ninety miles, through a rough,
unbroken country. He sent off lieutenant McMulIen, to make
his way, as best he could, to Crown Point, to report to Amherst
* Rogers' J oumaJ, p. 14J,
-awGoOi^lc
I759J KOGERS' ATTACK. 339
the facts as they were, and to ask that provisions should be
sent to the mouth of the Amonoosuc, a tributary of the
Connecticut, some ninety miles above No, 4, the modem
Charletown, the last settlement on the river. McMullen and
his party reached Crown Point on the 3rd of October, and
on the following day a party under lieutenant Stephen was
despatched with the supplies required. It was not difficult to
forward the provisions to this spot, for Amherst had caused a
road to be cut, both from Ticonderoga and Crown Point, to
No. 4. The two roads joined within twenty miles of Crown
Point, whence it was continued to No. 4, a distance of between
thirty and thirty-five miles. For nine days Rogers passed
through marshy ground, the water most of the way being a foot
deep. At night they built up their camps upon thick layers of
hemlock boughs : they started before daylight and continued
on their way long after dark. The tenth day they reached the
river Saint Francis, about fifteen miles above the Indian town.
The current was swift, the water five feet deep, fordable with
caution and care. To experienced woodsmen, in one sense, it
was an easy problem ; the men linked arms, and, sustained
by a staff in the hand, the other side was reached. After
cautiously proceeding some distance, Rogers climbed a tree
and discovered that he was within three miles of the doomed
village. Accompanied by two of his officers. Turner and
Avery, he proceeded to reconnoitre the place he was presently
to surprise. He approached sufficiently near to see that the
inhabitants were engaged in an orgie, dancing and yelling. It
was on the 5th of October, the twenty-second day of his
leaving Crown Point, that Rogers' band advanced upon the
town. There were now but one hundred and forty-two men,
officers included. He disposed his force to prevent escape on
the right, left and centre. All were asleep. It was just the
break of dawn ; a rush was made upon the wigwams. Those
who appeared were shot down, those asleep in their beds were
killed ; upwards of two hundred were slaughtered ; some few
endeavoured to escape, and managed to start in their canoes,
-abvGoO»^lc
340 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1759
but they were pursued by forty men of the party, and aH were
shot or drowned. " About seven the affair was over." "
Twenty women and prisoners were taken ; fifteen, however,
of them were immediately released. Rogers brought away
two Indian boys and three girls. He set fire to all the houses
except three, in which there was com, which Rogers took for
his own use. The church was plundered and burned. Rogers
formed the opinion, that several who were in hiding in the
village were burned, including the priest.f
Rogers' loss was one Stockbridge Indian killed, captain
Ogden badly, and six men slightly, wounded. Five English
captives were released by him. Six hundred scalps brought
from New England were hanging as trophies from every door
post, as a memento of the past and an encouragement to
future triumphs in la petite guerre. Rogers says of the
Abenakis, that to his own knowledge, within six years they
had killed and carried into captivity from New England four
hundred persons. In recording his success, Rogers adds that
had not the boats been discovered, he would have got back
without the loss of a man. The corn which was found was
distributed among the men of the detachment for their sub-
sistence; the party had become short of food, and it was all the
supplies that they could obtain. From his prisoners Rogers
heard that four hundred French were about four miles down
the river below him, and that a party of two hundred French
and fifteen Indians had gone up the river Wigwam Martina.
A council of war was called, and it was determined to proceed
homewards by No. 4 on the Connecticut. The detachment
kept together for eight days, until near Ampara Magog J lake,
when it was divided into small companies, with guides given
to each, to assemble at the mouth of the Amonoosuc It was
thought that by these means they could better sustain them-
selves by hunting. Ensign Avery followed on the path of
* It is Rogers' Expression, snd i[ is repealed by Amherst,
t Rogers does nol so slate in his published volume : it is the report of Amheist
to Fit), evidently on the siatement of Rogers. It is plain Dior« letters were
written than Rogers subsequently published.
J So written by Rogers ; evidently take Memphteroagog.
-abvG00»^lc
1759] FAILURE IN OBTAINING WOOD. 341
R(^ers ; a party of the enemy came upon them, and took
seven of them prisoners ; two escaped and joined Rogers ;
finally Avery himself appeared. The other parties eventually
arrived safely, except with one unfortunate exception, that of
Dunbar and Turner. It consisted of twenty in all. None of
them reappeared, so they must have been killed and taken.
We know from a contemporary writer that ten prisoners were
brought to the Indian village, where they were burned and
tortured ; and this in the year that Quebec was taken. *
Amherst had immediately acted upon the request of Rogers
in sending the supplies he asked for. The conduct of lieu-
tenant Stephen, despatched to fulfil this duty, was so infamous
as to be scarcely credible. He reached the place indicated,
and after remaining there forty-eight hours and no one
appearing, he took upon himself to come away, and bring
back the provisions. The fellow was cashiered. It is rarely
so disgraceful an act has to be recorded. As the first parties
of R(^ers approached, they saw the fires burning ; as they
came to where the encampment had been, it was found to be
deserted. The horror of the situation can be conceived. The
men had undergone the greatest labour to reach this spot
They were worn out with fatigue, and for days had had scarcely
sufficient food to keep life together. There was little game
to be found in the place, and scarcely anything eatable to be
obtained but some roots, and these only few in number.
Finding the fires burning, Refers fired guns to bring Stephen
back. These guns Stephen heard, and believing that it was
the enemy approaching, would not return. Rogers, with
Ogden and one of the Indian boys, made a raft with great
labour and descended the Connecticut in search of assistance.
The second day they reached White river falls, over which
the raft was nearly carried ; they all managed, however, to
land. Being too weak to cut down trees, they burned them
* "et en emmenereni to prisoniecs a leur village oil quelques uns malgr^ les
cSbils que les Canadiens purcnt faire poor les sauver devinrcnt les viclimes de la
Tureur des remmes sanvages." Evenemenls de la guerre, elc, p. 71. Hist. Soc.
Quebec.
-abvG00»^lc
342 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
down, and by fire reduced the sticks to the proper length for
the construction of a raft This work occupied them until the
third day. They followed down the stream to Wattock-
quilchey falls. A withe was made of hazel bushes ; Ogden
held it while the raft went down the falls, which extended
over fifty feet. When in quiet water below, Rogers swam in
and paddled the raft to land : had he failed, death was the
only alternative. The next morning they floated down the
stream, and meeting some men cutting wood, provisions were
obtained. In two days relief reached the spot where the
starving men had remained ; ten days after Refers had
started to descend the stream.
Refers subsequently re^scended with other canoes and
provisions, to bring back as many of his party as he could
assemble. It would appear that some died of exhaustion, but
no details are given. Rogers records his loss in the expedi-
tion as three officers and forty-six sergeants and privates.
That is to say, but little short of one-third of the force with
which he made the attack on the 5th of October.
On arriving at No. 4, Rogers despatched captain Ogden, of
Schuyler's regiment, to Amherst He arrived on the 7th of
November. In the afternoon an Indian came in, stating that
he had left sixteen of Rogers' party at Otter creek. Amherst
immediately despatched an officer's party to their help. He
returned with ten rangers and a German woman, who had
been taken at the German flats, " loaded with wampum and
trinkets." Amherst unmistakably expressed his satisfaction
that " this nest of barbarians was now at an end." Rogers
and the men with him proceeded by the road from No. 4 to
Crown Point.*
As Gage considered the responsibilities of descending the
* There is a nanativc of Kc^ets tying in ambush for his pursuers Rt n height
commanding the river where the town of Sherbrooke stands, in which his pan; it
represented as delibenlely liiing on the advancing Indian canoes, killing Dearly
every man, and that an accompanying land parly, on hearing the firing, coming
to their tribe's assistance, meet the same fate. The affair is not mentioned by
Rogers bimKtf in the full detail given by bim of Ibis event, nor is it alluded to in
contemporary documents.
-awGoOi^lc
I7S9] DELAYS IN THE CAMPAIGN. 343
Saint Lawrence to La Galette, in accordance with his instruc-
tions, he became impressed with the difficulties he had to
overcome. He wrote to this effect to Amherst. Gage's after
career does not suggest his fitness for a position which required
capacity, readiness of resource, and moral courage. In the
second rank of nrten he holds a respectable reputation ; he had
courage, personal honour, and ability to act in ordinary occa-
sions. Doubtless, the expedition would have exacted much
exertion and forethought, and it is a question for argument if
it really was practicable. Gage formed the contrary view,
and so represented the case to Amherst.* Pitt towards the
end of the year expressed his disappointment that the attempt
had not been made. His letter to Amherst on the subject is
on the verge of censure of Gage, for he asked further explana-
tions to be sent to him.f
As the autumn was passing away, Amherst ceased to enter-
tain any hope of continuing his advance up lake Champlain,
The construction of vessels he was building went on too
slowly for his impatience; the saw-mill at Ticonderoga was
constantly breaking down, and from time to time there was a
deficiency of material. It became plain to htm that the
campaign could not be concluded before winter, and he had
to accept the unpleasant conviction that it must be prolonged
" mh Sepleraber, 1869. [Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 91.2, p. 557.] Gage
wrote that to undertake the expedition he requited ttiree times the numlKr of men
he bad available, and that he could not furnish La Galelte vilh artillery and pro-
visions without leaving Niagara ill -provided. He was himself in fear of running
short of provisions, and thought (hat he might have to reduce the garrison of
t Pitt to Amherst, nth December, 1759. [N. V. Doc., VII., p. 41S.] " As
joa have not transmitted a copy of Brigadier General Gage's letter (o you, of the
nth September, ]rou ate desired 10 send one by the tttsi opportunity. In the
meantime, ai to the many difhculties & impossibilities which you mention, in
your letter of the 2ind October, (hat (he Brigadier found (here would be in erect-
ile a Pos[ M La Galette before winter, I will only observe that (he Brigadier's
retolution to give over the thoughts of tha( attempt was (aken on the 1 (th of
September, a full month before you yourself judged it not (00 late to adempt it,
with your whole army, a more difficult and dangerous navigation on the Lake
Champlain, in which attempt you persevered so many days, and did not return
with the Troops (o Crown Point till Uie 2ist of OMober."
-abvG00»^lc
344 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
to the following year. The provincials were bound only to
serve until the ist of November; in this matter he did all
that was possible. He applied to the legislature for an
extension of their enlistment He collected provisions in
order that, with the completion of the brig, she should be
placed on service. He constructed a raft eighty-four feet by
twenty feet, to carry six 20-prs., so that the He aux Noix
intrenchments could be vigorously assailed. Towards the end
of September he had news of Wolfe up to the 4th of August,
relating the progress of the siege. Later he was joined by
Hutchins and Stobo, who had left Quebec with news up to
the 7th of September, They were, however, without any
letters from Wolfe. The vessel in which they had sailed came
safely to within thirty miles of Halifax, when they were
attacked by a privateer from Miramichi with four swivels,
which already had taken four other vessels. Their despatches
were accordingly thrown overboard. The two men had been
placed on board a boat, with one day's provisions, and had
made their way to Halifax, and thence to Boston. Amherst
accordingly remained without knowledge of Wolfe's purpose.
By the loth of October the vessels were finished. The
" Duke of Cumberland " was a brigantine of six 6-prs., twelve
4-prs. and twenty swivels, with a crew of 70 seamen and 60
marines. The " Boscawen " was armed with four 6-prs,, twelve
4-prs., twenty-two swivels, 60 seamen and 50 marines. The
vessels started, with the troops following in bateaux. During
the night some of the bateaux lost the track, and in the
morning the boats containing the Royal highland regiment
found themselves among the enemy's sloops at les ties aux
qtiatre vents. The vessels opened fire upon them, and suc-
ceeded in taking one boat containing a lieutenant and twenty
men. Major Keed, the officer in command, with the boats
that escaped, returned to Crown Point The remaining
bateaux and small craft kept company with the sloops, and, as
bad weather was experienced, they took refuge in a bay. At
daybreak the French schooners came in sight The two
British vessels gave chase, with the intention of bringing them
-abvGoO»^lc
'759] APPROACH OF WINTER. 345
to action. They drove the French ships into a bay on the
western shore ; as by this time it was dark, they anchored at
its mouth, and next day sent in boats in search of the enemy.
Two of the French vessels had been sunk in five fathoms of
water and one ran aground ; the crews had escaped. Stormy
weather followed, during which it was not possible for boats
to navigate the lake. The nights turned cold, the lake
partially freezing, A continuance of this weather made it
impossible for any attempt to be made with the force at
Amherst's command ; accordingly on the 2 1 st of October the
troops returned to Crown Point. On the i8th Amherst heard
■of the surrender of Quebec through a letter from Whitmore.
Although Amherst was master of lake Champlain and there
was nothing to interfere with his operations, the season was so
far advanced that nothing could be attempted against ile aux
Noix. In winter, however, the French could rebuild their
vessels and the struggle must recommence in spring. As
nothing further could be attempted Amherst prepared to place
the troops in winter quarters. The sick were forwarded to
fort Edward : additional men were detailed to complete the
road to No, 4 ; the Indians attached to the expedition
returned to Albany ; the sloops with the seamen sailed to the
bay to attempt to raise the sunken French sloops, and they
succeeded in bringing them to Crown Point
The 1st of November arrived, the men had no winter
clothing, so they were served with an additional ration of rum
to meet the emergency. Some of the New Jersey and
Massachusetts troops became " unhinged " and showed their
desire to leave the camp. At the first appearance of this
feeling five pickets of regulars were placed under arms, who, as '
Amherst puts it, "soon settled that matter." A large part of
colonel VVillard's regiment did desert and return home.
Preparations were now made for the discharge of the troops
not composing the garrisons of Ticonderoga and Crown Point.
The lOth of November was the birthday of George II. and a
salute* was fired in honour of the occasion. The men were
* ll was tb« first occasion that a salute was fictd on lake Champlain in honour
-awGoOi^lc
346 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['759
regaled with rum and spruce beer, the latter considered a
specific for scurvy.
At this date we first hear of major Skene, who applied for
the tract of land which he obtained, and eighteen years later
exercised so unfortunate an influence on the mind of Bour-
goyne. He was an applicant for the patent of a tract of land
extending from South bay on lake Champlain towards fort
Edward. The desire of obtaining land was indeed now
becoming to be general, and a memorial was sent in by the
colonels of the Massachusetts and Connecticut regiments offer-
ing to settle townships on the east of lake Champlain along
* the newly-opened road to No. 4 (Charletown).*
The provincial regiments commenced to return homewards.
The Rhode island regiment left by the new road on the 12th
of November. The Connecticut followed on the succeeding
days. The New Jersey troops passed by the way of fort
George. The weather had now become severe ; there was a
hard frost at night, and the first days of winter were present.
Fitch's regiment marched on the 25th. The garrison of
Crown Point was now constituted of the 27th Inniskillens
and two hundred rangers. On the 25th Amherst arrived at
T icon deroga, when the remaining regiments returned home.
Lyman's and Willard's followed the road to No. 4. Six
companies of late Forbes', the 17th, were established at
Ticonderoga. The garrison of fort George consisted of one
company of the same regiment. Gage was cantoned with
the troops under his command in the neighbourhood of
Albany.
On December the 2nd Amherst arrived at Albany and the
of a British monarch. The last occasion on soulhern ]ake Champlain was ihe 4lh
of June, 1774, the birthday of Ceoi^e HI., at Ticonderoga, only fifteen years-
later : the foil, with its forty troops, the following May, having been taken
possession of by that tricky individual, Ethan Allan, with three hundred men.
On nonhem lake Champlain we have still the happiness of showing our deTotion
to British institutions in the honour we pay to the birthday of Her Majesty.
* The signers of the memorial were : Tim Ruggles ; Nathan Whiting ; David
Woostet ; E. Fitch ; Abyah Willard, of MasiachuMtIt bay and colony of Coo-
Dccticut. lOth Novr., 1759. [A. & W. I., 91,1, p. 63]
-abvG00»^lc
»759] CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN. 347
troops destined for New York were placed in sloops to descend
the Hudson ; but the wind remained contrary and it was
severely cold. So extreme was the temperature, that a man
of the Royals and a negro were frozen to death, and three
discharged rangers, attempting to descend the river, were
caught in the ice and suffered the same fate. The regiments
were accordingly disembarked and marched down the west
side of the river until open water was found and they could
proceed by schooner. On the 5th of December Amherst
crossed the river from Albany, as he expresses it, to proceed
on foot to New York, leaving Gage in command. He wrote
from New York to Pitt, thanking the king for the favour
shewn him. " I must beg," he writes, " you will put me at the
king's feet with my most humble acknowledgments." *
A few days after Amherst arrived at New York Monckton,
still suffering from his wound, reached that city.
It is proper to place on record that during the season a road
was opened from Oswego to Stanwix and from Stanwix to
Herkimer. Amherst also took possession of a large tract of
land round the several forts, placing boundary stones to
establish what was to be considered as garrison property,
defining in this respect the rights of the crown,
* This exijreision may have been in vogue in ihoae days, but it is larely lo be
met with. Hitherto Burgoyne has been looked upon as the first to use it.
Amherst, hovrever, preceded him by upwards of seventeen years. It is a transla-
tion of the German phtase, "Ich lege mich zu des Ktfnigs Fiissen," doubtless
familiar 10 Amherst through his service in Germany. This expression is so con-
tiary to the genius and character of the English language and to the British tone of
thought, that it nerer obtained admission among our colloquialisms.
-awGoOi^lc
THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1/59
CHAPTER III.
I have stated in a previous chapter* that in August de L^vis
was sent from Quebec to assume the command at Montreal
and direct the defence of lake Champlain and the upper Saint
Lawrence. He arrived on the 14th of August ; his first care
was given to gather the harvest, then ripe for the sicklef
This duty carried out, with the chevalier de Longueui!, he
ascended the river to examine its defensible points. At the
Cedars, he observed that the passage of the enemy might be
opposed, by the church being fortified and by batteries advan-
tageously constructed. He examined the Long Sault to the
ile au Chat, coming down on the southern side. On the 19th
he reached ile Galops, where de la Corne was established.
Passing to La Presentation he landed there and at Point au
Baril, and continued his journey to Frontenac. Finding twelve
guns, some bullets and a quantity of iron, which had not been
removed by Bradstreet, he placed the whole in his canoes and
carried them away. He returned down the river, and, on reach-
ing de la Corne's post, he directed him to fortify a small island
nearer to Ogdensburg, in the southern channel. At this day it
is known as Chimney island ; at the period when fortified it
received the name of fort L^vis.
De L^vis considered that the artillery from this island would
command both sides of the river and would furnish protection
to any shipping below it, Picquet was at La Presentation and
as he was always striving for effect he arranged for de Levis
to be received at a council of Indian women. Nothing of
significance took place ; the proceeding resolved itself into a
matter of compliment to de L^vis. There was a leading
female orator, who informed de L^vis that they had admitted
■ A me, p. j6o.
t Ante, p. 26S.
-abvG00»^lc
'759] DE LfiVIS IN COMMAND. 349
him to their tribe and had given him the name of a former
great Onondaga chief, Orakouintone, the hanging sun. De
L^is had his fears that some further obligations would be
entailed upon him, for they brought before him the prettiest
young squaws, the most carefully adorned with vermilion.
An Indian wife was not to de Levis' taste, so thanking them
for the honour they had shewn him, he promised from that
moment to think of them as his brothers and sisters, and in
their honour he gave the name of Orakouintone to the island.
De L^vis remained examining the district until the 3rd of
September, recognizing the importance of the position of the
islands as the means of opposing the descent of the river.
The new works were traced out by D^sandroins, while Picquet
with great ceremony performed mass, and blessed the new
fort in the presence of his Indians and de la Corne's force.
He had an eye for eiTect, and he readily availed himself of
any opportunity by which he could gratify his taste.
De L^vis arrived at Montreal on the sth of September.
After making arrangements for the winter supplies to be sent
to de la Corne, he visited ile aux Noix and Chambly. He
was satisfied with the care which had been taken by de Bour-
lamaque, and after an inspection of the fortifications he
returned to Montreal, where he arrived on the nth, to hear
within forty-eight hours of the defeat at Quebec. I have
described de Levis' conduct when these unfortunate circum-
stances first became known to him.* They entirely changed
his position in the colony; by the death of Montcalm, he was
now in chief command, and he assumed the duties of that
rank. It was necessary to determine the quarters to be
assigned to the troops. The great body of the army was
maintained at Point aux Trembles with an outpost of four
hundred men, placed at the upper bridge of the river at cap
Rouge. De Bougainville remained at Saint Augustin. Four
days later there was a further retreat. The army was posted
at Jacques Cartier, de Bougainville was removed to Point aux
Trembles, and the detachment from cap Rouge to Saint
* Aote, p. 2934
-awGoOi^lc
350 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
Augustin. Two regiments were stationed at Dechambeau to
prevent any landing being made there. The difficulty con-
tinued of obtaining provisions. The troops lived on from day
to day, and it sometimes appeared as if it would be necessary
to disband the force from the want of provisions. No effort
was spared to obtain food. It was Ukewise deemed essential
to send an account of the situation of the colony to France,
and appeal for help. Le Mercier was selected as the bearer
of the despatch. He was to take a passage on one of the
ships of the commissary. Ten of these vessels in company
descended the river, and on the 22nd of November came in
sight of Quebec, There was no naval force to oppose them,
the last of the British fleet had left on the 26th of October,
and the only opposition would be from the guns of the place.
As the wind fell they retired higher up the river. On the
following day some rough weather was experienced, when five
of the ten ships were driven ashore. Captain Miller, of the
■"Racehorse," without orders from Murray, manned his boats
with the design of burning these vessels. Finding one of the
vessels aground on the south shore, he went on board, and
passing into the cabin, lighted a fire. Some loose powder
scattered about was ignited, causing the vessel to explode.
Himself, the lieutenant, and forty-four men were killed ; two
only escaped, some sailors left in the "Racehorse" boats
were also made prisoners. A small schooner had been sta-
tioned above Quebec for the purpose of making signals of the
movements of the French. Emboldened by Miller's disaster,
captain Canon, the officer in command of the French ships,
with his boats attacked and took her. The loss of these sea-
men was much felt by the British, as they included many
ship-carpenters. The affair is recorded by Murray as the
useless sacrifice of life. Five of the French vessels sailed
past the guns of Quebec uninjured, and with one exception,
which ran aground, were able to reach France ; five of those
making the attempt were lost west of the city in the storm,
having been driven ashore Four vessels, two of which were
-abvGoO»^lc
I7S9] PROJECTED WINTER ATTACK. 351
frigates, remained in the upper part 6( the river and wintered
at Sorel.
De Levis' desire was to place a number of Indians near
Lorette, from whence they would issue on all occasions to
harass the garrison and to prevent the supply of wood being
obtained. The design was impracticable from the want of
food to give them. His attention was therefore directed to '
the possibility of attacking the Quebec garrison during
winter, and he began his preparations, so that the troops would
be ready to take the field when opportunity offered for the
movement. As it would be difficult to defend the province
should a powerful British fleet in spring take possession of
Quebec, his hope lay in the early arrival of a French naval
force capable of driving the British ships from the Saint
Lawrence. Should no such assistance be sent, de L^vis con-
sidered that the defence should be obstinately maintained, ■
every aid being called into requisition to prolong it. His
hope was to be able to hold the colony under French rule, to
however limited an extent ; but if every effort proved unavail-
ing and the French were forced to succumb, he had resolved
to retreat to Louisiana. In these desperate circumstances it
appeared feasible to de L^vis to attack the British garrison.
The practicability of such an expedition was discussed during
the winter months in Montreal ; many projects of attack were
anxiously considered, and so much was said upon the subject
that its success was looked upon as certain. There was one
plan which promised the result hoped for, but it was attended
with a risk so great, that it might make the most dauntless
nature hesitate to adopt it. It was possible, under certain
conditions, to surprise Quebec in the depth of winter by a
forced march, to escalade the walls, to carry the works at the
bayonet point, and obtain a lodgment in the town. It was a .
project peculiarly to demand the consideration of the character
of the troops to be attacked. The British garrison was
composed of young men who had been engaged in warfare
for two years, sustained by the recollection of their triumphs
at Louisboui^ and at the conquered fortress they were holding.
-abvGoO»^lc
3S2 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^759
The French had learned at Ticonderoga their power of
endurance, and they had seen on that day how little they
could count upon a panic, however unlocked for their own
attack. Moreover, many asked, was it possible to come before
Quebec with a large force unobserved ; and success to a
great extent depended on the surprise being complete. The
position of the town itself added to the uncertainty : for it
.could be attacked on one side only, from the plains of
Abraham. The probability is that, had such an attempt been
made, half the assailants would have been killed, and the
remainder would have been beaten off ignominiously.
After mature consideration de L^vis resolved to defer any
movement until the opening of the navigation. In the
meantime scaling ladders were prepared and the requirements
of the expedition generally considered, the principal of which
was the collection of provisions. The inhabitants of Montreal,
although suffering from the general distress of the colony, had
not been directly injured by the war, as was the case in the
district of Quebec and to some extent at Three Rivers. They
were applied to, to bring all they could furnish, and de Levis
was enabled to perfect his arrangements. He carefully con-
sidered his plan of organization and took all possible means
to assure a fortunate result.
Everything that happened at Quebec was reported to
Montreal. The troubles and privations which the garrison
suffered, the continued sickness of the troops, and the conse-
quent reduced number for defence, were all well known ; and
there was the predisposition to consider matters worse than
they were. Even in November it was believed that the troops
in Quebec would suffer much during the winter from being
ill-lodged and imperfectly provided with firewood, and much
weight was attached to the sickness which prevailed. De
L^vis considered therefore that with a powerful force he could
in a few days master the slender resistance which would be
offered, and he resolved, as soon as the river was sufficiently
* Major Grant's memoranduin on his leave on the IJlh of November. Cm,
Arch., A. & W. I., 92.1, p. 144. s
-abvG00»^lc
1759] M- OE PONTBRIAND. 3S3
free of ice for the boats to descend, the attempt should be
made. Between the loth and 15th of April the river became
open, and steps were taken to load the vessels with stores and
guns and prepare the two frigates which were to accompany
the expedition. The numt/er of troops which de L^vis had
gathered together was about 7,000, of this number 5,000 were
Canadian militia. They had, however, been incorporated
with the other troops, and formed part of the regular batta-
lions. It was the strength of the force selected early in April
to constitute the expedition, but it was anticipated that they
would be joined by a considerable number of the militia of
Three Rivers and of Quebec, who, as the advance became
known, would immediately attach themselves to de Levis'
force. Even those who had no arms could act as pioneers
and were capable of rendering great service. Every attempt
was made to awaken the national susceptibilities of the
native Canadian, one of the most powerful of which was the
devotion to his religious faith, and dread of interference with
its profession.
The bishop of Quebec at that date was M. de Pontbriand, of
an ancient Bretagne family ; he had been appointed in 1741.
At the commencement of July. 1759, when the siege began, he
retired to Charlesbourg. After the defeat of the French, on
the close of September, he proceeded to Montreal where he
died on the 8th of June, 1760, at the comparatively early age
of fifty-one. In the first years of the war he had issued his
Mandements for a Te Detim to be sung on every French triumph,
and had directed public prayers to be offered for the temporal
and spiritual wants of the inhabitants. The expatriation of
the Acadians furnished the occasion of a powerful religious
exhortation, and he called upon the Canadians to oppose the
ambitious projects of their neighbours. He described any
promises made by the British as in no way to be relied on;
soon they would have the grief to see introduced into the
diocese where faith had always been so pure, the detestable
errors of Luther and Calvin. They were engaged in the
contest, not only to keep possession of their property, but to
-abvG00»^lc
354 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l759
preserve their vast country from heresy, and the monstrous
iniquity which heresy at each moment was bringing forth.
Belle Riviere, fort Bull, the defeat of the British at Oswego,
the successes at lake Sacrament, all called forth a Te Denm.
The desolation carried into the provinces of Virginia and
Pennsylvania received special mention, and processions and
prayers for success were ordered from the faithful. Even the
impotent attempt of de Rigaud received praise, as having led
to a change in the vast project of the enemies. The destruc-
tion of fort William Henry was especially lauded and the sub-
sequent massacre by the Indians explained away. The French
nation, M. de Pontbriand declared, held in horror even the
appearance of perfidy, and placed its chief glory in its fidelity
to the simplest promise. One more Te Deum was to be sung
for the success of Montcalm, of the 8th of July, 1758, at
Ticonderoga, when the enemy was put to flight with the loss
of 4,000 men, " while we did not lose two hundred, and while
thus thanking the God of battles, let us pray for those who are
dead since the commencement of the campaign." "
it was the last song of thanksgiving the churches of Canada
were to chant for victory. From that date the processions
were ordered to sing the penitential psalm of "Miserere met
Deus." Deus refzigitiin was to be recited in the mass ; and
when the blessing of the holy sacrament was made, Domine
non secundum was to be recited.t Special instructions were
addressed to the cur^s as to their conduct if the enemy should
reach their parishes. They were told that they were not to
* Mandemenls des Kveques, p. tiS.
"t " Miserere mei Deus secundum magnam misericoTdiam luam." Psalm L., I.
" E>eus nosier refugiuin el virtus." The first words of a well known orison in
the Roman missal.
" Non secundum peccata facias nobis. Neque secundum iniquitates nostras
retribuaa nobis."
The first psalm fomis part of the Roman Breviai; or canonical office.
The latter versicle, preserved in our church service as " Deal not with us
According to our sins, Neither reward us according to our iniquities," is liturgical.
It is one ol the invocations following the Roman litanies of the saints [Litanise
Majores], which are chanted on the feast of Saint Mark, the Rogation days, and
the opening and closing of the "fort; hours adoration," &c.
-abvG00»^lc
I
1759] THE BISHOP'S INSTRUCTIONS. JSS
take part in the contest, to remain unarmed as the almoner
on the field of battle. If the enemy obtained possession of
the locality, the o/r/ might take a conditional oath of fidelity,
and could promise that he would do nothing directly or in-
directly against the conquerors. Religious service could be
conducted by the British force in the church at the hour they
would select, and he could afterwards perform the mass for
his own parishioners. The airi should avoid in preaching
and in conversation everything that could irritate the author-
ities. M. de Pontbriand considered even the contingency of a
marriage between an English protestant and a catholic : in
such a case, the car/ was to avoid in every possible way taking
part in it. If forced to be present, he should only attend as a
witness, and pronounce no one of the words prescribed by the
church. He was positively ordered to refuse absolution to
the Roman catholic who was a principal in the ceremony.
On his arrival in Montreal, M. de Pontbriand prescribed the
ceremonies for Montcalm and the dead who had fallen before
Quebec, and on the 17th of April, before the departure of de
L^vis on his expedition, prayers were again ordered ; and those
offering them were told, that their piety during the winter
should lead them confidently to trust in the protection of
heaven, for the success of the coming campaign.
-abvGoO»^lc
THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['759
CHAPTER IV.
Murray's duties in the command which he assumed at
Quebec, from the first hour, were arduous and exacting. The
strength of the garrison itself had been regulated by the
quantity of supplies, which could be left for its maintenance,
during the winter, until the arrival of the ships in spring. Few
provisions could be obtained in the neighbourhood. The
question resolved itself into the consideration, not of the
number of men required to maintain the place, but the num-
ber which could be fed. Another important circumstance was,
that the men were insufficiently clothed for the rigours of the
season, and there was no possibility of supplying this want,
from which inevitably they must suffer. A limited quantity
of cord-wood for fuel had only been obtained, and the ac-
commodation for the troops was imperfect and unsatisfactory.
Mgr. de Pontbriand has left a description of the city after the
bombardment* It was written at Montreal after the surrender,
a few months before his death. One hundred and eighty
houses had been burned, and most of the others had suffered
from the shot. The vaults into which the inhabitants had
placed their property, had been pillaged during the siega
The cathedral had been entirely burned. The only place of
the seminary habitable was the kitchen. This institution had
suffered outside the city by the destruction of its property ;
four farms and three mills of importance had been destroyed
and devastated. The church of the lower town had been
demolished. The chapels of the recollets, the Jesuits, and the
seminary had undergone the same fate. The only spot where
worship could be decently conducted was in the Ursuline
chapel. The three nunneries, the ursulines, the hospital
nuns and the Hfltel-Dieu, had greatly suffered. The bishop's
• " Descriplion imparfaite de la mif^c au Canada."
-awGoOi^lc
1759] SCARCITY OF FIREWOOD. 357
palace was entirely destroyed. The buildings of the Jesuits
and recollcts received much injury, but they were capable of
being placed in sufficient repair to furbish quarters for the
troops. The priests and the members of the orders for the
most part had left the city ; a great number of the inhabitants
abandoned the place, but a certain portion of them lingered
behind. They were those who had no other homes, and who
preferred to remain under whatever privation they might
endure, to the risk of seeking an uncertain, precarious living
elsewhere. It is to be feared that many of them suffered from
poverty, and the difficulty of supplying their daily wants.
By the end of September, such of the French garrison as
had surrendered prisoners of war were embarked on the trans-
ports for England. An oath of allegiance was tendered to the
militia included in the surrender ; those accepting it, on giving
up their arms, were permitted to leave for their farms. A
guard, however, was placed at the gates, and nothing allowed
to be taken out of the town which could be of use to the
garrison. Men were set to cut cord-wood. The provisions,
ammunition, supplies, and stores, with much labour, were
carried to the upper town and placed in security. All the
sleighs were taken by the garrison, fears having been early
felt on the subject of firewood. By the end of October the
fleet had sailed away, the only two vessels remaining being the
sloops of war " Porcupine " and " Racehorse." Sixty-one
hogsheads of wine had been found in the King's stores, and
they were distributed among the officers of the garrison. The
November cold was becoming trying ; the hospital nuns,
in consequence, applied for wood as they could not obtain it
In the emergency the neighbouring parishes were ordered to
furnish fifty cords each, for which Murray agreed to pay. At
this early date, Murray, fearing that he might be attacked, sent
two hundred men to take possession of, and fortify Saint Foy
church. Similarly,he placed a party at Lorette, so no approach
towards the city could be made without discovery. Some
attempts at marauding were commenced and cattle in the
neighbourhood of the gates were carried off". It was difficult to
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358 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. ['759
tell whether it was the work of Indians or an irregular force
sent to harass the garrison. Accordingly, Murray published
a manifesto warning the inhabitants against undertaking such
enterprises. He also modified the regulations affecting parties
leaving the town ; they were permitted to take out anything
they desired except provisions, leather,, soap and candles,
which were be^nning to be scarce. He established likewise a
civil jurisdiction, and colonel Young was appointed chief judge.
The garrison began to relax in discipline ; there was
much drunkenness and theft, joined to desertion. To meet
the latter crime, Amherst offered five guineas to anyone
taking a deserter, or who would furnish information concerning
parties who incited to the crime. Drunkenness became so
prevalent, that Murray withdrew the licenses he had given to
some taverns, and any man made a prisoner in that condition
was ordered to receive twenty lashes every morning until he
gave information where he had obtained the liquor. One
soldier was hanged for theft ; also a Canadian for inciting
soldiers to desert, a soldier being detected in his house having
taken off" his uniform. One deserter was reprieved on giving
the information that a priest had induced him to leave his
regiment ; while one Baudoin, a priest, was banished for
taking advantage of his position in the hospital, to attempt
to make converts.
As early as the end of November, Murray heard that it
was the intention of the French about Christmas, to make an
attempt to recover Quebec. He accordingly constructed a
series of block-houses to protect the fortifications. The
extreme rigours of winter did not encourage the belief that a
regular siege would be undertaken ; it was foreseen that if the
attempt were made, it would be in the form of a coup de main.
In order to prevent the assembly of a large force on the south-
em shore, Murray detached two hundred men, who established
themselves at Point L^vis ; at the same time he called upon
the inhabitants to take an oath of fidelity to act in accordance
with the conditions of the proclamation he had published, not
to take part in any movement, and the assurance was added
-abvGoO»^lc
1/59] ORDINANCES. 359
that by so acting they would be maintained in the possession
of their property, and the enjoyment of their civil rights.
The supply of wood remaining insufficient, every effort was
made to obtain it. The cold was now severely feU by* the
imperfectly clad troops ; and as marching became difficult on
the frozen roads, " creepers " • were served out. Sentries were
relieved every hour instead of every two hours, as was the
custom. Several of the men were frost-bitten, and the utmost
care was taken to guard against this casualty. Snow-shoes
were obtained, and the men regularly exercised with them, so
as to be able to take the field, and move easily and with regu-
larity over the untrodden, deep snow. Murray's chief anxiety
was regarding cord-wood, so the regiments were instructed
themselves to obtain it, the men being allowed extra pay when
engaged in cutting it and bringing it to town : while attend-
the sleighs many were frost-bitten. Murray relates that from
the 17th to the 24th of December, 153 of the garrison were
frost-bitten, and that the whole party of captain Leslie of
200 men, sent to the south shore, except two, was similarly
affected.
Murray endeavoured to regulate the markets, and to estab-
lish the price of grain, the supply and price of butchers' meat
and of bread, and exerted himself to establish a system of
good government, the predominant principles of which were
justice and honesty. By proclamation he established a
schedule of value of the current coin, French and English.
The consequence was, that by the end of the year the Cana-
dians had accepted his rule, and had returned to their occu-
* This expression may require exptanalion. The winler "creeper " k a small
iron frame wi[h shatpened points placed beneath the boot and strapped to it, so
that in walking the weight of the body presses the points into the ice, and the
wearer obtains a perfeclly firm hold, and avoids all risk of slipping. On the
approach of winler, horses are similarly cared for : the two fore shoes are turned
up by a strong iron spike, (he " calk " of about an inch long inserted into the toe
of the shoe, so that it obtains a secure B"P on the ice. The hind shoe is
untouched. Those who use ihe saddle in winter cover (he stirrup with tallow, to
keep il from rost, and lap the stirrup with thick cloth ; the ball of the fool can
with this arrangement keep its place in Ihe stirrup, which, with the frost on the
icon, would otherwise be difAcutt.
-awGoOi^lc
360 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [I760
pations. From cap Rouge on the north, and from the
Chaudiere on the south shore, the inhabitants eastward had
taken the oath of fidelity and surrendered their arms. The
ordinances issued at Quebec were generally obeyed, and the
parishes near the city assisted in furnishing wood, while
bullocks, hay, straw and oats were brought to market. It is
at this date we first meet the term Upper Canada, Murray
describing the district of Montreal by that name.
The reports continuing to reach Murray